Etymological Dictionary
of the
Slavic Inherited Lexicon
Rick Derksen
LEIDEN INDO-EUROPEAN ETYMOLOGICAL DICTIONARY SERIES
‘BRILL
Etymological Dictionary of the
Slavic Inherited Lexicon
Leiden Indo-European
Etymological Dictionary Series
Edited by
Alexander Lubotsky
VOLUME 4
Etymological Dictionary
of the Slavic Inherited
Lexicon
By
Rick Derksen
LEIDEN * BOSTON
2008
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ISSN: 1574-3586
ISBN: 978 90 04 15504 6
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
PREBAGE sisissecivsstchscvesa ss tovesbescabedvtessvesssaucs'sldeesencsdaossteestesaeusd saeapeen cavesucs ebeusoulevecs sisouibucecabestasss vii
ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS se saicsssescvsiessscscsietvsuis cbsiveutiesavebedscsterusescdsisaavusunierscvstseucavitienee ix
INTRODUGTION( si saceds esiceisactuets apasucsseascvets ausadsed sanavwey ancshs sdageiieds ou teSecaeasanebvapcansstagelee outawieeaseess 1
1, Origin: Of the Cictiomary sissies. sieecwsee cpus bneasapeboasevsbtesvaeneotsvayssesduasonvntvbbasaneduoetsanentneavenths 1
2. Eheoretical framewOrk acencdesiencragdsetatracinin dardsecduid escusitueaestleceyertieeitietens 2
2.1 General considerations and Proto-Indo-European ........csceeseseeseeseeeeseenees 2
2.2. Balto-Slavic accentolOgy ........eescesssesseessesssessessseesscssessesstessessessessesstessesseesseseneens 3
2.2.1 IntrodticttOnies ici fish seein SR eae el 3
2.2.2. Balto-Slavic developments ............. oer
2.2.2.1 The rise of the mobile paradigm... ad
yap iy a ea Oh .. 6
D929.3' @ Winters laW:s, sissies eouivis eoeessea gh cibulae Saans ol eben aaa vas ein oes tI eee aT 7
2:9:3° .Slavie-accentolOgy.ai.sisin raiechaintiendeciinsinaecieteviatiutdedeeetena nuts te 8
2.2.3.1 Introduction: Stang 1957.0... ceseseesessesseseseessessssessesnseessesnseessesnsaessessaeesesnsaeeseans 8
2.2.3:2. Progressive SHALES: «..,..:-..iesovseasesenseeJonvegnscenvonsscousenoevesoustedyatuonnsenssousdessenestesorsoedaese 9
2.2.3.3 Illi¢-Svityé’s law and the neuter 0-stems 0... es eeseeeeesneeeesnceseeneeseeneeseenees 10
2.2.3.4 The fate of the Balto-Slavic acute and circumflex......c.ccececcesssssseescseseeeees 12
2.3 Substratum DOrrowingS oes eseesssesseseseeeseseseeesesnseeesesssesnsaessessaeeessaeeseans 14
4. Structure of the entries. <..siscndaeh ieee bial aid Sta ae eee een 16
3.1 The reconstructed etyMO .......ceeeceeeesesseesseessessesessesstessesseessessnesstesnessesees 16
3:2 Grammatical information .........cccccccscsssesssseesesescsescscecscesscsessesesesesesesesesesseseness 16
3.3 Accent paradigms: iievsisceieecendeoetssescsiesetarides Gagiuarseneliepavecibte tebtlendsteshlendnadoaes 17
3.4 Meant gs ccsisasceatssiaieteatstvisccngeaatevedas avestauavsbitassteasesavivas sodvabanseuiivan catesesoten 17
3.5 TESS J eects beagelSis sce Peetatets Na eae Mas S Goes RAG See Peek Bab vse Reale Meee hees 17
3.6 Church: Slavica: sabosssesisctaseasawtessacssaaieabelaen Heeve cestode, sis aecbeits Hes Bases an aases 17
3.7 | EFT Bas) csp ot 18
3.8 West: Slavic sesits can trai scgusiesondlsiecsowe basa cea ial bas SG saa sae sakes 18
3.9 South Slavicis:.t05. cenit Saheteletastetevte tals Sedkbaaeee te acd ech hoe eee ue ake 19
3.10 Balto-Slaviciviieck tasieiinncts. ieee isto ln Giasaans Seas BEB 20
3.11 Bath osshs, des ccden tecsstda cbdeecys iccsstoede ss gu eseias be uiaiadehsates Geos Wak aes Wah tastes tetnes 21
3.12 Proto-Indo-European oo... ececesessecsseeessseeesesesseesesnseessesnsaesesnseessesneansaeesesneaes 22
3.13 CORALS aenists ieaees sescdestterensevunteuess ietaedensnsetts dua cuter cebushdeacudepnuteltd sedesgsunedobessnesee 22
3.14 — Discussion of the etymology.......eceecsseesseesseescssesssesstesssssessessneentesnesseesees 22
3.15 NOTES hostess raed soetvcss tes cass Saeweteuh setaceouesctensodunetisbensetvetecbasdrouch eanueebvese ouster teas 22
3.16 Cross-referenicés viii nnuiiavaniagin cia aiiiinr tales en add bana 22
vi
DICTIONARY
REFERENCES
INDICES........
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PREFACE
The work on the etymological database on which this dictionary is based began in
the autumn of 1998 and continued until the spring of 2002, when I started compiling
a Baltic etymological database. The project was financed by the Nederlandse
Organisatie voor Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek (NWO), whose support I gratefully
acknowledge. Since July 2005 I have been employed part-time as an editor of the
Indo-European Etymological Dictionary project, which position is financed by Leiden
University and Brill. In this period I completed the Slavic etymological database as
much as possible and transformed it into a book.
It is my convinction that historical linguistics is all about details. Most of the
entries that make up this dictionary fail to meet the standard that I consider
desirable for etymological investigations. That said, I admit that the project of a
single-volume Slavic dictionary to be written by one author called for a different
approach. This book is as much a tool for further research as it is a collection of
etymological case-studies. I hope that I shall be able to tie up some loose ends in my
Baltic etymological dictionary.
For at least ten years the collaborators of the IEED have exchanged views at
Tuesday morning sessions. It seems appropriate to thank all colleagues who took part
in these sessions at one time or another and may have made a contribution to the
present dictionary. They are, in alphabetical order: Lucien van Beek, Robert Beekes,
Dirk Boutkant, Johnny Cheung, Michiel Driessen, Alwin Kloekhorst, Guus Kroonen,
Alexander Lubotsky, Hrach Martirosyan, Michaél Peyrot, Tijmen Pronk, Peter
Schrijver, Michiel de Vaan, and Caroline aan de Wiel. I owe special thanks to
Alexander Lubotsky for his willingness to be the sole proofreader of the manuscript.
Jan Bicovsky provided useful comments on the Czech material. For technical support
I would like to thank Thomas Olander, who supplied a font that even includes
Slovincian, and Maarten Hijzelendoorn, who wrote a macro for generating the
indices. Furthermore, I would like to express my gratitude to Willem Vermeer, who
was always prepared to share his vast knowledge of Slavic accentology, and my
promotor Frederik Kortlandt, whose work in the field of Slavic provided the
foundation for this dictionary.
To my regret, our Ukrainian colleague Anatolij Nepokupnyj, linguist and poet,
who always showed a keen interest in the Balto-Slavic component of the IEED, is no
longer with us to witness the publication of this dictionary. I fondly recall our
conversations in Vilnius and Paris.
Leiden, October 2007
Aeol.
Alb.
Arm.
AV.
Bel.
Bret.
BSI.
Bulg.
CS
Cak.
CroatCS
MLat.
ABBREVIATIONS
ABBREVIATIONS OF LANGUAGES
Aeolic
Albanian
Armenian
Avestan
Belorussian
Breton
Balto-Slavic
Bulgarian
Church Slavic
Cakavian
Croatian Church Slavic
Czech
Danish
Doric
Dzukian
Estonian
Finnish
Gaulish
Greek
Gothic
Hittite
Hungarian
Kajkavian
Kashubian
Late Avestan
Lower Sorbian
Latin
Latvian
Lithuanian
Livonian
Lombardian
Middle Bulgarian
Middle Dutch
Middle English
Middle High German
Middle Irish
Middle Low German
Medieval Latin
Moravian
Middle Welsh
(Ancient) Macedonian
Macedonian
Modern Dutch
Modern English
Modern French
Modern Greek
Modern High German
Modern Irish
Mongolian
Norwegian
Old Belorussian
Old Cornish
Old Church Slavic
Old Czech
Old English
Old High Herman
Old Icelandic
Old Irish
Old Latin
Old Lithuanian
Old Polish
Old Prussian
Old Russian
Old Saxon
Old Slovak
Old Swedish
Old Welsh
Ossetic
Proto-Germanic
Piemontese
Polish
Polabian
Proto-Slavic
Russian
Russian Church Slavic
Romanian
xX ABBREVIATIONS
SCr. Serbo-Croatian Sw. Swedish
SerbCS — Serbian Church Slavic Toch.B —_Tocharian B
Skt. Sanskrit USzb. Upper Sorbian
SIk. Slovak Ukr. Ukrainian
Sln. Slovene WwW Welsh
SInc. Slovincian Zem Zemaitian
Span. Spanish
ABBREVIATIONS OF GRAMMATICAL TERMS, ETC.
A accusative inj. injunctive
act. active L locative
adj. adjective m. masculine
adv. adverb med. middle
aor. aorist N nominative
C consonant n. neuter
c. commune sg. singular
conj. conjunctive pass passive
D dative pf. perfect
du. dual pl. plural
f. feminine pres present
G genitive pret preterite
I instrumental pte. participle
imper. imperative Vv vocative
impf. imperfect v. verb
inf. infinitive
SYMBOLS
* reconstructed form C consonant
> developed into Vv vowel
< developed from R resonant
>> analogically replaced by N nasal
<< analogically replacing I ioru
INTRODUCTION
1. ORIGIN OF THE DICTIONARY
The dictionary is based on a database that was created within the context of the
Indo-European Etymological Dictionary project (IED). The circumstance that the
dictionary originates from a database is still apparent from the way the lemmata are
structured. This type of rigid structure is at times a burden for the author, but it also
increases the value of the dictionary as a book of reference.
The main objective of the dictionary is to present an up-to-date etymological
account of the Slavic inherited lexical stock. Since there is no consensus on neither
the reconstruction of the Indo-European proto-language nor on the reconstruction
of Proto-Slavic, the etymological dictionary is bound to represent my personal views,
which obviously reflect my academic background (see section 2). Few will deny,
however, that especially from the Indo-Europeanist’s point of view the dictionary is
more up-to-date than, for instance, the Etimologiceskij slovar’ slavjanskix jazykov
(ESSJa) or Pokorny’s treatment of the Slavic material in his Indogermanisches
etymologisches Wérterbuch (IEW).
As to the scope of the dictionary, it must be said that it has not been easy to
define the set of etyma that were to be discussed. It was completely out of the
question that I should be able to cover as many lemmata as the ESSJa, which at the
moment contains about 20,000 entries (many of them marginally attested and of
unknown origin), neither would it have been desirable for a dictionary concentrating
on the inherited lexical stock. It was therefore decided to focus on etyma that have
been part of the scholarly discussion in the field of Indo-European linguistics, e.g.
etyma that occur in Pokorny’s dictionary or LIV. Obviously, this selection includes a
number of etyma that may be considered borrowings from a non-Indo-European
substratum language (see 2.2). Excluding such etyma would not be very wise, as the
classification of a word as, for instance, “North Indo-European” is merely provisional.
Furthermore, even the possibly non-Indo-European elements of the Proto-Slavic
lexicon usually meet the IED’s criterion that an etymon must be attested in at least
two branches of Indo-European in order to be included.
An important difference between the present dictionary and etymological
dictionaries such as the ESSJa or the Slownik prastowianski (Stawski SP) is the fact
that an attempt is made to reconstruct the prosodic characteristics of the Proto-
Slavic etyma. I regard this as a justifiable goal in itself, but Kortlandt’s theory about
the origins of the Balto-Slavic acute and circumflex intonations (see 2.2.3.3), to which
I subscribe, adds significantly increases the importance of Baltic and Slavic
accentology for the reconstruction of Proto-Indo-European. The accentuation of an
etymon may reveal the former presence of a laryngeal or be decisive in cases where it
is unclear whether or an aspirated or an unaspirated voiced stop must be
reconstructed.
2 INTRODUCTION
At an earlier stage of the project I planned to present the reconstruction of the
accent paradigms more or less as given facts. Then I decided to provide more
information on the accentuation of the forms attested in the individual languages,
for instance by adding information on the accentuation in Old Russian or presenting
a number of case-forms. While this dictionary does not aim at completeness, I have
strived for an accurate representation of reliable data. Since the database hopefully
remains available on-line, the set of data may be expanded.
Unlike many other etymological dictionaries, the present dictionary does not
abound in references. The Etymologicky slovnik jazyka staroslovenského (ESJS), for
example, painstakingly lists the most prominent etymologies, which are
subsequently evaluated. Though I highly value this approach, I felt that my
dictionary had to be set up in a different manner because otherwise too much time
would be taken up by reproducing and scrutinizing the scholarly literature. I realize
that by limiting the number of references I am at risk of ignoring valuable
contributions to Slavic etymology. This I regret, but I think that it is a concession I
had to make.
2. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
2.1 General considerations and Proto-Indo-European
Not surprisingly, the ideas about the structure of the Indo-European proto-language
underlying this book conform with the theories propagated by Leiden based Indo-
Europeanists such as Beekes, Kortlandt, and Lubotsky. The best introduction to this
theoretical framework is Beekes 1995, which is the English edition of Beekes 1990.
The existence of this introductory work largely relieves me of the obligation to
present an outline of the theories on which my Proto-Indo-European recon-
structions are based. Thus, I shall confine myself to representing some of the main
aspects.
It is a well-known fact that Leiden Indo-Europeanists tend to deny that there was
a Proto-Indo-European phoneme *a (see especially Lubotsky 1989). Nevertheless, it
is quite possible that a Proto-Slavic etymon derives from a form containing *a. The
Proto-Slavic lexical stock contains numerous elements that do not have an Indo-
European origin. These may have been borrowed from a substratum language,
possibly at an early stage. The *a that these words may contain is sometimes called
“European *a” because the substratum language was located on European soil.
I subscribe to the hypothesis that Proto-Indo-European did not have an
opposition between palatalized and plain velars (cf. Meillet 1894, Steensland 1973).
The latter arose from depalatalization in certain constellations, in particular after *s
(though not before *i) and after *u, where the opposition between the palatovelar
and labiovelar series was neutralized. Depalatalization before resonants unless
followed by a front vowel occurred in Balto-Slavic and Albanian (cf. Kortlandt 1978a:
240-242). The latter development is to a considerable extent responsible for the
variation between velar stops and sibilants that we observe in both Baltic and Slavic.
INTRODUCTION 3
The traditional Proto-Indo-European system of voiceless, voiced, and aspirated
voiced stops has repeatedly been challenged on typological grounds. As an
alternative, it was proposed that the unaspirated voiced stops were actually glottalic
(e.g. Gamkrelidze and Ivanov 1984: 5-84). The glottalic hypothesis was applied to
great effect by Kortlandt, who employed it to tackle a diversity of issues in various
branches of Indo-European (cf. Kortlandt 1985a). Crucial to the present publication
is Kortlandt’s interpretation of the Balto-Slavic development known as Winter’s law
as the merger of the glottalic element of the traditional mediae with the reflex of the
Proto-Indo-European laryngeals (see 2.2.2.3).
In Proto-Indo-European, the lengthened grade vowels *é and *6 occurred in a
limited number of categories, which can ultimately be reduced to monosyllables and
forms ending in a resonant (cf. Beekes 1990: 204, 1995: 167, Kortlandt 1986: 154-155).
Contrarily to what is generally assumed, lengthened grade vowels are regularly
circumflex in Balto-Slavic. Forms presented as counter-examples contain either a
laryngeal or can be regarded as examples of Winter’s law. Another source of
circumflex long vowels is contraction. A special case is the constellation *éH (*6H),
where according to Kortlandt the laryngeal was lost (Kortlandt 1985b: 115, 118-120).
As can be gathered from the preceding paragraphs, I adhere to the view that there
once existed a Balto-Slavic linguistic unity. It can be demonstrated that Baltic and
Slavic underwent a sequence of common developments, a number of which relate to
the place of the stress. In view of its complexity as well as the important role it plays
in this dictionary, Balto-Slavic accentology will be the subject of a separate section.
2.2 Balto-Slavic accentology
2.2.1 Introduction
As stated above, Kortlandt’s theory about the origins of the Balto-Slavic acute and
circumflex intonations significantly increases the relevance of Balto-Slavic
accentology for etymological studies. This is reflected in numerous publications by
Indo-Europeanists from Leiden, for instance in several monographs that appeared in
the Leiden Studies in Indo-European series. A good example is Schrijver 1991, where a
conscious effort is made to take the Balto-Slavic accentual evidence into account.’ My
own book in the series, Derksen 1996, is a slightly different matter, as it deals with an
accentological subject, the problem of metatony in Baltic. It contains a brief survey
of Balto-Slavic accentology, which partly coincides with Derksen 1991. I shall here
repeat some of the points I tried to make in these two publications, while shifting the
emphasis onto Slavic phenomena.
2.2.2 Balto-Slavic developments
Over the years Frederik Kortlandt has devised a detailed relative chronology of
developments ranging from Proto-Indo-European to disintegrating Slavic. It was
*We may draw a comparison with the thematically similar dissertation Beekes 1969, where Balto-
Slavic accentology still does not play any role of significance.
if INTRODUCTION
first published in a Serbo-Croation translation in 1989. The English version, which
was marred by many misprints, appeared in 1994, to be followed by a corrected
version on the World Wide Web (2002). Articles reproducing and discussing large
parts of the relative chronology are Kortlandt 2005 and 2007. Kortlandt’s chronology
might be called the backbone of my investigations in the field of Balto-Slavic
historical linguistics, which is not to say that it will be treated as if it were carved in
stone.
The Balto-Slavic section of Kortlandt’s relative chronology contains a number of
developments that concern accentology. These are conveniently listed in Kortlandt
2006a (349):
“1, Loss of PIE accentual mobility, of which there is no trace outside the nominal
flexion of the consonant stems, e.g. Lith. dukté ‘daughter’, piemud ‘shepherd’, and the
flexion of the athematic verbs, e.g. duodds ‘giving’ (cf. Kortlandt 1985b on the latter).
2. Pedersen’s law: the stress was retracted from medial syllables in mobile accent
paradigms, e.g. acc.sg. dukter}, piemenj, Greek thugatéra, poiména.
3. Barytonesis: the retraction of the stress spread analogically to vocalic stems in the
case forms where Pedersen’s law applied, e.g. acc.sg. dvj ‘sheep’ siiny ‘son’, diévg ‘god’,
ziémg ‘winter’.
4. Oxytonesis: the stress is shifted from a medial syllable to the end of the word in
paradigms with end-stressed forms, e.g. inst.sg. siinumi, inst.pl. Ziemomis.
5. Hirt’s law: the stress was retracted if the vowel of the pretonic syllable was im-
mediately followed by a laryngeal, e.g. duiona ‘bread’, vyras ‘man’, diimai ‘smoke’, Vedic
dhanas, virds, dhumds.
6. Winter’s law: the PIE glottalic stops dissolved into a laryngeal and a buccal part.
The former merged with the reflex of the PIE laryngeals and the latter with the re-
flex of the lenes stops, e.g. Latvian péds ‘footstep’ < *pedim, nudgs ‘naked’ < *nog”és,
duému ‘T give’ < *dodH3mi.
7. Retraction of the stress from final open syllables of disyllabic word forms unless
the preceding syllable was closed by an obstruent, e.g. Lith. gen.sg. vilko ‘wolf’, dat.sg.
vilkui, galvai ‘head’, nésa ‘carries, Serbo-Croatian viika, viiku, glavi, nése ‘carried’,
neuter pilo ‘drank, but Lith. gen.sg. aviés, gen.pl. vilkq < *-om, nom.sg. galvd < *-aH,
Russian pild ‘she drank < *-dH, neuter nesl6, infinitive nesti, where syllable-final
consonants (including word-final laryngeals) prevented the retraction of the stress.”
2.2.2.1 The rise of the mobile paradigm
The developments 1-4 and 7 are intended to account for the accentual curve of the
Balto-Slavic mobile paradigm. Here a few words on the historical background of the
problem are in order. According to de Saussure (1896), the Lithuanian opposition
between barytona and mobilia continues an Indo-European opposition between
barytona and oxytona. As the identity of the Lithuanian and Proto-Slavic mobile
paradigms is beyond doubt, this implies that the Balto-Slavic mobile paradigm arose
from an oxytone paradigm. De Saussure’s explanation for the origin of the
Lithuanian mobile paradigm started from consonant stems of which the number of
INTRODUCTION 5
syllables did not remain constant within the paradigm. In Kortlandt’s chronology it
appears under the name Pedersen’s law in view of Pedersen’s effort (1933: 25) to
reformulate the law proposed by de Saussure.
The prehistory of the Balto-Slavic accentual system has been the subject of much
debate (see especially Olander 2006 for an overview). Kortlandt’s development (1)
places him at the same starting-point as de Saussure: the early Balto-Slavic system
mainly had an opposition between barytona and oxytona. The few traces of original
accentual mobility that survived only played a modest role. The question is if it is
possible to strengthen the link between the Balto-Slavic accentual mobile paradigm
and Proto-Indo-European accentual mobility. We may note that Illi¢-Svity¢, when he
set out to provide comparative proof for de Saussure’s hypothesis on the Indo-
European background of the Balto-Slavic barytone and mobile paradigms (1963,
English translation 1979), tried to gain a better understanding of Pedersen’s law by
suggesting a link with the survival of mobile root nouns. With respect to the Indo-
European situation he preferred the term “mobile-oxytone” to “oxytone”.
It so happens that Kortlandt himself (2006b) has recently modified his account
of the rise of the Balto-Slavic mobile paradigm. Instead of assuming an early loss of
Proto-Indo-European accentual mobility, he now starts from the Late Indo-European
hysterodynamic and proterodynamic paradigms. The first step is the replacement of
the isolated root stress of the Nsg. of the hysterodynamic paradigm by final stress.
The sigmatic Nsg. of the proterodynamic paradigm then underwent the same
development, creating a clear accentual opposition between end-stressed masculines
and feminines on the one hand and root-stressed neuters on the other. The medially
stressed case-forms, viz. the Asg., Lsg., Apl., and Npl. forms of the hysterodynamic
paradigm and the Dsg. and Npl. forms of the proterodynamic paradigm,
subsequently retracted the stress to the initial syllable. Kortlandt’s objective here is to
reformulate Pedersen’s law as a phonetic development. Furthermore, the scope of the
barytonesis has been limited:
“The barytonesis did not affect acc.sg. dvj ‘sheep’ stiny ‘son’, which had preserved
Indo-European radical stress, nor ziémg ‘winter’, which was built on the original
nom.sg. form *gheim (cf. Beekes 1985: 44), but did yield the retraction in diévg ‘god,
cf. Vedic devam, because the o-stems had fixed stress from the outset.’ (Kortlandt
2006b: 3)
Finally, the existence of oxytonesis as a Balto-Slavic development is put into doubt.
The accentuation of Lith. siinumi Isg. and Ziemomis Ipl. may be old because it
replaces the end-stressed instrumental in *-b*i. On the whole, the new scenario links
the Balto-Slavic state of affairs more closely to Late Indo-European nominal
accentuation.
The retraction listed as number 7 was first formulated by Kortlandt in 1975 (5-7).
Since it was inspired on a retraction formulated by Ebeling, it was baptized Ebeling’s
law, but in recent publications by Kortlandt this designation tends to be avoided. An
interesting consequence of the condition that the stress was not retracted to syllables
ending in an obstruent is the rise of a class of oxytone neuters. In Slavic, these
6 INTRODUCTION
oxytona ended up in AP (b). If the root contained the reflex of a laryngeal or the
laryngeal part of a PIE glottalic stop, it was lost in pretonic position. In Baltic, the
oxytone neuters became barytone when the stress was retracted from final *-a,
yielding metatony (Derksen 1996: 96-128, 229-232, see also 2004: 87-89). Words
belonging to this class were occasionally misinterpreted by Illi¢-Svityé (1963). The
effects of Ebeling’s law may also be observed in masculine o-stems (Derksen forthe.
a).
2.2.2.2 Hirt’s law”
Hirt’s law, which is listed above as development 5, was proposed in order to account
for the large number of correspondences between Baltic and Slavic barytona and
nouns which considering the Sanskrit, Greek and Germanic evidence had
mobile/oxytone accentuation in PIE. In Hirt’s original formulation (1895) the stress
was retracted to long root syllables. Since then the law has been reformulated a
remarkable number of times, among others by Hirt himself (899). An important
observation was made by Bonfante (1935, 1937), who showed that the stress was only
retracted to non-apophonic long vowels, ie. to sequences of a short vowel and a
laryngeal.
After a thorough investigation of the “Hirt-Bonfante hypothesis’, Illi¢-Svity¢
(1963: 80 = 1979: 63) concluded that the retraction was indeed limited to non-
apophonic long syllabic elements, i.e. to non-apophonic long vowels, long resonants
and long diphthongs. He contrasts syllables containing “new length” from laryngeal
loss after a syllabic element with syllables containing apophonic length or an original
sequence of a short vowel followed by a resonant and a vocalized laryngeal, e.g.
*tenauds < *tenHuds, cf. Gk. tavadc ‘outstretched, tall’, Latv. tiévs ‘thin’. This invites
the conclusion that at the time of the retraction the laryngeals were still present, as
has indeed been argued by some scholars (cf. Kortlandt 1975a: 2, Rasmussen 1985:
passim). In that case one might simply say that the stress was retracted to an
immediately preceding syllable containing a vocalic element followed by a laryngeal.
That the position of the laryngeal plays an essential role was demonstrated by
Kortlandt in connection with the accentuation of the Slavic /-participle (1975: 2-4).
He suggested that in instances such as Ru. pild f.sg. ‘drank the laryngeal must
originally have preceded the i of the root. His reconstruction *pHildH is supported
by full grades of the type *pe/oh,i- or *pe/oh,- e.g. Skt. pdydyati. The opposition
between *-HI- and *-IH- has a parallel in Greek and Italo-Celtic, where we find
indications that pretonic *-HI- yielded a short reflex (Schrijver 1991: 512-536). It may
be clear that Hirt’s law is a strong argument for a Balto-Slavic linguistic unity.
2.2.2.3 Winter’s law
Winter’s law, which in its original formulation is vowel lengthening before PIE
unaspirated voiced stops (Winter 1978), is without doubt a sound law of major
* The sections on Hirt’s law and Winter’s law as well as section 2.2.3.2 on progressive shifts in Baltic
and Slavic are adaptations of the corresponding sections in Derksen 2004.
INTRODUCTION 7
importance. So far, however, it has not received the recognition it deserves. The main
reason for this is probably the fact that a number of appealing examples seem to
violate the law. Since a survey of the evidence clearly indicates that the law is
essentially correct (cf. Young 1990, Rasmussen 1992, and especially Dybo 2002), the
next logical step is to look for special circumstances which might provide an
explanation for the apparent exceptions. For ‘water’ (cf. OCS voda vs. Lith. vandué 3°)
and ‘fire’ (cf. Lith. ugnis, OCS ogn’v), Kortlandt has proposed that the law did not
affect the clusters ndn and ngn (1979: 61, 1988: 388-389). The nasal infix which may be
reconstructed for Balto-Slavic must have developed from a nasal suffix in PIE times
already (cf. Thurneysen 1883). Another major exception is Slavic *xodo ‘going,
course’. Here the absence of Winter’s law may originate from a reduplicated present
stem *sizd-, where the law was blocked by an intervening z (Kortlandt 1988: 394).
This is not the place to discuss the various attempts to modify the formulation of
Winter’s law, for which I refer to Derksen 2003a, 2004, and forthc. b. I would like to
elaborate, however, on Kortlandt’s interpretation of Winter’s law and its relationship
to the Balto-Slavic prosodic system. According to the traditional doctrine, the Balto-
Slavic acute intonation, which is usually reconstructed as a rising tone, reflects
length, i.e. original length or length resulting from the loss of a laryngeal. If Winter's
law is interpreted as vowel lengthening, the fact that the law yields acute long vowels
and diphthong is only to be expected. The regular reflex of a lengthened grade,
however, is circumflex in Balto-Slavic, as Kortlandt has argued on several occasions
(e.g. 1985b, 1997a). The main reason why this is not generally recognized is the ease
with which some Indo-Europeanists postulate lengthened grades, thereby obscuring
the original situation. Since both the presence of a laryngeal and Winter’s law
generate acute syllables, one may try to link this observation to the hypothesis that
the PIE voiced unaspirated stops were actually (pre)glottalized (Kortlandt 1978b). In
Kortlandt’s interpretation, Winter’s law is the merger of the laryngeal element of the
glottalic stop with the reflex of the Indo-European laryngeals, which had become a
glottal stop in Balto-Slavic.
An advantage of Kortlandt’s interpretation of Winter’s law is the possibility to
regard the Latvian and Zemaitian broken tones as direct continuations of a Balto-
Slavic glottal element (Derksen 1995, Kortlandt 1998). This does not imply that
already in Balto-Slavic glottalization existed as a vocalic feature. There are no
indications that the Balto-Slavic glottal stop lost the status of a segmental phoneme
which it must still have had when Hirt’s law operated (see 2.2.2.2). The Balto-Slavic
distinction between acute and circumflex syllables, which was clearly independent of
the place of the (free and mobile) ictus, was originally the distinction between the
presence and absence of a glottal stop. It most certainly was not a tonal distinction
originating from PIE (cf. Kortlandt 1985b, Nassivera 2000). The rise of tonal
distinctions must probably be dated to the separate branches of Balto-Slavic. One of
the subjects of the next section is the rise of distinctive tone in Proto-Slavic.
8 INTRODUCTION
2.2.3 Slavic accentology
2.2.3.1 Introduction: Stang 1957
The starting-point of modern Slavic accentology is the publication of Stang’s
Slavonic accentuation (1957).? In this study Stang effectively did away with a number
of concepts of what is often called “classical accentology’, though in particular the
interbellum witnessed many unrealistic theories. Stang ends his book with a list of
conclusions (1957: 179), which I shall now try to rephrase and provide with
comments (cf. Derksen 1991: 53-55).
Stang established three (Late) Proto-Slavic accent paradigms, each with its own
prosodic characteristics:
(a) Fixed stress on the stem. If the stem is monosyllabic, the stressed syllable is
“acute’, i.e. we find a short rising tone on a historically “long” syllable, which is
equivalent to saying that the nucleus of the root syllable is not constituted by
monophthongal *e, *o, *a, or *. A special class is formed by nouns of the so-
called *voja type, where the root has neo-acute intonation. Stang discusses
these nouns within the context of (j)d-stems belonging to AP (a), but there are
good arguments to classify them as belonging to AP (b), which is what will be
done in this dictionary.
If the stress is on a medial syllabe, there is a greater number of possibilities
regarding the prosodic qualities of the root. Since these cases are not crucial for
understanding the three basic types, I shall not go into the matter here.
(b) The stress alternates between the last syllable of the stem and the first syllable
of the ending. Stem-stressed forms have a rising tone with retention of the old
quantity of the syllable. This tone is called “neo-acute”. Forms with stress on the
ending have a short rising tone.
(c) The stress alternates between the first syllable of the stem and the ending. Stem-
stressed forms have a falling tone and lose the stress to a clitic. End-stressed
forms usually have a short rising accent, but in some cases a long rising accent.
The falling tone is sometimes referred to as “circumflex” This is potentially
confusing because the same designation has been used to refer to any non-acute
long syllable or even to any non-acute syllable (cf. Derksen 1991: 55).
In classical accentology, an acute or a circumflex tone changed under certain
conditions into a neo-circumflex and a neo-acute tone, respectively. This process,
called metatony, yielded four distinctive tones (Kortlandt 1978c: 271). In Stang’s
system there are three tones, which are all connected with a specific accent paradigm.
Stang now showed that the neo-acute originated from a retraction of the stress.* He
also showed that the neo-circumflex is an innovation of Slovene and the Kajkavian
3 See especially Vermeer 1998, which deals with the place Stang’s monograph occupies in the history
of the field.
4 Cf. Iv8ié 1911.
INTRODUCTION 9
dialects of Serbo-Croatian rather than a Proto-Slavic tone.° The next question that
we must address is the relationship between the Slavic and the Baltic accent
paradigms.
2.2.3.2 Progressive shifts
Lithuanian nouns belong to one of four accent paradigms, of which (1) is barytone,
while (2), (3), and (4) are mobile. Monosyllabic stems are acute in (1) and (3), while
they are circumflex or short in (2) and (4).6 If the stem is polysyllabic, the situation
is slightly more complicated, but that need not concern us here. The four accent
paradigms can be reduced to a barytone and a mobile paradigm if one takes into
account the progressive shift which is commonly referred to as de Saussure’s law.
Employing the method of internal reconstruction, de Saussure (1896) demonstrated
that at a certain point in the history of Lithuanian accentuation the stress shifted
from a circumflex or short syllable to an immediately following acute syllable. This
development was independently discovered by Fortunatov (1897). Hence, de
Saussure’s law, when applied to both Baltic and Slavic, is sometimes referred to as
Fortunatov’s law. Propagated by none other than Meillet,7 de Saussure’s law came to
occupy an important place in classical accentology. The law was often considered a
Balto-Slavic innovation, though Meillet regarded the progressive shifts in Baltic and
Slavic as parallel developments (1900: 350-351, 1924: 145).
The decline of de Saussure’s law as a Balto-Slavic development may be said to
have started with Kurylowicz (1931: 75ff, 1952), who denied its operation in Slavic,
albeit basically without addressing the facts. A much heavier blow, one might argue,
was delivered by Stang (1957: 15-20), who by presenting a series of factual arguments
undermined the at the time prevailing view that de Saussure’s law had also operated
in Slavic. Now as we have seen, Stang reconstructed three Proto-Slavic accent
paradigms, whereas the Lithuanian situation points to a system with two paradigms,
one of them barytone and the other mobile. Since AP (a) corresponds to Lithuanian
AP (1), while AP (c) corresponds to (3) and (4) (see the next section), the core of the
problem is the relationship between AP (b) and AP (2). As shown by Stang, the neo-
acute tone originates from a retraction of the stress, a development now generally
referred to as Stang’s law. This means that AP (b) was originally oxytone. AP (2),
however, is a mobile paradigm originating from a barytone paradigm as a result of
de Saussure’s law. Stang did not have an answer for this discrepancy, but he made it
clear that the answer most certainly was not de Saussure’s law.
A solution was proposed by Dybo and Illi¢-Svity¢, who argued that the oxytone
paradigm which must have existed prior to Stang’s retraction had been generated by
a progressive stress shift that cannot be identified with de Saussure’s law (see
especially Dybo 1962, Illi¢-Svityé 1963: 157-161 = 1979: 140-144). According to Dybo’s
> The neo-circumflex also occurs in Northwest Cakavian (cf. Vermeer 1982).
6 See 2.2.3.3 for the realization of the acute and circumflex in Baltic.
” Actually, Meillet had already suggested the operation of the progressive shift in Slavic at the very
same session where de Saussure presented his discovery (CIO 1894).
10 INTRODUCTION
law, also known as IIli¢-Svityé’s law,* a syllable which was neither acute nor falling
lost the stress to the following syllable, causing a split of the Proto-Slavic immobile
paradigm. The syllable which received the stress became falling, which provided the
input for Stang’s law, the retraction of the stress from long falling vowels in final
syllables.°
The scenario proposed by Dybo and Illi¢-Svityé allows us to derive the Baltic and
Slavic accentual systems from a stage when there were only an immobile barytone
and a mobile or oxytone paradigm. As later publications from the Moscow
accentological school have shown (see especially Dybo 1968a), it is possible to
distinguish between dominant (“strong”) and recessive (“weak”) morphemes at this
stage. The place of the stress is governed by the valency of the morphemes that
constitute a given form (cf. Dybo 1981: 260-262, 2000a: 10-14, Lehfeldt 2001: 67-69).
Whether a morpheme is dominant or recessive cannot be predicted on the basis of
its phonological structure: the distribution of morphemes over the two classes is
“traditional” (Dybo 2000<: 10)."°
2.2.3.3 Illi¢-Svityé’s law and the neuter o-stems™
In his monograph on nominal accentuation in Baltic and Slavic, Illi¢-Svityé tried to
explain why so many PIE neuter o-stems appear to have become masculine in Slavic,
an observation which was first made by Hirt. A comparison with accentual data from
Baltic, Greek, Sanskrit and Germanic led Illi¢-Svityé to conclude that PIE barytone
neuter o-stems correspond with Slavic masculine o-stems belonging to the barytone
class in the case of “long” roots and to the oxytone class in the case of “short” roots
(in Stang’s terminology to accent paradigms a and b, respectively). As we have seen,
AP (a) and (b) continue a single barytone paradigm, which allows the conclusion
that PIE barytone neuter o-stems became barytone masculine o-stems in Slavic. This
shift of gender must be rooted in Balto-Slavic (see below). In originally masculine
mobile o-stems with a non-acute root, accentual mobility has been generalized (Illic-
Svityé 1963: 109-119 = 1979: 94-104), a development that is sometimes called Illi¢-
Svity¢’s law. Thus, Slavic masculine o-stems belonging to AP (b) in principle
continue old neuters. I consider it possible, however, that masculine o-stems that
were oxytone in Late Balto-Slavic, ie. after Ebeling’s law, escaped the transfer to the
mobile class (cf. Derksen forthe. b).
8 The designation Illi¢-Svityé’s law is also used to indicate the transfer of masculine o-stems belonging
to AP (b) to the mobile accentual paradigm.
° This is actually the formulation of Stang’s law as it appears in publications of Dutch accentologists.
Stang himself did not limit the retraction to final syllables. In order to account for the *vdJa type, he also
assumed that the stress was retracted from semi-vowels. For Kortlandt’s solution, which is connected with
a development that he baptized “Van Wijk’s law”, see Kortlandt 1975: 30-32.
*°Tt should not be left unmentioned that in the last few decades the concepts of the Moscow
accentological school have undergone significant modifications, on which see Vermeer 2001. Since at
present it is doubtful whether these modifications can be regarded as improvements, a discussion of the
relevant issues fall outside the scope of this dictionary. I shall confine myself to the remark that the new
scenario for the rise of AP (b) comes close to a rehabilitation of de Saussure’s law for Slavic.
“ This section derives from an (unpublished) paper that was presented at the Fachtagung of the
Indogermanische Gesellschaft in Cracow (October 2004).
INTRODUCTION 11
Whereas the barytone neuter o-stems became masculine, PIE oxytone neuter o-
stems remain neuter in Slavic. According to Illi¢-Svity¢, the majority of the Slavic
neuter o-stems belong to the oxytone class, Stang’s AP (b). Mobile neuter o-stems (c)
contain, as a rule, a historically long root or have a jo-suffix. In my opinion, the
distribution between AP (b) and (c) is not completely clear. We can say with a high
degree of certainty, however, that originally oxytone neuters of the structure
CVC, C;-6 (where C, is an obstruent) belong to (b), in conformity with Ebeling’s law
(see 2.2.2.1). Proto-Slavic neuter o-stems belonging to AP (a) originate from the
retraction generally known as Hirt’s law, which generated a new class of neuter o-
stems with fixed root stress in Balto-Slavic times already.
It is remarkable that Illi¢-Svity¢, who reaches the conclusion that the Baltic and
Slavic accentual paradigms were identical, does not make an attempt to connect the
Slavic NAsg. -o with the Lithuanian ending -a, which now only occurs in adjectives,
participles and pronouns but must have been the East Baltic NAsg. ending of neuter
o-stem nouns, as is evident from Baltic borrowings in Finnic. While he follows
Nieminen (1922) in deriving the East Baltic ending from pronominal *-od, Illi¢-
Svityé assumes that Slavic -o continues stressed *-om, a delevopment advocated by
Hirt (1893). In my opinion, it would be natural to look for a common origin. Since I
do not believe that *-om ever yields Balto-Slavic *-o, the best option would be to
assume that in Balto-Slavic the ending *-om was replaced by *-od in oxytone neuters.
In that case one would expect Old Prussian neuter o-stems to correspond to Slavic
neuter o-stems and end-stressed neuters in other Indo-European languages. The
evidence seems indeed to point in that direction, e.g. (cf. Kortlandt 1983: 183).
Illi¢-Svity¢’s law implies that barytone neuter o-stems were still distinct from
masculine o-stems. Though the above-mentioned bifurcation of neuter o-stems
seems to be Balto-Slavic, suppletive neuter plurals may have existed both in Baltic
and Slavic. The existence of suppletive neuter plurals may also explain why we find
so much vacillation between neuter and masculine o-stems belonging to (a) and (b).
Illic-Svitye’s law must have preceded the rise of distinctive tone in mobile paradigms
because the transfer to the mobile class was based on the identity of the barytone
case forms. For the same reason, Illi¢-Svity¢’s law must have preceded Dybo’s law.
The above-mentioned developments may be illustrated with the following
examples:
PSL. *tplo (a) ‘back of the head, back’ (e.g. Ru. tyl, Cz. tyl) < *tiHlom, cf. Skt. tiila-
n. ‘tuft, reed, panicle’. Secondary *tylo in SIk. tylo.
PSI. *dvore (b) ‘courtyard, door’ (e.g. Cak. dvér, Cz. dviir) < *d*udrom, cf. Skt.
dvara- n.‘door, gate, passage’.
PSI. *z6bo (c) ‘tooth’ (e.g. Cak. ziib, SIn. z6b) < *gémb"os, cf. Skt. jambha- m.
‘tooth, Gk. you@os ‘pin, nail’ Lith. Zarnbas ‘sharp edge’ 2/4.
PSI. *jdto (a) ‘flock, herd’ (e.g. SCr. jato) < *idHto < *iehtéd << *iehztém, cf. Skt.
yata- n. ‘course, motion. Secondary *jato in Ru. jat (dial.) ‘shoal of fish’
PSL. *pero (b) ‘feather’ (e.g. Ru. perd, SCr. péro) < *péro < *peré < *perdd <<
*perHom (*tperom?), cf. Gk. ntepov ‘feather, wing.
12 INTRODUCTION
PSI. *méso (c) ‘meat, flesh’ (e.g. SCr. méso, Pl. mieso) < *méms6 < *mémsdd <<
*mémsom, cf. Skt. mamsd- n. ‘id?.
2.2.3.4 The fate of the Balto-Slavic acute and circumflex
As I explained in the section on Winter’s law, the Balto-Slavic opposition between
acute and circumflex syllables is in Kortlandt’s framework equivalent with the
respective presence or absence of a glottal stop. Before discussing the fate of the
glottal stop in Slavic, I would like to present a concise account of the rise of the East
Baltic tones (cf. Kortlandt 1977, Derksen 1995). The crucial point is that the broken
tone is an archaism.
In East Baltic, the glottal stop became a feature of the neighbouring vowel,
yielding the laryngeal pitch that in Baltic linguistics is known as “broken tone”. Tonal
oppositions arose when the stress was retracted from prevocalic *i and word-final
*-a. In the AukStaitian varieties of Lithuanian, retraction onto glottalized syllables
yielded a rising tone and loss of the laryngeal feature, e.g. édis ‘food, fodder’, cf. ésti
‘eat’ (of animals). In originally stressed syllables, the glottalic pitch changed into a
falling tone, e.g. séti ‘sow, whereas the non-glottalic pitch merged with the new rising
tone, e.g. dukté ‘daughter’. Retraction of the stress onto non-glottalized syllables
yielded a middle tone, which later merged with the falling tone, e.g. vilké ‘she-wolf;
cf. vilkas ‘wolf. In unstressed syllables, glottalization was eventually lost. In
Zemaitian, the broken tone was preserved under the old ictus, e.g. 6mZios (Kretinga)
‘age, century’ = dmZius.
In Latvian, the retractions of the stress yielded a rising tone on both plain and
glottalized vowels. The other stressed vowels became falling per oppositionem.
Subsequently, glottalization was lost under the falling tone. The result was a stretched
tone, which later merged with the rising tone, e.g. sét ‘sow with the same tone as
sniédze ‘snow-bunting; cf. sniegs ‘snow. The remaining glottalized stressed vowels,
which had lost their distinctive tone when the glottalic feature was lost under the
falling tone, lost their glottalization as well and became falling, e.g. désts ‘plant; cf.
déstit ‘plant, dét ‘lay (eggs). In originally unstressed syllables, glottalization was
preserved as a broken tone, e.g. galva ‘head’ Lpl. galvds, cf. Lith. galvd, Lpl. galvose.
This scenario is in conflict with the widespread view according to which the broken
tone results from retraction of the ictus. The system with a threefold tonal
opposition only survives in certain Central Latvian dialect areas.
Apart from the fact that it is not always easy to tell if the tone of a given syllable is
metatonical, the way in which the Balto-Slavic acute and circumflex are reflected in
East Baltic is fairly straightforward.” It is often insufficiently realized that this is not
” Since our knowledge of West Baltic is based on a limited number of Old Prussian documents, the
accentual developments in this branch of Balto-Slavic cannot be determined in detail. The system
reflected in the Enchiridion points to a rising acute and a falling circumflex. Furthermore, Old Prussian
seems to have undergone a shift of the ictus from any short vowel to the next syllable (Kortlandt 1974).
In this account the term “circumflex” refers to non-acute long vowels and diphthongs. In my
description of the Balto-Slavic situation I, strictly speaking, used the term as a designation of every non-
INTRODUCTION 13
the case in Slavic. A common misapprehension, for instance, is the idea that the
“Serbo-Croatian” short falling tone indicates that the syllable was originally acute. In
reality, the situation is much more complex. If the form belongs to the neo-Stokavian
variant of Serbo-Croatian, the short falling tone indicates that the syllable was
already stressed before the neo-Stokavian retraction of the ictus and that it is short.
The quantity may be related to the fact the syllable was originally acute, but it may
also have been originally short or originate from a comparatively late shortening, for
instance the shortening of long falling vowels in forms counting more than two
syllables. The fact is that the history of Slavic quantity is immensely complicated.
Both the vowels that on qualitative grounds are considered “historically long” and the
ones considered “historically short” may be reflected as either long or short. In order
to establish the origin of a morpheme in terms of acute and circumflex, one must
evaluate the information offered by the individual Slavic languages regarding stress,
tone and quantity within the context of the Proto-Slavic accent paradigms, which is
by no means simple (cf. Vermeer 1992, Kortlandt 2005).
In the classical view, sequences of vowel plus laryngeal merged with lengthened
grade vowels. Subsequently, long vowels acquired an “acute” tone movement,
probably a rising tone.'* Thus, the Balto-Slavic acute is about vowel length. As one
might expect, Winter’s law, insofar as the law is accepted, is interpreted as vowel
lengthening. The difficulties raised by the classical scenario are numerous (cf.
Vermeer 125-126). In Kortlandt’s theory, sequences of vowel plus laryngeal (including
the glottal stop that arose from Winter’s law) remain essentially distinct from
lengthened grade vowels up to the end of the Proto-Slavic period. With the exception
of certain positions where the distinction was lost (see below), the original contrast is
reflected by a quantitative difference. I shall now give an overview of the fate of the
laryngeals in Slavic (cf. Kortlandt 1975: 21-37, Vermeer 1992: 127-130):
(1) The laryngeals were lost in pretonic and postpostonic syllables with
compensatory lengthening of the adjacent vowel. In mobile paradigms the loss of the
laryngeals gave rise to an alternation between long vowels and sequences of vowel
plus laryngeal. In root syllables the long vowel was generalized. This is Kortlandt’s
explanation of Meillet’s law, according to which mobilia with an acute root
underwent metatony (Meillet 1902).
(2) The laryngeals were lost in the first posttonic syllable without compensatory
lengthening. In stressed syllables the glottal stop became a feature of the adjacent
vowel. Since the new short vowels had the same timbre as the long vowels and the
glottalized vowels and therefore did not merge with the old short vowels, the timbre
distinction became phonemically relevant. In pretonic syllables, where the laryngeals
had been eliminated at stage (1), quantitative oppositions were rephonemicized as
acute syllable. It may be clear, however, that there is no distinction between acute and circumflex short
vowels.
4 Note that in the traditional view the distinction between the rising acute and falling circumflex
must have existed in unstressed syllables as well.
14 INTRODUCTION
qualitative oppositions. In other words: pretonic long vowels were shortened. At a
later stage, Dybo’s law reintroduced phonemic length in pretonic syllables.
(3) Glottalized vowels lost their glottalic feature and became distinctively short
rising. This development must have been posterior to Dybo’s law because the
progressive shift only applied to non-acute non-falling syllables.
Summarizing, we could say that originally acute syllables are reflected as short
vowels in syllables which prior to Dybo’s law were stressed or immediately followed
the stressed syllable. In originally pretonic or postposttonic position acute and non-
acute long syllables merged. Non-acute long vowels and original diphthongs are long
in AP (b), whereas in AP (c) they often fell victim to the widespread shortening of
falling vowels. Length was preserved in monosyllabic and disyllabic word-forms in
Serbo-Croatian and in Slovene monosyllables.
2.3 Substratum borrowings
The Indo-Europeans who populated Europe must have come into contact with
speakers of non-Indo-European languages, who to a certain extent were assimilated
to the invading tribes. Consequently, we expect to find traces of non-Indo-European
substrata in the attested Indo-European languages. In Leiden, the study of
substratum influences received an impetus from Kuiper 1995, where mainly on
formal grounds three substratum layers were distinguished (see also Beekes 1996:
passim, Boutkan and Siebinga 2005: xiii-xvii). What these layers have in common, is
the frequent occurrence of the vowel *a, which did not belong to the Proto-Indo-
European phoneme inventory (see 2.1). One of the layers, labelled A3, is the language
of Krahe’s hydronymy and is usually called “Old European” It is, among other things,
characterized by the vocalism *a and the high frequency of continuants and *s.
Substratum Az, qualified as “European’, only had aspirated voiced stops in
antevocalic position, or rather the antevocalic stops were identified with the
traditional mediae aspiratae. Furthermore, there seems to have been variation
between labial and velar stops. The vowel *a was frequent and there probably was no
distinctive vowel length. Another characteristic feature are vowel alternations of the
type *a :*ai and *a : *au. Substratum Aj, which is mainly reflected in Germanic, but
also left traces in Italo-Celtic and Balto-Slavic, is claimed to have had *a: *i : *u
vocalism, prenasalization, initial consonant clusters *Kn- and *KI-, as well as a
remarkable alternation of root-final stops, including geminates.
While A3 did not prove to be a fruitful subject of investigation, one might say
that as far as Kuiper’s substratum layers Ai and A2 were concerned, the hunt was on,
e.g. Beekes 1996, Schrijver 1997, Boutkan 1996, 1998, 2003, Derksen 1999, 2000.
Kuiper’s criteria for identifying substratum borrowings were applied to various
Indo-European languages and attempts were made to establish more phenomena
indicative of non-Indo-European origin, of which Schrijvers prefix *a- (1997: 307-
INTRODUCTION 15
312) is among the most spectacular. At the same time, Kuiper’s distinction between
Az and A3 was called into question by Beekes (1996: 217), who proposed to group
these two together under the name “European” I am inclined to agree with him that
in this respect Kuiper’s classification seems premature. Beekes (ibidem) also
suggested the designation “Helladic” for the non-IE substratum language that left so
many traces in Greek, but he himself now seems to prefer “Pre-Greek”. Without
question, Beekes deserves great credit for his attempt to reconstruct Pre-Greek
through a careful analysis of the Greek material (1997, cf. Furnée 1972). A different
approach is applied by Schrijver (2007), who tries to link the Pre-Greek substratum
to “Minoic” (attested in Linear A) and Hattic. In his view, we are dealing here with
the language of the first agriculturalists, who migrated from Asia Minor to Central
Europe through Greece and the Balkans and whose language left traces in Anatolian,
Greek, Albanian, Germanic, Balto-Slavic and Italo-Celtic.
Undeniably, it makes perfect sense to look for formal characteristics of non-Indo-
European elements in the vocabulary of the individual Indo-European languages.
Within a couple of years after the publication of Kuiper’s article, however, the
limitations and inherent dangers of this new line of research became apparent, in
particular with regard to the Pre-Germanic substratum, where there was a tendency
to pay insufficient attention to the role played by specifically Germanic
developments, such as Kluge’s law (see Kroonen forthc.). Though it seems to me that
the Indo-European origins of Balto-Slavic etyma which in view of their Germanic
cognates seem to violate Winter’s law are suspiciously often unclear, it cannot be
denied that the typically Germanic alternation of root-final consonants may at least
partly result from Proto-Germanic sound laws. Nevertheless, the question why
Germanic underwent these specific developments (the rise of geminates, for
instance) is still legitimate.
So far I have only discussed borrowings from a non-Indo-European substratum,
but we must also reckon with the possibility that etyma were borrowed from an
unknown Indo-European language. An interesting attempt to demonstrate a layer of
borrowings of this type was made by Holzer (1989, cf. Kortlandt 2003). Holzer
reconstructs an Indo-European language whose main feature is the fact that it
underwent a consonant shift: the traditional tenues became mediae, while the
mediae aspiratae became tenues (hence the name “TIemematic”). This shift enables
Holzer to propose alternative etymologies for words that often belong to classes
where substratum borrowings are expected. Holzer’s etymologies will occasionally
come up in this dictionary.
3. STRUCTURE OF THE ENTRIES
3.1 The reconstructed etymon
The reconstructed etyma represent a late stage of Proto-Slavic, posterior to the loss
of glottalization under the stress and Stang’s law. Quantity, tone and stressed are
* Interestingly, this type of prefixation seems to occur both in Greek (and possibly Anatolian) as well
as in “North European”.
16 INTRODUCTION
marked accordingly (see 3.5) The most recent development that I have taken into
account is the shortening of the falling tone in word-forms of more than two
syllables, e.g. *sérdoce. With respect to the metathesis of liquids (and the East Slavic
polnoglasie), which shows dialectal differentiation, I had no option but to let the
forms reflect the stage where the syllable was still closed, even though the metathesis
preceded the above-mentioned developments.
The alphabetical order observed in this dictionary is:a bcédeéegxijklmno
gprssstuvoyozzZ, Please note the following:
e The results of the second and third palatalizations of velars (*k, *g, *x) are
written *c, *dz and *s. This may seem inconsistent, but I considered that there
was nothing to gain by using *¢ and *dZ or *3. The introduction of *s, on the
other hand, could not be avoided, cf. *voso ‘all vs. *voso ‘village’
e IT have employed the signs */, *n and *r to render sequences of resonant + *j. In
the alphabetical order these signs are equivalent to */j, *nj and *7j, respectively.
e I follow the ESSJa in writing anachronistic *tj, *dj rather than *t¢, d vel sim.
e Word-initially, I do not distinguish between *e- and *je-. I simply write *e-
because the *j- was automatic before front vowels from a certain stage onwards.
I also write *é- for etymological *é- and *ja-, which merged after the rise of
prothetic *j-. I do distinguish between *u- and *ju-. Initial *jo- < *i- is more
complicated. I have argued that we basically had stressed *ji- vs. unstressed *jo-
with generalization of the latter in mobile paradigms (Derksen 2003b).
Nevertheless, I have decided in favour of a uniform spelling *jv-, which is more
conventional.
3.2 Grammatical information
Following the reconstruction, there is an indication of the word class the etymon
belongs to. In the case of substantives, the stem class is preceded by an indication of
gender, e.g. “m. n” for “masculine n-stem”. The flexion types to which OCS mlon’i(i)
‘lightning’ and svekry ‘church’ belong are designated with 7 and i, respectively. If
there is more than one lemma, the grammatical information runs parallel to the
lemmata.
For the sake of readability, the attested Slavic forms are generally speaking only
provided with grammatical information if they belong to a different word class than
the etymon.”* This practice extends to non-Slavic forms insofar as it does not cause
confusion.
3.3 Accent paradigm
In those cases where I deemed it justified to reconstruct the accent paradigm of a
noun or verb, the paradigm is indicated by Stang’s (a), (b) or (c). 1 am not convinced
© In the case of original u-stems it is assumed that the reader is familiar with the fact that in the
attested languages the u-stem and (masculine) o-stem paradigms have merged into a single paradigm,
which here will be referred to as the o-stem paradigm.
INTRODUCTION 17
that there ever was a Proto-Slavic paradigm (d) (Bulatov, Dybo, and Nikolaev 1988,
cf. Vermeer 2001). I have occasionally resorted to designations such as (b/c) in those
cases where there is strong evidence for two accent paradigms.
Tone and quantity are indicated in the same way as is conventional for literary
Serbo-Croatian:
short rising: *mdti (a) ‘mother’, *moka (a) ‘torment, torture; *n0Zv (b) ‘knife’
long rising: *bélo (b) ‘white’ pgtv (b) ‘way’
short falling: *sérduce (c) ‘heart’
long falling: *méso (c) ‘flesh, meat’, *b6go (c) ‘god’
long unstressed: *moka ‘flour’ (b), *osnova ‘base, foundation’ (a)
Thus, I have not adopted any of the special signs that are sometimes used to indicate
the original acute, e.g. *mdti or *ma ‘ti.
3.4 Meaning
Unlike the ESSJa, I have attempted to provide a reconstruction of the Proto-Slavic
meaning of an etymon. In principle, attested forms meaning the same as the
reconstructed etymon have not been glossed, though occasionally the meaning has
been retained for the sake of clarity. This holds good for both the Slavic and the non-
Slavic forms.
3.5 ESSJa
The line beginning with the reconstructed etymon is concluded by a reference to the
ESSJa unless, of course, the latter dictionary does not have a corresponding lemma.
The most recent volume at my disposal was volume 32 (-*orzbotati). I have not
included a reference to the Slownik prastowianski because at this point the number
of published volumes is too limited.
3.6 Church Slavic
The field “Church Slavic” contains forms that occur in texts belonging to the Old
Church Slavic canon as well as forms that occur in Church Slavic texts whose
language was influenced by the local vernacular. The latter varieties of Church Slavic
are called recensions. With the aid of the Slovnik jazyka staroslovénského, which, by
the way, includes a number of texts that fall outside the canon, and the
Staroslavjanskij slovar’, I have tried to keep Old Church Slavic and Church Slavic
forms apart. Here I should also mention Birnbaum and Schaeken 1997, where
attention is paid to the lexicon of the manuscripts that were discovered at the
Monastery of St. Catherine at Mount Sinai in 1975.
It is not unusual to present Old Church Slavic forms in a normalized shape and
this is the practice I have adopted here. If an etymon is only rarely attested, however,
I usually present the form as it occurs in the manuscript(s). If an etymon occurs in a
18 INTRODUCTION
fairly limited number of manuscripts, the latter have been mentioned. I have used
the following abbreviations:
Ass.: Codex Assemanianus Ps. Dim.: Psalter of Dimitri
Boj.: Bojana Evangeliary Ps. Sin.: Psalterium Sinaiticum”
Cloz.: Glagolita Clozianus Ril.: Rila Folios
En.: Enina Apostol Sav.: Sava’s Book
Euch.: Euchologium Sinaiticum SPbOKt.: St. Petersburg Oktoich
Hil.: Hilandar Folios Supr.: Codex Suprasliensis
Hilf.: Macedonian Folio® Zogr.: Codex Zographensis
Mar.: Codex Marianus Zogr.*: Codex Zographensis palimpsest
3.7 East Slavic
The East Slavic field comprises three living languages: Russian, Ukrainian, and
Belorussian. Furthermore, an important place is occupied by Old Russian, which can
sometimes hardly be distinguished from Russian Church Slavic. Here I generally
follow the ESSJa. For Old Russian accentual data I have relied on Zaliznjak 1985. The
accentuation of a noun or verb in Old Russian is chiefly mentioned in those cases
where it deviates from the modern Russian standard language.
My main sources for Russian dialect material are the classic dictionary by Dal’
and the Slovar’ russkix narodnyx govorov (SRNG). To indicate the region where a
form is attested I have used a number of abbreviations: Psk. (Pskov), Olon. (Olonec),
Arx. (Arxangel’sk), Novg. (Novgorod), Smol. (Smolensk), Rjaz. (Rjazan’).
3.8 West Slavic
Czech forms may belong to the literary language, for which the SSJC is an important
source, or originate from dialects. Dialect material generally stems from the ESSJa or
from Machek’s etymological dictionary. A special category is formed by the 18"
century dictionaries of Jungmann and Kott, which include archaic and dialectal
forms, but also borrowings from other Slavic languages and neologisms. An analysis
of the material from these dictionaries is beyond my competence, so I have confined
myself to indicating Jungmann (Jg.) or Kott as the source. Slovak forms, insofar as
they are not dialectal, are generally quoted according to the Slovnik slovenského
jazyka (SSJ). Since the juxtaposition of Czech and Slovak forms is interesting from
an accentological point of view (cf. Verweij 1993), the collection of Slovak material is
relatively comprehensive.
Upper Sorbian is one of the languages that are not heavily represented in this
dictionary. Nevertheless, the language has retained a number of features which may
provide additional information about Proto-Slavic prosody (cf. Dybo 1963, 1968b,
Derksen forthe. c). In this respect Lower Sorbian has less to offer. Schuster-Sewc’s
7 Ps. Sin. MS 2/N refers to the part of the Psalterium Sinaiticum that was discovered in 1975 at the
Monastery of St. Catherine. The other part (MS 38/O) was discovered in 1850 at the same location.
8 Discovered by Hilferding.
INTRODUCTION 19
Sorbian etymological dictionary (HEW) deals with both languages and may also
function as a source of older attestations and dialect forms.
A considerable portion of the Polish material in the ESSJa, which subsequently
found its way to the present dictionary, is quoted from the voluminous dictionaries
by Karlowicz et al. (1900-1927) and Doroszewski (1958-1969). For Old Polish the
main source is, of course, the yet unfinished Slownik staropolski. The etymological
dictionaries by Stawski (unfinished) and Bankowski (in progress) provide a lot of
information about the earliest attestations of an etymon. In this context the Stownik
jezyka polskiego XVII i 1. potowy XVIII wieku (Karplukéwna and Ambrozewicz
1999-) is also worth mentioning.
Within West Slavic, Slovincian — now extinct — and the North Kashubian dialects
are unique in having preserved accentual mobility, albeit with certain restrictions.
Furthermore, old quantitative distinctions have been transformed into qualitative
distinctions, like in Polish. In Slovincian and Kashubian, however, this phenomenon
(called pochylenie in Polish) applies to a greater number of vowels. Our most
important source for Pomeranian, as Slovincian and Kashubian are sometimes
called, are the works of Friedrich Lorentz (e.g. 1903, 1908-1912, 1958-1983).
The westernmost attested Lechitic language, Polabian, only plays a marginal role
in this dictionary. Forms will be quoted according to Polanski and Sehnert 1967.
3.9 South Slavic
The name “Serbo-Croatian” will occasionally be used as a generic designation for all
varieties of the language spoken in Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia-Hercegovina and
Montenegro. The abbreviation “SCr’, however, refers in principle to neo-Stokavian,
ie. to those Stokavian dialects that underwent the neo-Stokavian retraction of the
stress. A prominent example is the language that was codified by Vuk Karadzi¢ and
Duro Daniéié in the 19" century and subsequently became the basis of normative
grammars and dictionaries, for instance the Rjecnik hrvatskoga ili srpskoga jezika
(RJA). The Serbo-Croatian (neo-Stokavian) forms presented in this dictionary
usually conform to aforementioned normative tradition. In some cases I have quoted
directly from Vuk Karadzié’s dictionary (abbreviated as “Vuk”).
The Cakavian dialects of Serbo-Croatian are mainly represented by Juridi¢’s
description of the Vrgada (Vrg.) dialect (1966-1973), Kalsbeek’s description of the
dialect of Orbani¢i (Orb.) near Zminj (1998) and Beli¢’s description of the dialect of
Novi (1909), which is the best-known description of a Cakavian dialect. In addition, I
have occasionally added data from Hvar (Hraste 1937), Cres (Tentor 1909, 1950), and
Orlec? (Houtzagers 1985). The Kajkavian dialects are respresented by Jedvaj’s
description of the Bednja dialect.
The Slovene material originates almost exclusively from Pletersnik’s dictionary
(1894-1895), which is a compilation of data from a great variety of sources presented
*? For practical reasons, I have used the third edition of Vuk’s dictionary (Belgrade 1898) instead of
the second, which appeared in Vienna in 1852. The latter would have been preferable, as the later editions
are marred by misprints.
*° A village on the island of Cres.
20 INTRODUCTION
in a historical spelling, ie. in a spelling that reflects dialectal differences that are
absent from many dialects, including the ones underlying the modern standard
language. The reader will therefore be confronted with the spectacular dialectal
differentiation that is characteristic of Slovene (cf. Greenberg 2000).
Bulgarian and especially Macedonian provide little information on the prosody
of Proto-Slavic.” Nevertheless, it is clear that this corner of the Slavic territory must
not be neglected. The material presented here is chiefly modern Standard Bulgarian.
3.10 Balto-Slavic
Since I adhere to the view that there was a Balto-Slavic proto-language, I found it
atttractive to include a field “Proto-Balto-Slavic” in order to obtain a modernized
version of Trautmann 1923a (cf. Derksen forthe. d). As I explained above, I follow
Kortlandt in not reconstructing any Balto-Slavic tones. The stage represented by my
reconstructions is posterior to Winter’s law. The reflex of the laryngeals and the
glottal element of the (pre)glottalized stops is indicated by ?, the IPA symbol for a
glottal stop. The phonological system is as follows (cf. Kortlandt 1994):
p b m
t d s n l r
$ Z
k g
? j w
i i u u
e é (e) (e)
a a
With respect to morphology, it is important to note that the barytone neuters have a
Nsg. in *-um < *-om, while the originally oxytone neuters have *-o < *-od << *-om.
Notwithstanding my comparison with Trautmann’s Baltisch-slavisches Worter-
buch, it is my opinion that these reconstructions in themselves do not have
independent evidential value for the Balto-Slavic hypothesis, as striking formal
similarities between Proto-Baltic’ and Proto-Slavic etyma usually relate to those
common developments on the basis of which the Balto-Slavic linguistic unity was
postulated. We must reckon with the possibility that seemingly Balto-Slavic etyma
are actually old borrowings from Slavic into Baltic or vice versa. In particular, Baltic
substratum words in Slavic are a factor that is to be taken into account (cf.
Nepokupnyj 1976).
The assumption that there was a Proto-Baltic-Slavic stage raises the question how
to act if an inherited Proto-Slavic etymon does not have a Proto-Baltic counterpart?
This does not hold good for Middle Bulgarian, which is the language of a number of accented texts.
Since Middle Bulgarian is on a par with Russian Church Slavic, etc., it belongs to my category Church
Slavic.
» Actually, I am not convinced that it is justified to reconstruct a Proto-Baltic stage. The term Proto-
Baltic is used for convenience’s sake.
INTRODUCTION 21
Does it make sense to reconstruct a Balto-Slavic form anyway, thereby assuming that
the etymon was lost in the other branch? In my opinion, it does not. The main point
of the field Balto-Slavic is to get an impression of the number of lexical items shared
by Baltic and Slavic. A Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction of an etymon that is
exclusively found in Baltic or Slavic would just be one of many intermediate stages.
Another, quite common problem is the determination of the orginal stem class of
a noun in those cases where Baltic and Slavic diverge. Unless there are clear
indications which stem class is more archaic, I considerered it best to allow the
variation to be reflected in the Balto-Slavic reconstructions.
3.11 Baltic
It stands to reason that Baltic is fairly well represented in this dictionary. On the
other hand, it would hardly make sense if the Baltic material were so extensive as it
will be in my Baltic etymological dictionary. For this reason I cut down on the
Lithuanian and Latvian data by leaving out some of the morphological and accentual
variants.
Where the modern Standard Lithuanian form serves our purpose, I have quoted
from the fourth edition of the DLKZ. The most important source for Lithuanian,
however, is the LKZ, which has incorporated data from older periods and dialect
data. The most important Old Lithuanian text is DaukSa’s Postilla (DP). Latvian data
will be quoted from the dictionary by Mihlenbach and Endzelins (ME) and the
supplement by Endzelins and Hausenberg (EH). The orthography used in these
works deviates from modern Standard Latvian orthography but is still customary in
the scholarly literature. Forms followed by * originate from a dialect with two tones
(instead of three), where the tone of that particular form is ambiguous from a
historical point of view (cf. Derksen 1996: 11-14). We are dealing either with a
conflation of the broken and the falling tone (West Latvian) or a conflation of the
sustained and the falling tone (East Latvian). These tones are indicated by “7 and *’,
respectively, but it should be noted that there exists considerable variation regarding
the realization of the conflated tones.
The Old Prussian evidence stems from the Enchiridion (or Third Catechism)
unless indicated otherwise: I write “I” for the First Catechism, “II” for the Second
Catechism, “EV” for the Elbing Vocabulary, and “Gr.” for Simon Grunau’s vocabulary.
The forms are quoted from Trautmann 1910 and Maiziulis PKEZ.
3.12 Proto-Indo-European
The field “PIE” basically contains forms that may have belonged to the Proto-Indo-
European vocabulary. I do not wish to condemn the practice of reconstructing quasi-
Indo-European forms, as the latter may contain useful information, even in the case
of etyma that may have been borrowed from a non-Indo-European language, but I
personally prefer to let this information be part of the discussion of the etymology.
22 INTRODUCTION
3.13 Cognates
It is not my intention to present an exhaustive list of cognates from other branches of
Indo-European. One may expect to find quite comprehensive lists of cognates in the
dictionary that is the ultimate goal of the Indo-European Etymological Dictionary
project. I have tried to mention forms that are in all respects close to the Proto-Slavic
etymon, but occasionally I had to settle for forms that merely contain the same root.
3.14 Discussion of the etymology
As a rule, the etymology of a given root is discussed under a single lemma. If the
eymology is perfectly clear, there may be no discussion at all. Instead, only a Proto-
Indo-European reconstruction is given.
3.15 Notes
Any lemma may contain a number of notes pertaining to a variety of subjects. The
notes do not directly concern the etymology of the lemma, which is discussed
elsewhere (see 3.13).
3.16 Cross-references
The last field mentions all cognate lemmata except the ones that are referred to in the
discussion of the etymology. If the discussion of the eymology contains a reference
to a cognate lemma, the field is omitted.
Dictionary
*A
*a conj. ‘and, but’ ESSJa 1 33-35
cs OCS a
E Ru. a
W Cz. a; Pl. a
S SCr. a; Sln. a
BSI. *6
B Lith. 6 ‘and, but’
PIE —*(hi)od
Cogn. Skt. at (RV+) adv. ‘afterwards, then, so’; Av. dat adv. ‘afterwards, then’
*ablo; *abls n. 0; m. 0 (a) ‘apple’ ESSJa I 41, 44-47
Ww Cz. jablo n.; OPI. jabto n.; Slnc. jable n.
S SIn. jablo n. ‘apple, apple-tree’; jabat m. ‘apple-tree’; Bulg. jablo n.; jabol m.
BSL. *arb-dl-s; *a?b-l-o
B Lith. obuoljs m.(io) 3°; dbuolas (dial.) m.(0); dbulas (Zem.) m.(0) 1; Latv.
abudls m.(o) ‘apple, clover’; abuls (dial.) m.(o) ‘apple, clover’; dbuolis (dial.)
m.(io) ‘apple, clover’ {1}
OPr. woble (EV); wabelcke (Gr.)
PIE *hzeb-6l-; *hzeb-l-
Cogn. Olc. eplin.; OHG apful n.; afful n.; Or. ubull n.; W afal m.
{1} Apparently the Latvian words for ‘apple’ and ‘clover’ (dabuédls, dabuls, cf. Lith. débilas) were
mixed up. The same may have happened in Old Prussian, where we have wobilis ‘clover’.
See also: *aboln ; *ablons; *abl bko; *abl aka; *ablbkb
*abolns; *ablonp f. i (a) ‘apple-tree’ ESSJa I 42-43, 47-48
CS MBulg. ablanv
E Ru. jablon’ {2}; ORu. ablanv; jablonv
WwW Cz. jablon; P|. jabton; USrb. jabton; LSrb. jabton; LSrb. jabotn (dial.) {1}
S SIn. jablan f.(i); jablana f.(a)
BSI. *arb-ol-ni-; *a?b-el-i- {3}
B Lith. obelis f.(i) 3°; obelé f.(€) 3%; Latv. dbele f.(é); abels f.(i)
OPr. wobalne
PIE *hyeb-ol-n-i-; *hzeb-el-i-
Cogn. Olr. aball f.; W afall f.
{1} According to Schuster-Sewc (HEW s.v. jabton), the Lower Sorbian dialect form jabotn is
limited to the Spremberg area. {2} The current modern Russian form is jdblonja. {3} We find
26 *ablpko; *ablpka; *ablbkp
several forms which indicate that we are dealing with an old consonant stem, e.g. Gsg. dbels or
obeles, Gpl. obelij.
See also: *ablo; *abls; *ablyko; *ablakn
*abl ako; *abl aka; *abl aks n. o; f. 4; m. 0 (a) ‘apple’ ESSJa I 41, 44-47
CS OCS abloko n.
E Ru. jabloko n.; jablok (dial.) m.; ORu. jabloke m.; jabloko m.
W Cz. jablko n.; Slk. jablko n.; Pl. jabtko n.
S SCr. jabuka f. ‘apple, apple-tree’; ; jabuko (arch., reg.) n.; Cak. jabuka (Vrg.,
Novi, Orb.) f. ‘apple, apple-tree’; SIn. jabotka f. ‘apple, apple-tree’; jabotko n,;
Bulg. jabalka f. ‘apple, apple-tree’
Diminutives in*-ko (*-ka, *-ko). See > *ablo, *ablo.
*adati v. ‘investigate, explore’ ESSJa I 52
WwW OCz. jadati ‘investigate, explore’
BSL. *o?d-
B Lith. dosti ‘smell’; Latv. udst ‘smell’
PIE *h3ed-
Cogn. Gk. d¢w ‘smell’
An example of Winter’s law.
*agne n. nt (a) lamb’ ESSJa 1 54-55
CS OCS agne (Zogr., Supr.)
E ORu. jagnja
WwW Cz. jehné; Slk. jahnia; P|. jagnie
S SCr. jagne; Cak. jane (Vrg.), Npl. jarici; Sln. jagnje; dgnje; Bulg. dgne; jagne
PIE *heg’-n-
Cogn. Gk. dyvdc f./m.; Lat. agnus m. {1}
PSL *agn- < *h,eg’-n- (N.B. Winter’s law) with the diminutive suffix *-¢ < *-ent-,
which is common in designations of young animals. Slavic forms without a
secondary suffix do not exist.
{1} The word *agnedo ‘black poplar; which Truba¢ev derives from the word for ‘lamb, may be
related to Gk. duvoc ‘chaste-tree’ I tentatively posit a root *hz2eg-.
See also: *agnbcb
*agnbcp m. jo (a) ‘lamb’ ESSJa 157
CS OCS agnoce; jagnoco
E Ru. dgnec’ (eccl.)
WwW Cz. jehnec (Kott)
S SCr. jagnjac; Cak. janie (Vrg.) n. ‘lamb’ Npl. jarci; janjac (Orb.), Npl. jajnci;
Sln. jagnac; jagnjac; dgnac
*ajpce 27
PIE *hoeg”-n-
PSI. *agn- < *h,eg”-n- (N.B. Winter’s law) with the diminutive suffix *-vco < *-iko-
(cf. > *agne).
*agoda f. 4 (a) ‘berry’ ESSJa 157-59
CS OCS agoda (Sav.) ‘fruit’
E Ru. jagoda ‘berry’
WwW Cz. jahoda ‘strawberry’; Slk. jahoda ‘strawberry’; Pl. jagoda ‘berry’
S SCr. jagoda ‘wild strawberry, berry’ {1}; Cak. jagoda (Vrg.) ‘blackberry’; SIn.
jagoda ‘berry’; Bulg. jagoda ‘strawberry’
BSI. *d?gar
B Lith. voga 1 ‘berry’; Latv. udga ‘berry’
PIE *hzog-ehy?
Cogn. Go. akran n. ‘fruit (of trees, corn)’
Adams (1999: 109-110) connects Toch. B oko n. ‘fruit, effect’ with this etymon and
claims that we are dealing with “a remarkable Balto-Slavo-Tocharian corre-
spondence” (Germanic being more remote). The vocalism of the Tocharian form,
which Adams reconstructs as *hdg-ehz, is not without problems, however. Olr. dirne
m. ‘sloe, fruit of the blackthorn, W eirin ‘plums’ may contain *h2eg-, but there are
more possibilities. Here, as well as in the case of akran, a connection with *h,eg-ro-
‘field’ may be taken into consideration.
{1} SerbCS vinjaga (XVIIth c.), SCr. vinjaga ‘wild grapes’ is a derivation of vino rather than a
compound containing *jaga.
*aje n. jo (c) ‘egg’ ESSJa I 61-62
WwW Pl. jajo; jaje (obs.); Slnc. jaja; USrb. jejo; LSrb. jajo; Plb. joji
S SCr. jdje, Npl. jaja; Cak. jaje (Vrg.), Npl. jaja; jaje (Novi), Npl. jaja; jaje
(Orb.), Npl. jaja
PIE *h,dui-om
Cogn. Gk. wdv n.; Lat. 6vum n.; Olc. egg n.; OHG ei n.; W wy m.
A derivative of *h,eui- ‘bird.
See also: *ajpce
*ajpce n. jo ‘egg’ ESSJa I 61-63
CS OCS aice
E Ru. jajco; jajko (dial.)
Ww Cz. vejce; vajko (dial.); Slk. vajce; Pl. jajko; jajce (obs., dial.); USrb. jejko
‘testicle’; LSrb. jajko ‘Easter-egg, berry’
S SCr. jdjce; Sln. jdjce; Bulg. jajcé
Originally a diminutive of > *dje. Forms with a suffix *-ko are secondary.
28 *ako
*ako adv., conj. ‘as, if? ESSJa I 64-65
CS OCS jako ‘how, as’; ako ‘how, as’ (the form with j- is predominant)
W Cz. jako ‘as, when, if’; jak ‘as’; Slk. ako ‘as’; jak ‘if’; Pl. jako ‘how, as’; jak ‘as’
S SCr. ako ‘if’; Sln. ako ‘if, insofar as, although’; Bulg. ako ‘if?
The *a- may probably be identified with the conjunction > *a.
See also: *akb
*ak prn. ‘such as’ ESSJa VIUI 171
CS OCS jako (Mar., Zogr., Supr.) ‘such as’
WwW Cz. jaky ‘what (kind of), which’; Slk. jaky ‘what (kind of), which’; Pl. jaki
‘what (kind of), which’; USrb. jakny ‘outstanding, strong’
S SCr. jak ‘strong, healthy’ f. jdka, n. jdko; Cak. jak ‘strong, healthy’, f. jaka, n.
jako; Sin. jak ‘strong, prominent, superb, brave’; Bulg. jakyj ‘strong, healthy’
I endorse the hypothesis that the meaning ‘strong; attested in South Slavic and Upper
Sorbian, is secondary, cf. Rom. tare ‘strong’ from *talis ‘such’ (Meyer-Ltibke 1935:
705).
See also: *ako
*ama f. 4 (a) ‘pit, hole’ ESSJa I 70-71
CS OCS jama ‘pit, hole’
E Ru. jdma ‘pit, hole’; njama (dial.) ‘pit, hole’; ORu. jama ‘pit, hole, ditch,
grave’; Ukr. jama ‘pit, hole, grave’
WwW Cz. jama ‘pit, hole’; Slk. jama ‘pit, hole’; Pl. jama ‘pit, hole, cave’; Slnc. jéma
‘pit, hole, cave’
S SCr. jama ‘pit, hole’; Cak. jama (Vrg., Novi) ‘pit, hole’; jama (Orb.) ‘pit, hole,
two vines planted together in a hole’; Sln. jama ‘pit, hole, cave’; Bulg. jama
‘pit, hole’
Etymology unclear.
*arbmp; *arbmo m. 0; n. 0 (b) ‘(ox-)yoke’ ESSJa I 76-78
CS OCS jarome (Supr.) m.
E Ru. jarmo n.; jarém (obs.) m.; jarém (dial.) m. ‘busy period, haymaking
time’; Ukr. jarem (dial.) m.
Ww Cz. jarmo n.; Slk. jarmo n.; Pl. jarzmo n.
S SCr. jéram m., Gsg. jérma; Cak. jaram (Vrg.) m., Gsg. jarma; jardm (Novi)
m., Gsg. jarma; jardm (Orb.) m., Gsg. jarmd; Sln. jdram m., Gsg. jarma;
Bulg. jarém m.
According to the traditional etymology, this is a derivative of the root *hzer- ‘join, cf.
Gk. dpapiokw ‘join, fit together. The long initial vowel must be a Slavic innovation
(cf. Pedersen 1937: 312-318). In view of the fact that *arv- is found everywhere in all
parts of the Slavic linguistic territory I do not consider it plausible that the long
*as(b)trébs; *as(b)trébp 29
vocalism is of the rare type found in OCS alodii ‘ship, boat’, alokati ‘be hungry; etc.,
the more so because the *» (instead of *#) would be an anomaly.
See also: *kojariti; *orsmo
*asenb; *asen'b m. jo; m. 0 (a) ‘ash-tree’ ESSJa I 79-80
E Ru. jdsew’
WwW Cz. jasan; jasan (dial.); jesen (obs.); jeser (dial.); Slk. jasen; Pl. jesion; jasien
(arch., S. dial.); jesien (arch.); jasion (arch., S. dial.) {1}; OPI. jasien; Slnc.
jasoun; USrb. jasen
S SCr. jdsén, Gsg. jdsena; Cak. jdsen (Vrg.), Gsg. jasena; jésén (Novi); jésen
(Orb.), Gsg. jésena; Sln. jdsen, Gsg. jaséna; jésen, Gsg. jeséna; Bulg. jasen;
osen (N.)
BSI. *ofs-en-; *ofs-i-o-
B Lith. vosis m.(io) 1; Latv. udsis m.(io)
OPr. woasis (EV)
PIE *Hehs-s-
Cogn. Lat. ornus f. ‘mountain-ash’; Olr. uinnius m. ‘ash-tree’; Olc. askr m. ‘ash-
tree’; OHG asc m. ‘ash-tree’} Arm. hac’i‘ash-tree’; Alb. ah m. ‘beech’
In view of the Baltic forms as well as Ru. ja- (je- > ja- is common in West Slavic and
western South Slavic but not in East Slavic), we must reconstruct *ofs- < *Hehs-s- for
Balto-Slavic. Unless the West and South Slavic forms with je-/o- continue ja- (cf.
Stawski SP I: 159), Slavic also offers evidence for the elsewhere in Indo-European
widely attested stem shape *Hh3-es-. The e-vocalism could be considered an example
of Rozwadowski’s change (see Andersen 1996: 142-143).
{1} The Standard Polish form jesion originates from the Mazowian dialect area (Bankowski
2000a: 588).
*as(b)trébs; *as(b)trébp m. o (a) ‘hawk’ ESSJa I 83-85
E Ru. jdstreb; ORu. jastrjabo; jastrebo; Ukr. jastrib; astrjdb (dial.); jastrjab
Ww Cz. jesttdb; OCz. jestiab; jéstrab; Slk. jastrab; Pl. jastrzgb m.(jo), Gsg.
jastrzebia {1}; Slnc. jast?ib; USrb. jat’ob m.(jo); LSrb. jastseb m.(jo)
S SCr. jastrijeb; Cak. jastréb (Vrg.); jastrop (Orlec); SIn. jastreb; Bulg. jdstreb
Jastriy J 8.)s jastrop J 8.)
Cogn. Gk. wKbmtepos (I1.) ‘swift-flying’; Lat. accipiter m. ‘hawk, falcon’
As far as I can see, there are no serious objections to the daring etymology *h,oh,ku-
ptr- ‘fast-flier’ (Vey 1953, cf. Kortlandt 1982: 26). According to Vey, the Slovene falling
tone points to the former presence of a weak jer in the medial syllable, but it seems to
me that the neo-circumflex may also reflect original posttonic length. The
compound has nice parallels in Homeric ipn§ wKbrmtepog N 62 ‘a swift-winged hawk
(or falcon)’ and Lat. accipiter ‘hawk, falcon.
{1} The original Gsg. jastrzeba was replaced by jastrzebia on the analogy of golgb, Gsg. golebia
‘pigeon’ (Bankowski 20002: 577).
30 *aScerb; *aScerica
*aScerb; *aScerica m. 0; f. ja ‘lizard’ ESSJa I 87-89
CS OCS astera (Supr.) Gsg. m. ‘lizard’
E Ru. jascer m. ‘inflammation of the tongue (cattle, horses)’; jascerica f. ‘lizard’
Ww Cz. jestér m. ‘saurian, dragon’ jestérka f. ‘lizard’; jestérice f. (rare) ‘lizard’; Pl.
jaszczur m. ‘salamander, saurian’; jaszczurka f. ‘lizard’; jaszczér (dial.) m.
‘lizard’; Slnc. vjescierdca f. ‘lizard’
S SCr. jaster (obs.) m. ‘lizard’; jasterica f. ‘vesicle on the tongue’; Cak. jasderica
(Vrg.) f. ‘vesicle on the tongue’; SIn. jdscerica f. ‘green lizard’; jdscarica f.
‘green lizard’
B Lith. skérjs m. 4 ‘locust’; Latv. skirgailis m. ‘lizard’; ski7gaila f. ‘lizard’
OPr. estureito (EV) ‘lizard’
Cogn. Gk. doxapic f. ‘worm in the intestines, larva of a mosquito’; oxapidec’ eidoc
éApivOwv (Hesych.)
Though the details would remain unclear, there is definitely a possibility that this is a
substratum word showing prefixation of a non-Indo-European type (cf. Schrijver
1997: 307-312). Among the alternative solutions, the analysis *h, oh, ku-sker-, a
compound of the word for ‘quick’ and the verbal root that is found in Gk. oxaipw
‘frisk as well as probably Lith. skérjs ‘harvestman, daddy-long-legs’ and Latv.
skirgailis’, seems the most attractive (Vey 1953, see also > *astrebo).
*avé adv. ‘manifestly’ ESSJa I 93-94
CS OCS javé ‘manifestly, openly, clearly’; avé ‘manifestly, openly, clearly’
S SCr. javi ‘manifestly, openly’; Bulg. ave ‘in reality’; jdve ‘in reality’; Mcd. jave
‘in reality’
BSI. *aw-?
B Lith. ovyje (DP) ‘in reality’
PIE *hpéu-éi-
Cogn. Skt. avis ‘apparently, noticeably’; Av. auuis ‘apparently, evidently’
OLith. ovyje ‘in reality’ is sometimes regarded as a borrowing from Slavic but there
are no compelling arguments for this view. The absence of initial j- rather points in
the direction of an etymological relationship (thus Biga RR I: 370), cf. OLith. jovnai
‘openly, which is a borrowing from Belorussian. In that case we would have to start
from a PBSI. i-stem *av-i- (cf. Anikin 1998: 21, see also s.v. *aviti). On the other hand,
it seems possible that the form ovyje, whose oldest attestations are two occurrences
in Daukéa, is based on Church Slavic avé. The Slavic adverb, in turn, may have been
borrowed from Iranian (Lubotsky p.c.).
See also: *aviti; *avpnb; *Umb
*aviti v. ‘show’ ESSJa 194-95
CS OCS javiti ‘show, reveal’; aviti ‘show, reveal’
E Ru. javit ‘show, display; 1sg. javlju, 38g. javit {1}
*azpno 31
WwW Cz. jeviti ‘show’; Pl. jawi¢ (obs.) ‘show
SCr. javiti ‘inform’, 1sg. javim; Cak. javiti (Vrg.) ‘inform?’ 28g. javis; javit
(Vrg.) ‘(se) greet, answer’ 3sg. jave; Sln. javiti ‘announce’ 1sg. javim
BSI. *aw-?
B Lith. ovytis ‘appear’ 38g. ovijasi
Nn
Lith. ovytis (arch.) ‘appear’ derives from the i-stem which must underlie ovyje ‘in
reality. Fraenkel (I: 519) claims that ovytis ‘appear; rage’ and Latv. dvitiés ‘talk
nonsense, get up to mischief’ are inherited words cognate with Lith. 6vaidas (< *avi-
vaidas) ‘rowdy, braggart’, while Lith. jévaidas (< *jeva-vaidas) ‘ghost’ and Latv. javitiés
or javitiés ‘behave like an idiot’ are borrowings from Slavic (see also Anikin 1998: 22).
I am not convinced that this solution, which seems to rely exclusively on the presence
or absence of j-, is correct. Moreover, it is not obvious that ovytis ‘appear’ and ovytis
(also jévytis) ‘rage’ are cognates. It seems quite possible that Lith. d6vaidas must be
connected with Ukr. javida (dial.) ‘devil, Ru. javid’ (dial.) ‘snake’
{1} AP (c) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 140).
See also: *avé; *avpnb; *umb
*avpnb adj. o ‘manifest, obvious’ ESSJa I 99-100
E ORu. javonyj ‘manifest, obvious’
WwW Cz. jevny (Kott) ‘manifest, public’; zjevny ‘manifest, obvious’ Pl. jawny
‘manifest, public, oper’
S SCr. javan ‘manifest, obvious’; Sln. javan ‘manifest, obvious Bulg. javen
‘obvious’
Probably derived from the adverb > *avé.
*azb prn. T ESSJa I 100-103
CS OCS azo
E Ru. ja; ORu. (j)azo
WwW Cz. jd; OCz. jaz; Pl. ja; OPI. jaz (Flor., possibly a Bohemianism); ja
S SCr. ja; jaz (dial.); Cak. ja (Vrg.); ja (Novi); ja (Orb.) ‘I, me’; Sn. jaz; Bulg.
az; ja (dial.)
BSI. *erz-um; *es (?)
B Lith. as; es (OLith.); Latv. es; es (dial.)
OPr. as; es
PIE *h,eg-H-om
Cogn. Skt. ahdm; Gk. éyw; Go. ik
The distribution of *azo and *d suggests that the latter form is a Proto-Slavic
innovation (Kortlandt 2006b: 6).
*azbno n. 0 ‘goat-skin’ ESSJa I 103-104
CS RuCS jazono ‘skin, leather’; SerbCS (j)azno ‘skin, leather’
32 *baba
BSI. *arz-ino-
B Lith. oZena f. 3* ‘goat-skin’; oZinis adj. ‘goat-’
PIE *h2eg-ino-
Cogn. Skt. ajina- n. ‘(animal) skin’
The Balto-Slavic acute root vowel originates from Winter’s law.
*B
*baba f. a (a) ‘old woman’ ESSJa I 105-108
CS OCS baba ‘nurse’
E Ru. baba ‘grandmother, married peasant woman’
WwW Cz. baba ‘grandmother, midwife, old woman’; baba (pej.) ‘old woman’; SIk.
baba ‘grandmother, midwife, old woman’; Pl. baba ‘grandmother, midwife,
old woman, mother-in-law’; Slnc. baba ‘old woman, grannie, female (of an
animal)’
S SCr. baba ‘grandmother, midwife, nurse, mother-in-law’; Cak. baba (Vrg.)
‘grandmother, midwife’; baba (Novi) ‘midwife’; Sln. baba ‘grandmother,
midwife’; Bulg. baba ‘grandmother, old woman, mother-in-law’
BSL. *barba?
B Lith. b6ba 1 ‘old woman’; Latv. baba ‘old woman’
Cogn. MHG babe f.; bébe f. ‘old womar’
The Middle High German word is assumed to be a borrowing from Slavic (Slawski
SP I: 171).
*badati v. ‘prick’ ESSJa I 121-122
E ORu. badati ‘butt, prick, investigate’; Ukr. badaty ‘investigate, test’
W Cz. badati ‘investigate’; Slk. bddat' ‘investigate’; Pl. badac ‘investigate, check’;
SInc. baddc ‘push’; LSrb. badas ‘investigate’
S SCr. badati ‘prick, go slowly, isg. badam
B Lith. badyti ‘stab, 3pres. bado
Cogn. Lat. fodi6 ‘dig’
An iterative with long root vocalism (> *bosti).
See also: *bodati; *bod bls; *bosti
*badli m. i ‘enchanter, healer, physiciar’ ESSJa I 150
CS OCS balii; bali (Cloz.) ‘physician’; CS bali (OSIn.: FrD) ‘healer, Saviour’
E ORu. balii; balija ‘physician, enchanter’
PIE *bheh,-d*I-
*bajati 33
There is no direct evidence for a suffix *d'I-vji-, but the form bali from the Freising
Fragments could be regarded as counter-evidence, as dl is regularly retained in this
dialect, cf. modiliti. It is not impossible, however, that bali is of Church Slavic origin.
Trubacev bases his reconstructions *badlvji and *badlovati chiefly on derivatives of
the type of OCz. pedii ‘spinster’, svadli ‘needlewoman. According to the ESSJa (I
137-138), further evidence for a suffix *-d'I- is provided by SCr. bajalo m. ‘sorcerer’,
Ru. bdjala (dial.) m./f. ‘talker, chatterer, story-teller, which may be transformations of
*badlvji. Meillet’s idea (Et. I: 417) that *bali is based on a derivative in -I- deserves
consideration.
See also: *badlovati; *bajati; *basnp; *basna
*badlovati v. ESSJa I 148-149
CS OCS ubalovati ‘cure’ (cf. balovanije ‘treatment’, balvstvo ‘cure, medicine’);
CS balovati ‘cure’
E Ru. balovat’ ‘indulge in, amuse oneself with
S Sln. balovati ‘chatter, talk nonsense’
See > *badli.
*bagno n. 0 (b?) ‘marsh’ ESSJa I 125-127
E Ru. bagno (dial.) ‘marshy place, wild rosemary’; ORu. bagono ‘mud, marsh’;
Ukr. bahno ‘marsh, mud, wild rosemary’
WwW Cz. bahno ‘marsh’; bahno (Jg.) ‘marsh’ (Jungmann mentions both bahno and
bahno); OCz. bahno ‘marsh; Slk. bahno ‘bog, large marsh’; Pl. bagno ‘bog,
marsh, wild rosemary’; Slnc. bagne ‘wild rosemary’; USrb. bahno ‘marsh,
silt’; LSrb. bagno ‘marsh, (dial.) wild rosemary’
This etymon is limited to West and East Slavic. It is tempting to seek a connection
with MoDu. bagger ‘mud’ < *b'ogt- and assume that we are dealing with a
substratum word. Semantically more remote is Olc. bekkr m., OHG bah m., OS beki
m. ‘brook, which nevertheless may belong here (*b'og'-nd-?). The problem with an
oxytone proto-form (b), whether the root was *b*og- (> *bo?g-) or *b'ég'-, is the
West Slavic evidence for a short root vowel. Lith. bégnas and bogna 4 are generally
regarded as borrowings from Slavic.
*bajati v. (a) ‘tell’ ESSJa I 138-139, 161-162
CS RuCS bajati ‘tell fables’
E Ru. bajati (dial.) ‘speak’; Ukr. bdjati ‘tell, narrate, practise sorcery’
WwW Cz. bajeti ‘chat, tell fables’; OCz. bati ‘speak, invent’; Pl. bajac ‘narrate (fables,
fairy-tales)’; USrb. bac ‘narrate (fables, fairy-tales)’
S SCr. bajati ‘practise sorcery, exorcize’; Sln. bdjati ‘talk idly, prophesy, practise
sorcery, 1sg. bdjam, 18g. bajem; Bulg. baja ‘talk about, say magic chants’
PIE *bhehy-
Cogn. Gk. put, Dor. pat ‘say’; Lat. fari ‘say’; OE boian ‘brag’ {1}
34 *basnp; *basna
{1} Lith. béti ‘draw attention to, which has an older variant dbdti, is a borrowing from Slavic, cf.
Pl. dbaé ‘(take) care’ (Fraenkel I: 53). According to LIV (481), OE b6(ia)n might continue
*ghyeH- ‘call’, which seems dubious.
See also: *badli; *badlovati; *basnp; *basna
*basnp; *basna f. i; f. ja ‘tale’ ESSJa I 138-139, 161-162
CS CS basno ‘tale’
E Ru. bdsnja ‘fable’
Ww Cz. basen ‘tale’, Gsg. baste; OCz. bas(e)7, basn ‘tale’; Pl. basn ‘tale’
S SCr. bdsan ‘tale, Gsg. basni; Sln. bdsan ‘fantasy, fable, Gsg. bdsni; Bulg.
bdsnja ‘fantasy, fable’
Deverbative noun in *-sno. See > *bajati.
*baviti v. (a) ‘be, linger’ ESSJa 1 168-170
E Ru. bavit’ (dial.) ‘linger’; OUkr. baviti ‘remain, linger, delay’
W Cz. baviti ‘amuse, take time’; Pl. bawi¢ ‘amuse, be, abide’
S SCr. bdvit (dial.); baviti se (dial.) ‘be late, linger’; Sln. baviti se ‘occupy
oneself with, linger; 1sg. bavim se (Pletersnik (I: s.v.) does not indicate the
change of tone in the present (o.c. II: 1).
BSL. *boru-it-; *bru-inr-
B Lith. bivintis ‘sojourn’
PIE *bho Hu-eie-
Cogn. Skt. bhavayati ‘cause to be, cherish, refresh’
See also: *bydlo; *bylbje; *bystrs; *byti; *bytnje; *byvati
*bebrs; *bobrs; *bpbrs m. o (b) ‘beaver’ ESSJa I 174-175; I] 145-146; III 159
CS CS bebro; bobro
E Ru. bobr, Gsg. bobra; bobér, Gsg. bobra; ORu. bebro; bobre; bebro; Ukr. bibr,
Gsg. bobra
Ww Cz. bobr; Pl. bébr, Gsg. bobra
SCr. dabar; Sn. bobar; bébar; Bulg. bébar
BSI. *bebrus
B Lith. bébras 2; bebrus 4; Latv. bebrs
OPr. bebrus (EV)
PIE *bheb'rH-u- (b*eb"rH-o-)
Possibly a derivative of the word for ‘brown with reduplication of the root. The
reconstruction of a laryngeal is based on Lith. béras ‘brown’. The fact that this
etymon was not affected by the generalization of accentual mobility in the masculine
o-stems points may be be accounted for by positing a u-stem.
Cogn. Skt. babhru- ‘reddish brown; Lat. fiber m. ‘beaver’; OHG bibar m. ‘beaver’;
OE beofor m. ‘beaver’
Nn
*bel(e)n; *belena; *bolns 35
*bedro; *bedra n. o; f. 4 (b) ‘thigh’ ESSJa 1175-176, 179-180
CS OCS bedra f.; SerbCS bedro n.; bedra f.
E Ru. bedro n. ‘thigh, hip’; bedra (dial.) f. ‘thigh’; ORu. bedra ‘hip 'f.
Ww Cz. bedra Npl. n. ‘loins, hips’; OCz. bedra f. ‘thigh, groin’; Pl. biodro n. ‘hip’
S SCr. bédro n.; bédra f.; Cak. bedra (Vrg.) f., Asg. bédru; SIn. bédro n.; bédra f.;
Bulg. bedro n.
PIE *bhedh-rém
The etymology of this word is not entirely clear. The connection with Ukr. bedra
(dial.) ‘large pit, valley, swamp, Pl. ubiedrze ‘slope, steep bank and Lith. bédré ‘swamp,
valley, Latv. bedre ‘pit? (Anikin 1998: 30-31), which derive from *b'ed'- ‘dig’ is
semantically unattractive. In Balto-Slavic, the meaning of this root seems to shifted
to ‘to stab; however, which makes one wonder if > *stegno ‘thigh’ may derive from a
root meaning ‘stab’ as well, cf. Olc. stinga ‘stab, thrust. Pokorny’s reconstruction of a
root *bed- ‘swell’ (IEW: 96) is impossible because of Winter’s law.
*bel(e)niti; *belnovati; *bolniti v. ‘rage’ ESSJa I 185-187, III 159
E Ru. (uz)belenit’sja (dial.) ‘become infuriated’; bolonit’ (dial.) ‘pester, bore’;
bol6nit’ (dial.) ‘talk
Ww Cz. blenovati (Kott: Bylinat Mathioliwv, 1596) ‘chatter’
S SCr. blaniti (a7th c.) ‘go crazy, rage’; Sln. blencdti ‘talk in one’s sleep, rave,
chatter’, sg. blencdm (also belendati ‘rave, phantasize’ from Hung. beléndek
‘henbane’); Bulg. blentivam ‘be poisoned by henbane, day-dream’; Mcd.
blenuva ‘drean’
PIE *bhel(e)-n-
Apart from denominative verbs meaning ‘to rave, to talk nonsense, expressions of the
type “he has eaten (or drunk) henbane” conveying the same meaning exist in several
languages, e.g. Ru. on beleny ob”élsja, OCz. kdyz sé komu prihodi, ze by sé blena
najedl, Cz. jako by se blinu napil, SCr. kao da se buna (bunike) nazobao (najio,
(na)jeo).
See also: *bel(e)n»; *belena; *bplniti; *bplnovati; *bplns; *bplnika; *bolns
*bel(e)n3; *belena; *boln» m. o; f. 4; m. o ‘henbane’ ESSJa I 185-187; II 177
CS RuCs belens m. ‘henbane’
E Ru. belen (dial.) m. ‘henbane’; belend f. ‘henbane’ {1}
WwW Cz. blin m. ‘henbane’; blim (dial.) m. ‘henbane’; OCz. blén m. ‘henbane’; Slk.
blen m. ‘henbane, bitterness’ {2}; Pl. blen m. ‘henbane’ {3}; OPI. blen m. jo
‘henbane’ {4}
S SCr. blén (rare) m. ‘henbane’; blém (rare) m. ‘henbane’; beléna f. ‘fool, idiot’;
blan (17th c.) m. ‘furibundus’ {5}; Sln. blén m. ‘henbane’, Gsg. bléna; Bulg.
bljan m. ‘day-dream’; blen m. ‘day-dream’; Mcd. blen (poet.) m. ‘dream, day-
dream’
PIE *bhel-(e)n-o-
36 *bérdjp
Cogn. OE beolone f., beolene f., belene f. ‘henbane’; OS bilene f. ‘henbane’; Dan.
bylne, buln-urt (early Dan.) ‘henbane’; Gaul. BeAevovvtiav Asg. ‘henbane’;
Gaul. BELENO Dsg. ‘name of a divinity’ {6}
See Derksen forthe. f for a discussion of the Slavic word for ‘henbane’.
{1} Ru. belen- cannot reflect *beln-, which would regularly yield *bolon-. {2} Alongside bielian.
{3} Alongside bielun. {4} In Old Polish we find blev, bielun, bielun, bielon. According to
Stawski (SP I: s.v.), blen is a borrowing from Czech. {5} Both blén and blém are rarely attested.
The form with m can be traced to Stulli’s dictionary. {6} Besides the n-stem *b'el(e)no-, there
was an s-stem *b'el-es-, e.g. OHG bilisa f., bilesa f., bilsa f., MDu. bilse, Span. belesa, velesa, and
probably W bela, bele, all meaning ‘henbane’ (see Schrijver 1999).
See also: *bel(e)niti; *belnovati; *bplniti; *bplnovati; *bplns; *bplnika; *bolniti
*berdjp adj. jo (a) ‘with young, pregnant’ ESSJa 1188-189
CS CS brééda f. ‘pregnant’; RuCS bréz(d)a f. ‘pregnant’
E Ru. beréZaja (dial.) f. ‘in foal’; berézaja (dial.) f. ‘mare in foal’; Ukr. beréZa f.
‘with young’
WwW Cz. brezi f. ‘with young, pregnant’; OCz. brézi f. ‘with young, pregnant’
S SCr. bréd (W. dial.) ‘pregnant, (Cr) in calf’; Cak. bréja (Orb.) f. ‘pregnant (of
a cow), with young’; Sln. bréja f. ‘with young’
BSI. *ber?dios
B Lith. be?(g)Zdzias 4 ‘barren (of a cow)’; ber(g)Zdé f.(é) ‘barren cow’
PIE *bherdieh,
Cogn. Lat. forda f. ‘in calf’
Both *bterd*ieh, and *bherHd*ieh, would have yielded **forba in Latin (see
Nussbaum 1999 for the development of *rd* originating from syncope). A proto-
form *bherHdieh, is therefore the only possibility. Nussbaum, who considers the
connection with OCS brézda possible, suggests that an original noun *b'ori- > *fori
‘birther’ was expanded to *fori-d- and then hypercharacterized as a feminine (1999:
406).
See also: *bérme; *bprati
*bergti v. (c?) ‘take care of’ ESSJa 1 189-191
CS OCS nebrésti ‘neglect; sg. nebrégo
E Ru. beréé’ ‘take care of, spare’, 1sg. beregt, 38g. berezét; Bel. berahcy ‘take care
of, spare’; Ukr. berehty ‘take care of, spare, preserve’
S SCr. brijéci (arch.) ‘take care of, spare, guard, preserve’
BSI. *berg-
B Lith. birginti ‘save, stint’
PIE *bhergh-
Cogn. Go. bairgan ‘keep, preserve, hide’; Olc. bjarga ‘keep, preserve, hide’
See also: *borgs; *bprgp
*berstb 37
*bérgp m. (c) ‘bank’ ESSJa I 191-193
CS OCS brégo ‘bank, shore, steep slope’
E Ru. béreg ‘bank, shore’
Ww Cz. breh ‘bank, shore, boundary, edge’; brech (dial.) ‘hill; Gsg. breha; OCz.
béh ‘hill, hillside, bank, shore, pier’; Slk. breh ‘bank, shore, hill, hillside’; Pl.
brzeg ‘bank, shore, edge’; USrb. brjéh ‘bank, shore, hill, Gsg. brjoha; LSrb.
brjog ‘bank, shore, hill, heap’
S SCr. brijeg ‘bank, shore, boundary, edge, hill’; Cak. brig (Vrg.) ‘bank, shore,
boundary, edge, hill} Gsg. briga; briég (Orb.) ‘hill, Lsg. briége; SIn. brég ‘bank,
shore, hillside, hill’; Bulg. brjag ‘bank, shore’
PIE *bhergh-o-
Cogn. Go. bairgahei f. ‘mountainous region’ Olc. bjarg m. ‘mountain’; OHG berg
m. ‘mountain’ Skt. brhdnt- (RV+) ‘great, large, high’; LAv. baraz- ‘great,
high’; Arm. barjr ‘high’
In view of the Indo-Iranian and Armenian forms, the *g of the Slavic etymon is
problematic. Attempts to establish *bergs as a borrowing from Germanic or Venetic-
Illyrian (Pokorny IEW) lack a solid basis but cannot be rejected out of hand.
*berme n. n (a) ‘load, burden’ ESSJa I 196-197
CS OCS bréme ‘load, burden’, Gsg. brémene
E Ru. berémja (dial.) ‘armful, bundle, burden, Gsg. berémeni; Ukr. beremja
‘load, burden’
W Cz. brimé ‘heavy load, burden, Gsg. brémene; Slk. bremd (arch.) ‘weight’; Pl.
brzemig ‘load, burden, Gsg. brzemienia; USrb. brémjo ‘heavy load, burden,
Gsg. brémjenja; LSrb. bréme ‘load, burden, yoke, bundle’, Gsg. brerenia
S SCr. bréme ‘weight, load, pregnant woman; Gsg. brémena; Cak. brime (Vrg.)
‘weight, load’, Gsg. brimena, Npl. brimend; bréme(n) (Orb.) ‘load, burden’;
Sln. bréme ‘weight, load, bunch, foetus, burden, Gsg. breména; Bulg. bréme
‘weight, load, pregnant woman, Gsg. brémena
PIE *bherH-men-
Cogn. Skt. bhdriman- n. ‘maintenance, care, burden’
The accentuation of the etymon points to the presence of a laryngeal in the root.
See also: *bérdjp; *bprati
*berstb m. 0 (b/c) ‘elm’ ESSJa I 199-200
E Ru. bérest, Gsg. béresta {1}; Bel. bérast, Gsg. bérasta; Ukr. bérest, Gsg. béresta
Ww Cz. byest; Slk. brest; Pl. brzost; brzdst (dial.)
S SCr. brijest, Gsg. brijésta; Cak. brist (Vrg.) ‘a herb similar to rosemary, Gsg.
brista; brést (Novi), Gsg. brésta; briés (Orb.), Gsg. brésta; Sln. brést; Bulg.
brjast; brest
Cogn. Go. bairhts ‘bright, clear’
38 *berza
If we assume that *bersto is cognate with > *bérza, which has an acute root, we must
explain the variant belonging AP (b). In my view, a form *b*erHg-to- (admittedly
with slightly unexpected end-stress) would remain oxytone in Balto-Slavic, in which
case the root would be affected by the Proto-Slavic loss of pretonic laryngeals. As I
consider it possible that the generalization of accentual mobility in masculine o-
stems with a non-acute root vowel did not apply to the marginal class of Balto-Slavic
oxytona, Illi¢-Svitye’s reconstruction of a substantivized neuter adjective is not
necessarily correct.
{1} Ili¢-Svityé (1963: 52) mentions a Gsg. berestd (dial.).
See also: *bérza
*bérza f. 4 (a) ‘birch’ ESSJa I 201-203
CS CS bréza
E Ru. beréza; Bel. bjaréza; Ukr. beréza
Ww Cz. briza; Sik. breza; Pl. brzoza; Slnc. br#eza; USrb. bréza; LSrb. brjaza
S SCr. bréza f.; bréz m. 0; SIn. bréza f.; bréz m. 0; Bulg. breza; Mcd. breza
BSI. *bér?Zos; *bér?Za?
B Lith. bérzZas m. 3; Latv. bérzs m.
OPr. berse
PIE *bherHg-0-
Cogn. Skt. bhiirjd- m. ‘kind of birch’
The root may be identical with *b"rh,g- ‘shine’, cf. Skt. bhrajate ‘id’.
See also: *bérstb
*bez(b) prep. ‘without’ ESSJa II 7-13
CS OCS bez(e)
E Ru. bez; ORu. bezo
WwW Cz. bez; Slk. bez; Pl. bez
S SCr. bez
BSI. *be(z)
B Lith. bé; Latv. bez
OPr. bhe
PIE —*bhe-gh
*béda f. a (b) ‘need, poverty, misery’ ESSJa II 54-56
CS OCS béda ‘distress, need, necessity’
E Ru. beda ‘misfortune, trouble’
Ww Cz. bida ‘poverty, misery’; béda ‘woe!’; Slk. bieda ‘poverty, calamity’; Pl. bieda
‘poverty, misery’; biada interj. ‘woe!’; OPI. biada ‘distress, necessity’ {1};
UStrb. béda ‘grief, woe, misery’; LSrb. béda ‘grief, pain’
*bégati 39
S SCr. bijéda ‘grief, misfortune’; SlIn. béda ‘misery’; Bulg. beda ‘misfortune,
misery’
PIE *bhoid'-ehz
Cogn. Alb. be f. ‘oath’ {2}
According to Buga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. béda 4 ‘misfortune, trouble, guilt’ is
probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has é instead of the expected ie (cf.
biédnas ‘poor ). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why béda and Latv. béeda
‘sorrow, grief, distress’ should not be old. These words could be connected with badas
‘hunger’ and Skt. bddhate ‘oppress’ (Biga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a
dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic *béditi ‘force, persuade’ cannot be separated
from Go. baidjan ‘force. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or
assume that in Slavic *béd- < *bhoid'- and *béd- < *b'éd'- were contaminated (cf.
Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS béda ‘distress’ and ‘necessity’ would continue
different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that
Lith. baidyti ‘to scare’ < *b'iH- ‘to fear’ is cognate with *béda and *béditi (cf. ESSJa II:
55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds.
{1} The vocalism of Modern Polish bieda ‘id? is of Mazowian origin, cf. biada ‘woe!’ {2}
Demiraj (1997: 94) prefers *b'eid'-i-s to an d-stem.
See also: *béditi
*béditi v. (b) ESSJa II 56-57
CS OCS béditi ‘force, persuade’ 1sg. béZdo
E Ru. bedit’ (dial.) ‘spoil, vex’
WwW Cz. biditi (Jg., Kott) ‘reduce to poverty, (se) torment oneself, suffer’; béditi
Jg., Kott) ‘reduce to poverty’; bidit se (dial.) ‘live in poverty’; Slk. biedif' ‘live
in poverty’; OPI. biedzi¢ ‘struggle’
S SCr. bijéditi ‘slander’, 1sg. bijedim; Bulg. bedjd ‘accuse’
PIE *bhoid'-eie-
Cogn. Gk. meiOw ‘persuade’; Go. baidjan ‘force’; OHG beitten ‘demand’
It is very unlikely that Slavic *béditi ‘force’ and Go. baidjan ‘id’ belong to different
roots. Stang even includes these words in his “Sondertibereinstimmungen” (1972: 14).
The meaning ‘persuade’ is another indication that we are dealing with PIE *b'oid'-.
The question is whether denominative *béditi ‘reduce to poverty, live in poverty’
ultimately continues a different root (see *béda).
See also: *béda
*bégati v. (a) ‘run, flee’ ESSJa II 58-59
CS OCS bégati ‘run, flee’ 1sg. bégajo
E Ru. bégat’ ‘run, isg. bégaju
WwW Cz. béhati ‘run’; Slk. behat ‘run; Pl. biegaé ‘run’; Slnc. bjiegdc ‘ru’
S SCr. bjégati ‘flee’, isg. bjégam; Sln. bégati ‘walk to and fro, rout; 1sg. bégam;
Bulg. bjdgam ‘run, flee’
40 *béla
BSI. *berg-
B Lith. bégti ‘run’
PIE *bhegw-
Cogn. Gk. péPopat ‘flee’
The acute root vowel results from Winter’s law.
See also: *bézati
*bélp adj. 0 (b) ‘white’ ESSJa II 79-81
CS OCS béle
E Ru. bélyj; bel, f. bela, n. bélo {1}
W Cz. bily; Slk. biely; Pl. biaty; Slnc. bjdyli
S SCr. bijel, bio, f. bijéla, n. bijélo; Cak. bi(1) (Vrg.), f. bila, n. bild; biél (Orb.), f.
bield, n. béélo; Sln. bét; Bulg. bjal
B Lith. balas 4 ‘white’; bdltas 3 ‘white’; Latv. bals, bals ‘pale’; balts ‘white’
The fact that this etymon belongs to AP (b), which implies a non-acute root, does
not pose any problems if one assumes that the regular reflex of a lengthened grade
vowel was circumflex. We may reconstruct *b"é/H-o-, with regular loss of the root-
final laryngeal.
{1} AP (b) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 136).
See also: *bolna; *bolns; *bolna; *bolnsje; *bdlto
*bésp m. 0 (c) ‘demon’ ESSJa II 88-91
CS OCS béso
E Ru. bes
WwW Cz. bés; Sl. bes; Pl. bies
S SCr. bijes; Cak. bis, Gsg. bisa; SIn. bés; Bulg. bjas ‘rabies, demon’
BSI. *boitsds
B Lith. baisis ‘terrible’; Latv. baiss ‘terrible’
PIE *bhoiHd"-so-
Cogn. Lat. foedus ‘repulsive, terrible, disgraceful’
Since both Slavic and Baltic point to BSI. *s instead of *s, it has been suggested that
the root of this etymon was *b"oiHd"-, cf. Lat. foedus ‘repulsive, terrible, disgraceful’
(cf. Pedersen 1895). An extension of the root is also found in Lith. baidyti, Latv. baidit
‘scare; but it is uncertain if this *d, which may be identified with *d*h,- ‘put and is
part of a productive suffix (cf. OPr. pobaiint ‘punish’), is the same element.
*béZati v. (c) ‘run, escape’ ESSjJa II 92
CS OCS béZati ‘run, run away, escape’, 1sg. béZo, 28g. béZisi
E Ru. beZdt’ ‘run, escape; 1sg. begu, 38g. bezit
W Cz. béZeti ‘run’; Slk. beZat ‘run’; Pl. biezec (obs.) ‘run’; Slnc. bjiezéc ‘suffer
from diarrhoea
PIE
Cogn.
*biti 41
SCr. bjéZati ‘run, escape; 1sg. bjézim; bijézati (Vuk: “u pjesmi”) ‘run, escape’;
Cak. bizdti (Vrg.) ‘run, escape’; bezat (Orb.) ‘run (away); 1sg. beZin; Sln.
béZati ‘flee, run’ 1sg. bezim; beZati ‘flee, run’
*berg-
Lith. bégidti ‘run about’
*bhegw-
Gk. péPoupat ‘flee’
See also: *bégati
*bicb m. jo (a) ‘whip, lash’ ESSJa II 94
CS OCS bicv
E Ru. bic’; ORu. bico
Ww Cz. bié; Slk. bié; Pl. bicz; Slnc. bjié
S SCr. bié ‘whip, cane’, Gsg. bica; Cak. bié (Vrg.) ‘whip, cane’, Gsg. bica; SIn. big,
Gsg. bica; Bulg. bic ‘whip, leather lash’
Derivative of — *biti. The suffix continues *-tio-.
*bidlo n. 0 (a) ESSJa I 94-95
E
Ru. bilo (dial.) ‘pestle, seat in a sleigh’; ORu. bilo ‘board which is struck to
convoke people to church or to the dining-table, plectrum’; Ukr. bylo ‘board
used instead of a bell in monasteries’
Cz. bidlo ‘pole’; OCz. bidlo ‘rack, support, plectrum’; Slk. bidlo ‘pole, perch,
slay’; OPI. bidto ‘squared beam covered with nails in a sleigh’; Slnc. bjidle
‘round bar in a sleigh; LSrb. bidto ‘reed (of a loom)’
SCr. bilo ‘mountain ridge with spurs, artery, riveting hammer} Sln. bilo
‘artery, striking mechanism (of a clock)’; Bulg. bilo ‘crest of a mountain,
mountain ridge’
Derivative in *-d'lom from the root *b*iH- ‘strike’ (> *biti). AP (a) is in accordance
with Hirt’s law.
See also: *bics; *biti; *bitva; *bojp
*biti v. (a) ‘beat’ ESSJa II 99-101
CS OCS biti ‘beat; 1sg. bojo
E Ru. bit’ ‘beat’, 18g. bju, 38g. bjét
Ww Cz. bit ‘beat’; Slk. bit ‘beat’; Pl. bi¢ ‘beat’; Slnc. bjic ‘thresh, beat’; USrb. bié
‘beat’; LSrb. bis ‘beat’; Plb. bait ‘beat’
S SCr. biti ‘beat, kill; 1sg. bijém; Sln. biti ‘beat; sg. bijem; Bulg. bija ‘beat’
PIE *bhiH-
Cogn. Olr. benaid ‘strike, pret. pass. -bith; Lat. perfinés 2sg. pres. subj. ‘you may
break’
See also: *bic; *bidlo; *bitva; *bojp
42 *bitva
*bitva f. 4 (a) ‘battle, fight ESSJa II 100-101
E Ru. bitva
W Cz. bitva ; Slk. bitva ; Pl. bitwa
S SCr. bitva; Sln. bitva; Bulg. bitva
PIE *bhiH-tu-ehz
See also: *bics; *biti; *bidlo; *bojp
*blekots; *blekota m. o; f.4 ESSJa II 108-109
E Ru. blékot (dial.) m. ‘henbane’; blekotd (dial.) m.f. ‘chatterbox’, blekéta (dial.)
mf. ‘chatterbox’; Bel. blékat m. ‘henbane, hemlock’ ; Ukr. blékit m. ‘poison
hemlock’; blékot m. ‘henbane’ ; blekotd f. ‘poison hemlock, henbane’
W Cz. blekot m. ‘shouter, babbler’; blekota f. ‘grumbler’; OCz. blekot m. ‘chatter,
grumbling, chatterbox, grumbler’; Slk. blakot m. ‘bleating, bellowing’; Pl.
blekot m. ‘fool’s parsley, henbane, (arch.) stammerer, chatterbox’; USrb.
blekot m. ‘muttering, babble’
S SCr. blékét m. ‘bleating’
See > *bleko.
*blekb m. o ESSJa II 109
WwW Cz. blek ‘bleating’; USrb. blek ‘henbane’; blik ‘henbane’
S SCr. blék ‘bleating’; Sln. blék ‘flock (of sheep)’; Bulg. blek (dial.) ‘henbane’
PIE *bhlek-o-
The semantic connection between *blek(ot)s as the name of various poisonous
plants and *blekoto ‘chatter, chatterer’ is the fact that particularly henbane may cause
a delirium, cf. Ru. belenit’sja (dial.) ‘become infuriated’ SCr. beléna ‘fool’ from *belena
‘henbane; or the Polish expression brodzi, jakby sie blekotu (fool’s parsley’) objadt,
which equals Cz. jako by se blinu napil. I am inclined to consider the verbs *blekati
‘chatter, mutter, bleat’ and *blekotati derivatives of *bleko and *blekoto rather than
vice versa (pace ESSJa). The development of a meaning ‘bleat’ may have been
favoured by the onomatopoetic qualities of the root. Alternatively, we could
distinguish a separate onomatopoetic root *blek- ‘bleat’ or even separate *blek-
‘henbane’ from *blek- ‘chatter, mutter. Pokorny (IEW) erroneously classifies Ru.
blékote ‘fool’s parsley’ under *b'leiq- ‘shine’.
See also: *blekota; *blekotp
*bléd» adj. 0 (©) ‘pale’ ESSJa II 111-112
CS OCS blédo
E Ru. bledéj (dial,); blédyj (dial,); Uke. blidyj
W Cz. bledy; Sik. bledy; Pl. blady; SInc. bladi; USrb. blédy ‘pale, bright’; LSrb.
blédy
*bléskp 43
S SCr. blijed, f. blijéda; Cak. blid (Vrg.), f. blida, n. blido; bliét (Orb.), f. blieda;
SIn. bléd; Bulg. bled
BSI. *bloitd-(w)6-
B Lith. blaivas 4 ‘whitish, blue, sober’
PIE *bhloid-(u)o-
Cogn. OE blat ‘pale’; OHG Dleizza f. ‘pallor
In view of Winter’s law, we would expect to find traces of a glottalic element in Balto-
Slavic. The accentuation of Lith. blaivas - the Proto-Slavic form is mobile and
therefore inconclusive - offers no evidence for an original acute, however. Pokorny’s
reconstruction *bhlaido-s is impossible for Slavic and *bhlehz,ido-s is incompatible
with the mobile accentuation of the adjective in Balto-Slavic.
*bléjati v. ‘bleat’ ESSjJa II 107
CS RuCS bléjati ‘bleat’
E Ru. bléjat’ ‘bleat, (dial.) ‘speak, chatter, cry’; Ukr. bléjaty ‘bleat, speak, tell
stories’; blijdty ‘bleat’
WwW Cz. bleti (arch.) ‘bleat’
S SCr. bléati ‘bleat, talk nonsense’, 1sg. biéjim; Cak. bléjati (Vrg.) ‘bleat, talk
nonsense; 2sg. bléjés; blejat (Orb.) ‘bleat’ 35g. bleji; Sln. bléjati ‘bleat, quarrel,
mutter’, isg. bléjam, 1sg. bléjem; Bulg. bléja ‘bleat’
BSI. *ble?-
Latv. blét ‘bleat’
PIE *bhleh,-
Cogn. Lat. flére ‘cry’; MHG bléjen ‘leat’
*blésks m. 0 (c) ‘brightness’ ESSJa II 113-114
CS RuCS blésko ‘brightness, colour, lightning’
E Ru. blesk ‘brightness, splendour’; ORu. blésks ‘brightness, colour, lightning’
W Cz. blesk ‘lightning, brightness’; Slk. blesk ‘id’; Pl. blask ‘brightness, shine’;
SInc. blask ‘lightning, brightness’; bliesk ‘id’; USrb. blésk ‘id?
S SCr. blijesak ‘glow, glimmer} Sln. blésk ‘brightness, splendour, lightning’;
Bulg. bljdsak ‘brightness’
BSI. *bloisko-
Latv. blaiskums m. ‘spot’; blaizgums m. ‘spot’
PIE *bhloig-sko-
The preglottalized velar may or may not have been lost before Winter’s law. I prefer a
Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction without *? for reasons mentioned s.v. *blosko. (cf.
Derksen 1996: 285-294). Dybo (2002: 490) also assumes that Winter’s law did not
operate in this etymon. In his formulation, Winter’s law was blocked by a following
*s.
See also: *bliskati; *blistati; *bliscati; *bliskn; *blpskp; *blb8¢ati
44 *bledp
*bledp f. i ‘error’ ESSJa II 114-115
CS OCS bledbo f. ‘nonsense, error, debauchery’; bledv m. ‘chatterer, idle talker’
E Ru. bljad’ f. ‘prostitute, dissipated woman, Gsg. bljddi; ORu. bljado f.
‘deception, nonsense, deceiver, lunatic, adulteress’
Cogn. Go. blinds blind’; Olc. blindr ‘blind, unclear’
See > *blesti.
*blesti v. ‘talk nonsense, err ESSJa IT 115
CS OCS blesti ‘chatter, talk nonsense’, 1sg. bled; RuCS blesti ‘lose one’s way, talk
nonsense’
E ORu. bljasti ‘lose one’s way, talk nonsense; 1sg. bljadu
WwW OCz. blésti ‘lose one’s way, talk nonsense; 1sg. bledu
S SCr. blesti (arch.) ‘talk nonsense, blaspheme’; SIn. blésti ‘rave, talk nonsense’,
isg. blédem
BSI. *blend-
B Lith. biésti ‘sleep, stir flour into soup, talk nonsense, become cloudy; 3sg.
blendzia; Latv. bliézt ‘talk nonsense’, 3pres. bliéz; blenst ‘talk nonsense’; blénst
‘be short-sighted’ {1}
The root *b"lend"- seems to be limited to Balto-Slavic and Germanic (cf. Stang 1972:
15).
{1} In ME, blenst ‘talk nonsense’ is accented. blénst? (blénzt*) or blerist? (blerizt’). Blenst ‘be
short-sighted’ occurs with the unambiguous accentuations blénst and blefist (1x). In some
dialects, the latter verb has also preserved the root-final d.
See also: *bleds; *bloditi; *bl6dp
*bliskati; *blistati; *bliscati v. ‘shine’ ESSJa II 116-117
CS OCS bliskati se ‘sparkle, shine’; bliscati se ‘sparkle, shine’
E Ru. blistat’ ‘shine’; bliskat’ (dial.) ‘sparkle’; Ukr. blyskati ‘twinkle, kick
WwW Cz. blyskati (se) ‘shine, flash (lightning)’; Slk. blyskat'‘id’; Pl. btyska¢ ‘shine,
flash’; OPI. bliskaé ‘shine, flash’; Slnc. blaskdc ‘sparkle, glance’; USrb. blyskac
‘sparkle, shine’; LSrb. blyskas (se) ‘sparkle, shine’
S SCr. bliskati (se) ‘shine’; blistati (se) ‘id’; Sln. bliskati (se) ‘sparkle’; bliskati
se ‘shine’; Bulg. bljdskam ‘shine, sparkle’
BSI. *blisk-
B Lith. blyskéti ‘shine, 3sg. blyski; blizgéti ‘shine, sparkle’; bliskéti ‘shine,
sparkle’
In view of the forms with *» (> *bluske), we must assume e-grade rather than *iH.
Cogn. OE blican ‘shine’; blikan ‘id?
See also: *blésks; *blisks; *blasks; *blpséati
*blizp I; *blizpkp 45
*bliskp m. 0 (c) ESSJa II 114
CS OCS bliske (Euch.) ‘lightning’
WwW Cz. blisk (dial.) ‘marsh marigold’; Slk. blisk ‘gilding, brightness, marsh plant’
S Sln. blisk ‘lightning’
PIE *bhleig-sko-
Cogn. OHG blic ‘flash, lightning’; OS bliksmo ‘lightning’
See also: *blésks; *bliskati; *blistati; *bliscati; *blbsks; *blbscati
*blizna; *blizno f. 4; n. 0 ESSjJa II 118-120
E Ru. blizna (dial.) f. ‘missing thread in fabric, flaw in home-spun material’;
bliznd f. ‘knot in linen resulting from an incorrect arrangement of the warp’;
blizno n. ‘flaw in fabric, absence of one or two threads’; bljuznd f. ‘flaw in
fabric’; ORu. blizna f. ‘scar’; Bel. bljuzna f. ‘flaw in fabric’; Ukr. blyzna f.
‘wound, scar’; blyznd f. ‘defect in linen’
WwW Cz. blizna f. ‘stigma (bot.)’; Pl. blizna f. ‘scar, gash, seam, cicatrice, trace left
by a fallen leaf’; OPI. bluzna f. ‘cicatrice, stigma, stamp’; Kash. blizna f.
‘cicatrice’; USrb. btuzna f. ‘scar, birth-mark’; LSrb. bluzna f. ‘scar, bruise’
S SCr. blizna f. ‘two threads put into a reed (instead of one); ruptured thread
in weft or warp, Npl. blizni; blizna f. ‘scar’; blizno n. ‘gap’; Bulg. bliznd f.
‘place in fabric where a thread is torn or missing’
BSI. *blitz-n-
B Lith. blyzé f.(@) 4 ‘rip in fabric’; Latv. bliznis? m.(io) ‘pile of broken trees in a
forest’
A formation with an n-suffix derived from *b*lig- ‘beat; cf. Lat. fligere ‘hit. The forms
that seemingly reflect *bJuzna must be secondary unless they are cognate with Lith.
bluzgana ‘scurf’, Latv. blaugznas Npl. ‘scurf, husk, which in my opinion is not very
likely.
See also: *bliz» I; *blizpbks; *blizs II; *blizp
*blizy I; *blizpk» adj. o ‘near, close’ ESSJa II 121-122
CS CS blizo {1}
E Ru. blizyj (dial.) ‘short-sighted’ {2}; blizkij ‘near, close’; Ukr. blyz’kyj ‘near,
close’
WwW Cz. blizy (arch.); blizky; Slk. blizky; Pl. bliski; OPI. blizi ‘near, close, adjacent’;
UStrb. blizki; LSrb. blizki
S SCr. bliz; blizak; SIn. blizak, f. blizka; Bulg. blizak
BSI. *blei?z-
See > blizo Il, *blizo.
{1} As an adjective, blizo is exclusively attested in Croatian Church Slavic manuscripts from the
14th century. {2} The adjective blizo has AP (a/c) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 133).
46 *blizp II; *blizp
*bliz» II; *blizp adv., prep. ESSJa II 121-122
CS OCS blizo adv./prep. ‘near, close to’ (rarely blizv)
E Ru. bliz prep. ‘near, close to’
W Pl. blizo (dial.) adv. ‘near, close by’; OPI. blizu adv. ‘near, close by’
S SCr. blizu prep./adv. ‘near, close by’; Cak. blizit (Orb.) prep./adv. ‘near,
nearby’; blizu (Orb.) prep./adv. ‘near, nearby’; Sln. bliz adv. ‘near, close by’;
bliz prep. ‘near, close to’; Bulg. blizo adv. ‘near, close by’
BSI. *bleitz-
B Lith. bliezti (dial.) ‘throw hard’; bldizyti ‘tear off, shell’; Latv. bliézt ‘beat,
hew’; blaizit ‘squeeze, squash, hit, beat, rub’
PIE *bil(e)ig-o-
Cogn. Lat. fligere ‘hit’
Although puzzling at first, the semantic transition from ‘to beat’ to ‘near’ appears to
have convincing parallels, e.g. MoFr. prés ‘near’ : Lat. pressus ‘squeezed’ (ESSJa II: 122,
with references).
See also: *blizna; *blizno; *blizp; *blizbkn
*blusti v. (c) ‘watch’ ESSjJa II 136-137
CS OCS bljusti ‘watch, guard, 1sg. bljudo
E Ru. bjjusti ‘guard, observe; sg. bljudu, 38g. bljudét
S SCr. bljtisti (RJA: arch.) ‘guard, observe’ 1sg. bljuidém
BSI. *bjoud-
PIE *bheud'-e/o-
Cogn. Gk. mév8opat ‘give notice’; Skt. bédhati ‘observe, heed’
See also: *buditi; *bpdéti; *badrb
*blpvati v. ‘vomit’ ESSJa II 140-141
CS OCS bl’evati, isg. bljujo
E Ru. blevat’ (vulg.), isg. bljuju, 38g. bljujét; ORu. blovati, 18g. bljuju
Ww Cz. bliti; blut (dial.); OCz. blvati ‘vomit, spit’, sg. bluju; blivati; Slk. bluvat;
Pl. blwaé (obs.), 18g. bluje; bluc, 1sg. bluje; USrb. blec; bluwac ‘vomit, spit’;
LSrb. bluwas; blus ‘vomit, spit’; Plb. blava 3sg. ‘vomits’
Ss SCr. bljuvati, isg. bljiijém; Cak. bljiivat (Orb.), 38g. bliiije, 38g. bljiiva; Sin.
bljavati ‘vomit, spit; isg. bljujem; bljuvati ‘vomit, spit, 1sg. bljuvam, 18g.
bljujem; bljuti ‘vomit, spit, 1sg. bljdjem; Bulg. balvam, bljuja (dial., arch.);
bljuvam (dial., arch.)
BSI. *bljour-
B Lith. bliduti ‘bleat, sob, weep’; Latv. blaiit ‘bleat, bellow
PIE *bhleuH-
Cogn. Gk. phéw ‘flow over’; Lat. flud ‘flow’
*blbxa 47
*bloditi v. (b) ‘err’ ESSJa II 125-127
CS OCS bloditi ‘err, indulge in debauchery, 1sg. blozdo
E Ru. bludit’ ‘wander, roam, 1sg. bluzu, 38g. blidit; bludit’ ‘fornicate’ 1sg. bluzu,
38g. bludit
W Cz. blouditi ‘lose one’s way, roam, be mistaken’; Slk. bividit ‘lose one’s way,
roam, be mistaken’; Pl. bigdzi¢ ‘be mistaken, roam, lose one’s way’; Slnc.
blgzéc ‘be mistaken, roam, talk nonsense’ 1sg. bléysq; USrb. btudzié ‘delude,
lose one’s way, be mistaken, roam’; LSrb. bfuzis ‘confuse, roam, be mistaken’
S SCr. bluditi ‘spoil, caress’ 1sg. bliidim; Sln. bléditi ‘roam, be mistaken, talk
nonsense, mix, blend, delude’ 1sg. blédim
BSI. *blond-ei/i-
B Lith. blandytis ‘clear up, become cloudy, recover, roam’; Latv. bluéditiés*
‘roam, be ashamed’; blanditiés? ‘roam’
PIE *b'lond'-eie-
Cogn. Go. blandan sik ‘mix’; Olc. blanda ‘mix, blend’; OE blandan ‘mix’; OE
blendan ‘darken, blend’; Olc. blunda ‘close one’s eyes’; ME blundren ‘stir,
confuse’; MoE blunder ‘blunder’
See also: *bleds; *blesti; *bl6dp
*bl6d» m. 0 (c) ‘delusion’ ESSJa II 126-127
CS OCS blods ‘debauchery, depravity, adultery’
E Ru. blud ‘lechery, fornication, (dial.) evil spirit that leads the drunk astray’
WwW Cz. blud ‘mistake, delusion, insanity’; bloud ‘fool’ {1}; Slk. blud ‘mistake,
delusion, insanity’; Pl. b/gd ‘mistake, delusion, Gsg. bledu
S SCr. bliid ‘mistake, delusion, lechery, adultery’; Sln. bléd ‘mistake, delusion,
voluptuousness’; Bulg. blud ‘fornication, adultery, time of unrest’
BSI. *blondos
B Lith. blafidas m. ‘cloudiness, obscuration of mind or eyesight, drowsiness’;
blanda f. 4 ‘fog’; blandus ‘dim, cloudy, thick (soup)’; Latv. bluods m. ‘evil
spirit that leads one astray, wood-goblin’
Deverbative o-stem with o-grade in the root of *b'lend*-. Skt. bradhnd- (RV+) ‘pale
ruddy, yellowish, bay, which has been assumed to be cognate, rather belongs together
with *brono.
Cogn. Olc. blundr m. ‘slumber’
{1} According to Verweij (1994: 528), the originally long root vowel of Cz. bloud may be a
vestige of the accent paradigm to which *blodz belonged prior to the operation of Illi¢-Svityé’s
law.
See also: *bleds; *blesti; *bloditi
*bipxa f. 4 (b) ‘flea ESSJa II 129-130
CS RuCS bloxa
E Ru. bloxd, Asg. bloxu; bloxd (dial.), Asg. bloxu; Ukr. bloxd
48 *blpknoti
W Cz. blecha; Slk. blcha; Pl. pchta {1}; Slnc. pyla; USrb. tcha; bka (Pfuhl); pcha
(Pfuhl); tk(h)a (Pfuhl); LSrb. pcha; bcha (dial.); Plb. blaxa
S SCr. butha, Asg. buhu, Npl. bithe; Cak. buha (Vrg.), Npl. buhé; biiha (Orb);
SIn. bétha; Bulg. balxa
BSI. *blusa?
B Lith. blusd 2; Latv. blusa
PIE *plus-
Cogn. Gk. wodha f; Skt. plisi- m.; Lat. palex m.; OHG floh m.; Arm. low
{1} In Polish dialects, we find a large variety of forms, e.g. pcha, pta, plecha, blecha, btcha.
*blpknoti v. ‘fade’ ESSJa IT 112-113
E Ru. bléknut’ ‘fade, wither’ {1}; Bel. bljaknuc ‘fade, wither’; Ukr. bléknuty ‘fade,
wither’
WwW Pl. blakngé ‘fade’ {2}; Kash. vabléknoc ‘fade’; zbléknogc ‘fade’
B Lith. nubliékti ‘fade’
PIE *bhlik-
The ESSjJa actually reconstructs *bléknoti. I prefer the traditional reconstruction,
which is also found in Stawski SP I.
{1} Cf. also bléklyj ‘faded, pale, wan. {2} Rather than regarding the a as old, I would follow
Stawski in assuming that the root vowel was influenced by bladny ‘pale’
*blpskb m. o ESSJa I 113-114
CS CS blosko ‘splendour’
Ww OCz. blesk ‘lightning, brightness, Gsg. blsku; LSrb. blysk ‘lightning,
brightness’
S Bulg. bldsak ‘blow, stab’
BSI. *blisko-
B Lith. blizgas 2 ‘shine, glimmer’
PIE *bhlig-sko-
If the preglottalized velar was preserved up to Winter’s law, the Slavic and Baltic
forms with short *i would have to be of analogical origin. For this reason I prefer a
Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction without *? (see also LIV 89).
See also: *blésks; *bliskati; *blistati; *bliscati; *blisks; *blbscati
*blséati v. ‘shine’ ESSjJa IT 131-132
CS OCS blostati se ‘sparkle, shine’
E Ukr. blyséati ‘shine’
WwW Cz. blystéti se ‘shine, sparkle, twinkle’ (Jungmann has Dlstéti, blystéti, blistéti
‘shine’); Pl. blyszczecé ‘shine, sparkle’; Slnc. blascéc ‘shine, sparkle’; bliescéc
‘shine, sparkle’; USrb. blys¢cec ‘shine’; LSrb. blyscas (se) ‘shine’
*bodblp 49
Ss SCr. blijéstati (se) ‘shine, glisten’; Cak. blisciti se (Vrg.) ‘shine, glisten’; SIn.
bléscati ‘shine, sparkle, gawk {1}; bolséati ‘gawk’ Bulg. bléstja ‘open one’s
eyes wide, gawk’; blesti (dial.) 3sg. ‘shines’
BSI. *blisker-
B Lith. blyskéti ‘shine; 3sg. bl yski; blizgéti; bliskéti ‘shine, sparkle’
PIE *bhlig-sk-ehj-
A number of the above-mentioned forms contain a secondary full grade. For a
motivation of the Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction, see > *blosko.
{1} The accentuation blescati (Pletersnik I: s.v.) is a misprint (see o.c. II: I).
*bo conj. ‘for’ ESSJa II 141-142
CS OCS bo ‘for’
E Ru. bo (dial.) ‘if, for, because’
W Cz. bo (arch.) ‘for’; Pl. bo ‘for, because’
S SCr. bo (dial.) ‘for’
BSI. *bo
B Lith. ba ‘for’; bé ‘for’
PIE *bho
Cogn. Go. ba ‘that not, if not’
*bodati v. ‘stab, sting’ ESSJa II 122-122
E Ru. boddt’ ‘butt, isg. boddju
Ww Cz. bodati ‘stab, pierce’; Slk. bodat ‘stab’
S SIn. bédati ‘sting, stitch’ 1sg. b6dam; Bulg. boda ‘stab, feel a sharp pain’
BSI. *bod-
B Lith. badyti ‘butt, prick, 3pres. bado
PIE *bhodh-
Cogn. Lat. fodié ‘dig’
The ESSJa mentions forms reflecting *bodati under *badati because the o-vocalism is
assumed to be analogical. Since in general *bodati is also semantically closer to bosti
(the meaning ‘investigate’ is limited to bddati) and in some languages occurs
alongside *badati, it is perhaps more accurate to say that it is a recent formation.
See also: *badati; *bod bls; *bosti
*bodblp m. jo (c) ‘thor’ ESSjJa IT 154-155
CS RuCS bodl» ‘thorn’
S SCr. bédalj (Montenegro) ‘a kind of thorny grass, Gsg. bédlja; Cak. b“6dalj
(Orb.) ‘unidentified plant (thistle?), prickle, thorn, Gsg. b“6dlja; Sln. bédalj
‘needle, thorn, Gsg. bédlja; Bulg. bodél (obs.) ‘thor’
See also: *badati; *bodati; *bosti
50 *bogatb
*bogats adj. 0 ‘rich’ ESSJa II 158-159
CS OCS bogato
E Ru. bogatyj
W Cz. bohaty; Slk. bohaty; Pl. bogaty
S SCr. bogat; Cak. bogdt (Vrg., Orb.), f. bogiita; Sln. bogat; Bulg. bogat
See > *bégo.
*bégp m. 0 (c) ‘god’ ESSJa II 161-163
CS OCS bogs
E Ru. bog, Gsg. béga; Bel. boh, Gsg. boha; Ukr. bih, Gsg. boha
WwW Cz. buh, Gsg. boha; Slk. boh; P|. bég, Gsg. boga; USrb. bh, Gsg. boha
S SCr. bég, Gsg. boga; Cak. bég (Vrg., Novi), Gsg. bdga; b“6h (Orb.) ‘God,
Christ’, Gsg. béga; SIn. bég, Gsg. bogd; Bulg. bog
Cogn. Skt. bhdga- (RV+) m. ‘prosperity, good fortune’; LAv. baya- m. ‘lord, god’
The Slavic noun *bogo is usually considered a borrowing from Iranian (cf. Vaillant
Gr. I: 16). This hypothesis is supported by the fact that the etymon does not show the
effects of Winter’s law.
See also: *bogats; *nebog
*bojati se v. ‘fear, be afraid’ ESSJa II 163-164
CS OCS bojati se
E Ru. bojat’sja, 1sg. bojtis’, 38g. boitsja; Ukr. bojaty sja
WwW Cz. bati se; Slk. bat sa; Pl. baé sie; Slnc. b#ejéc sg; USrb. bojec so; LSrb. bojas
se
S SCr. bojati se; Cak. bojati se (Vrg.); SIn. bojati se, sg. bojim se; bati se, 18g.
bojim se; Bulg. bojd se
BSL. —-*b(0)i(?)-a?-
B Lith. bijoti(s) ; Latv. bijat(iés) ; bitiés
OPr. bidtwei
PIE *bhoiH-ehy-
Cogn. Skt. bhay’- (RV+) ‘fear, be afraid’
See also: *bojaznb
*bojaznp f. i ‘fear’ ESSJa II 165
CS OCS bojazno
E Ru. bojdzn’
W Cz. bazeni f.(i/ja); Pl. bojazn
S SCr. bojazan; Sln. bojézan; Bulg. bojazan
BSL. *b(0)i(?)-ar-
B OPr. bidsnan Isg. ‘fear’
See also: *bojati se
*bélgp 51
*bojb m. jo (b/c) ‘battle, fight ESSJa II 167-168
CS OCS uboi ‘murder’
E Ru. boj ‘battle, fight, beating, Gsg. bdja {1}; Uke. bij ‘fight, battle, Gsg. boju
Ww Cz. boj ‘battle, fight’; Slk. boj ‘battle, fight’; Pl. bdj ‘battle, fight; Gsg. boju
S SCr. b6j ‘battle, war’, Gsg. bdja; Cak. béj (Vrg.) ‘battle, war’, Gsg. boja; Sln. boj
‘battle, fight, Gsg. bdja; Bulg. boj ‘battle, fight’
PIE *bhoiH-o-
{1} AP (b) in Old Russian, sporadically (c) (Zaliznjak 1985: 134).
See also: *bics; *biti; *bidlo; *bitva
*bol&ti v. (c) ‘ache’ ESSjJa II 187-189
CS OCS boléti ‘be ill, be in pain, 1sg. boljo, 28g. bolisi
E Ru. bolét’ ‘ache’, 3sg. bolit; bolét’ ‘be ill’ 38g. boléet; Ukr. bolity ‘ache’, 3sg. bolit’;
bolity ‘be in pain, be ill, 38g. bolije
W Cz. boleti ‘ache’; Slk. boliet ‘ache’; Pl. boleé ‘ache’; Slnc. bi#eléc ‘ache’; USrb.
bole¢ ‘ache’; LSrb. béles ‘ache’
S SCr. béljeti ‘ache, hurt’, bolim; Cak. boliti ‘ache, hurt’, 3sg. boli; bolét (Orb.)
‘hurt; 3sg. boli; Sln. boléti ‘ache’, 1sg. bolim; Bulg. boli ‘aches’ 3sg.; bolja ‘be ill’
PIE —*b'ol(H)-
Cogn. Go. balwjan v. ‘martyr’; Olc. bolva v. ‘curse’
The possibility exists that we had *b"leh.u- (Gk. pdadpog ‘inferior, bad’, Olc. blaudr
‘timid’?) alongside *b"elh,- (cf. Pokorny 125, 159).
See also: *bélb
*bélgo n. 0 (c) ESSJa II 173
CS OCS blago ‘(the) good’
E Ru. bdlogo (dial.) adv. ‘well, good’; bologé (dial.) adv. ‘well, good’; ORu.
bologo ‘(the) good’
WwW Cz. blaho ‘bliss, happiness’; Pl. btogo ‘good, happiness’
S SCr. bldgo ‘wealth, money, cattle’; Cak. blago (Vrg.) ‘cattle’; blago (Orb.)
‘(head of) cattle, farm animal’; Sln. blagé ‘good, goods, cattle’; Bulg. blago
‘good, property, wealth’
Etymology unclear. The etymon has been compared with Skt. Bfhaspati- (name of a
God) and Av. barag- f. ‘rite’? but this is highly speculative.
See also: *bdlg
*bélgn adj. 0 (c) ‘good’ ESSJa II 174
CS OCS blago ‘good, gracious’
Ww Cz. blahy ‘blessed, good’; Slk. blahy ‘blessed, good’; P1. blogi ‘good, happy,
beneficial’
52 *bole(je)
S SCr. blag ‘sweet, good’; Sln. bldg ‘noble, benevolent’; Bulg. blag ‘good,
pleasant, sweet’
See > *bélgo.
*bole(je) adv. ‘more’ ESSjJa II 193-194
CS OCS bolje ‘more’; bole ‘more’
E Ru. bolee ‘more’
Ww USrb. béle ‘more’
S SCr. bélje ‘better’; Cak. bdJé (Vrg.) ‘better’; bdlje (Orb.) ‘better’; Sln. bélje
‘better’
Adverb of > *boJujo.
*bolbjp adj. jo ‘bigger, better’ ESSjJa II 193-194
CS OCS bojii ‘bigger, better’, f. bolvsi, n. bolje
E Ru. bdl’sij ‘bigger’ f. bol’Saja, n. bol’see
S SCr. bolji ‘better’; Cak. bé]i (Vrg.) ‘id’; bdlji (Orb,) ‘id’; SIn. bélji ‘id?
Cogn. Skt. baliyas- ‘better’; Gk. BeAtiwv ‘better’
A comparative *bol-(i)is-io- from a PIE root *bel- ‘strong.
See also: *bole(je)
*bolna f. 4 (a) ‘membrane’ ESSJa II 175-177
CS RuCs blana ‘placenta’
E Ru. bolonda ‘sickly outgrowth on trees, sap-wood, (dial.) lump’; ORu. bolona
‘placenta’; Ukr. boléna ‘membrane, window-pane’
WwW Cz. blana ‘film, membrane, web (of water-fowl), sap-wood’; Slk. blana
‘membrane, film’; Pl. biona ‘membrane, film’; OPI. bona ‘placenta, eyeweb,
peritoneum, entrails’; LSrb. bfona ‘membrane, film’
S SIn. bldna ‘membrane, thin skin, parchment’; Bulg. bland ‘manure (used as
fuel), turf”
BSI. *bol?-n-
B Lith. balnas 3 ‘white, having a white back (cattle)
PIE *bholH-n-
Both the ESSJa and Stawski SP (I: 307-309) are inclined to derive *bolna ‘membrane,
sapwood’ and *bolna ‘turf, meadow from a root meaning ‘white’ (see also Urbutis
1982: 163-164). Though the relationship between ‘membrane’ and ‘white’ may not be
obvious, the relationship between the usually light-coloured sapwood and ‘white’ is
unproblematic. In view of the semantic similarities between ‘sapwood’ and
‘membrane; the etymology advocated by the ESSJa and Stawski SP may very well be
correct. The connection between *bolna ‘turf, meadow’ and *bolto ‘swamp, where an
etymology involving the root for ‘white’ is widely accepted, seems quite plausible.
See also: *béls; *bolns; *bolna; *bolnpje; *bolto
*bolto 53
*bolns; *bolna f. i; f. ja ESSJa II 178
E Ru. bol6n’ (dial.) ‘peritoneum, membrane, upper layers of a tree, cambium,
bull’s belly’; bdlon’ (dial.) ‘timber’; ORu. bolono ‘low-lying meadow near a
river’; Ukr. bolon’ ‘meadow, pasture’
WwW Cz. blaria (dial.) ‘film, skin (on milk, etc.)’; OCz. blate ‘pasture’; Slk. blana
‘membrane, film’; Pl. biona ‘membrane, film’; Slnc. bléyn m.(o) ‘cloud’ Gsg.
bléund; LSrb. bion m.(i) ‘meadow, clearing’; Plb. blan ‘meadow’; bland ‘id?
S SIn. blanja ‘board, stump, log’
BSI. *bol?ni-
B Lith. bdlnis m.(io) ‘peeled tree-trunk’
PIE *bholH-n-
See > *bolna. I have included Slnc. bléun in spite of the fact that it is
morphologically and semantically deviant.
*bolnpje n. io ESSjJa II 178-179
E Ru. bal6n’e (dial.) ‘low flooded place’; ORu. bolonvje ‘low-lying meadow
near a river’; Ukr. boldnja ‘low-lying meadow’; boldnje ‘ravine, pasture’;
bolon’é (dial.) ‘swamp’
WwW Cz. bldné (arch.) ‘meadow, pasture’; OCz. bldni ‘meadow, lawn’; Pl. blonie
‘large pasture, meadow’; Plb. blané ‘meadow
BSL. *bol?ni-
PIE *bholH-nio-
See also: *béls; *bolna; *bolns; *bolna; *bolto
*bolto n. o (a) ‘swamp’ ESSJa II 179-182
CS OCS blato ‘swamp, quagmire’
E Ru. boldto ‘swamp’
Ww Cz. blato ‘mud’; P|. bloto ‘mud’; SInc. bluete ‘swamp’; USrb. bidto ‘mud’
S SCr. bléto ‘mud, swampy terrain’; Cak. bldto (Vrg.) ‘mud, swampy terrain’;
blato (Orb.) ‘mud, dirt’; Sln. blato ‘mud, swamp’; Bulg. blato ‘mud, swamp’
BSI. *bol?to
B Lith. bdltas 3 ‘white’; bala f. 2/4 ‘swamp’; Latv. balts ‘white’
OPr. Namuynbalt [placename] {1}
Cogn. Alb. balté f. ‘mud, swamp’; MoGk. Bddtog f. ‘swamp’; Rom. baltd f. ‘mud,
swamp’ {2}
Both formally and semantically, *bolto may derive from PIE *b*elH- ‘white’ cf. Pl. biel
(dial.), bielaw, Bel. bel’ ‘swampy meadow’ (ESSjJa IL: 180). PSI. *bolto is sometimes
considered an “Illyrian” substratum word. In this connection not only the above-
mentioned forms from the Balkan peninsula are adduced, but also Romance forms
such as Lomb. palta, Piem. pauta (cf. Demiraj 1997: 87-88).
54 *bolp
{1} Cf. also the Rythabalt meadow and the placename Peusebalten. Namuynbalt is the
equivalent of Namoyumpelk (pelk ‘swamp’).
See also: *béls; *bolna; *bolns; *bolna; *bolnpje
*bélp f. i (c) ‘pai’ ESSJa II 191-192
CS OCS bolv m.(i) ‘sick perso’
E Ru. bol’ ‘pain Bel. bol’ m.(jo) ‘pain, Gsg. bdlju; Ukr. bil’ m.(jo) ‘pain,
suffering, Gsg. bélju
Ww Cz. bol m.(o) ‘sorrow, grief’; Slk. bél m.(jo) ‘sorrow, grief’; Pl. bél m.(o)
‘pain, sorrow, grief, Gsg. bdlu {1}; Kash. b¥ol m.(o) ‘pain, b¥6lu {1}; Slnc. bdul
m.(0) ‘pain, béul#; USrb. bol f.(ja) ‘pain, Gsg. bole; LSrb. bol ‘pain, grief;
Gsg. boli
S SCr. bél ‘pain, illness, Gsg. béli; Cak. bél (Vrg., Novi) ‘pain, illness, Gsg. bdli;
b*6l (Orb.) ‘pain, illness, Gsg. boli; Sln. bét ‘pain, suffering, grief’, Gsg. béli;
bét m.(o) ‘pain, suffering, grief’; Bulg. bol (dial.) m.(o) ‘pain, sick person;
bol’ (dial.) m.(0) ‘sick person, illness’; Mcd. bol f.(i) ‘pair’
PIE — *blol(H)-i-
Cogn. OCorn. bal f. ‘illness’; Olc. bol n. ‘misfortune, damage, Dsg. bglve; Go.
balwawesei f. ‘wickedness’; OE bealu n. ‘woe, harm, wickedness’
A deverbative of > *boléti.
{1} Stawski mentions bol (17th/18th c.) ‘devil, demon, Gsg. bolu (SP I: 315). A variant with the
expected short root vowel is also attested in dialects and in Kashubian (Gsg. -olu alongside
-6lu mentioned in Lorentz PW).
*bolzina f. 4 ‘beam’ ESSJa II 183-184
S SCr. blazina ‘pillow, bolster’; Sln. blazina ‘roof-beam, cross-beam, pillow,
mattress, bolster’
BSI. *boléeitnar; *bolzeitnos
B Lith. balzienas m. 1/3 ‘cross-beam (harrow,waggon, sledge)’; balziena f. 1/3
‘cross-beam (harrow, waggon, sledge)’; Latv. balziéns m. ‘cross-beam
(sledge, plough)’
OPr. balsinis ‘cushion’; pobalso ‘bolster’
PIE —*bhol g-
Cogn. Olc. bjalki m. ‘beam’; OHG balko m. ‘beam; OE balca m. ‘beam’
It seems plausible that we are dealing with two, formally indistinguishable roots (cf.
IEW: 122-123, 125-126). The meaning ‘pillow, bolster’ belongs to the same root that
underlies Lith. balnas, OHG balg, etc. Stang (1972: 14) attempts to separate ‘beam’
from ‘pillow, bellows’ on formal grounds (*¢ vs. g, respectively), but this does not
seem to work, as the Balto-Slavic forms that are supposed to contain *¢ do not show
the effects of Winter’s law. It is more likely that the Germanic forms with *k contain
*k(k) < *gh-n- (Kluge’s law).
See also: *bolzpno
*bordath 55
*bolzpno n. o ‘beam’ ESSjJa II 184
E Ru. bélozno (dial.) ‘thick plank’
WwW Kash. blozno ‘cross-beam’; SInc. bluezne ‘body of a sleigh’
BSI. *boléeitnar; *bolzeitnos
B Lith. balzienas m. 1/3 ‘cross-beam (harrow, waggon, sledge)’; balziena f. 1/3
‘cross-beam (harrow, waggon, sledge)’; Latv. bdlziéns m. ‘cross-beam
(sledge, plough)’
OPr. balsinis (EV) ‘cushion’; pobalso (EV) ‘bolster’
PIE —*bhol g-
Cogn. Olc. bjalki m. ‘beam’; OHG balko m. ‘beam; OE balca m. ‘beam’
See > *bolzina.
*borda f. 4 (c) ‘beard’ ESSjJa II 197-198
CS OCS brada ‘beard’
E Ru. boroda ‘beard, (dial.) chin, Asg. bérodu; Bel. barada ‘beard’; Ukr. boroda
‘beard, chin’
W Cz. brada ‘chin, beard’; Slk. brada ‘chin, beard’; Pl. broda ‘beard, chin’; SInc.
br#eda ‘beard’; USrb. broda ‘beard, chin’; LSrb. broda ‘beard, moustache,
chin; Plb. bréda ‘chin, throat’
S SCr. brdda ‘beard, chin’, Asg. brddu; brdda ‘axe’; Cak. bradd (Vrg.) ‘beard,
chin, Asg. bradu; brada (Orb.) ‘chin, beard’, Asg. bradu; Sln. brdda ‘beard,
(beardless) chin’; Bulg. brada ‘chin, beard’; Mcd. brada ‘chin, beard’
BSI. *bordd?
B Lith. barzda 4; Latv. barda; barzda (dial.)
OPr. bordus (EV)
Cogn. Lat. barba f£.; OHG bart m.; OE beard m.
Possibly a North Indo-European substratum word. In PIE terms - albeit with
“European a” — the reconstruction is *b'ard'-ehp.
See also: *bordatb
*bordat adj. 0 ‘bearded’ ESSJa II 198-199
CS CS bradatyi
E Ru. borodatyj; Bel. baraddty; Ukr. borodatyj
WwW Cz. bradaty; Sik. bradaty; Pl. brodaty; Slnc. bredati; USrb. brodaty; LSrb.
brodaty
S SCr. bradat; Sln. bradat; Bulg. braddt
BSI. *bordd?-to-
B Lith. barzdotas
Cogn. Lat. barbatus
Adjective in *-to- derived from > *borda.
56 *bordlo
*bordlo n. o ESSJa II 200-201
E Ukr. borélo (dial.) ‘cleft in a crag’; borolé (dial.) ‘crag’
WwW OCz. bradlo ‘cliff, (pl.) fortification’ {1}; Slk. bradlo ‘cliff’; Pl. brodto (dial.)
‘hay-stack, shock’; brédto (dial.) ‘hay-stack, shock’; OPI. brodto ‘hay-stack’
S Bulg. brdlo ‘weir’
PIE *bhorH-d'lom
Verbal derivative in *-dlo < *-d'lo-, cf. > *borti.
{1} Cz. bradlo ‘handle of a stick derives from *borati ‘take.
See also: *borna II; *b6rnp; *zabordlo
*boérgp m. 0 (c) ‘stack, rick’ ESSJa II 202-203
E Ukr. borih (dial.) ‘stack, rick, Gsg. boroga
WwW OCz. brah ‘stack, rick’; Pl. brdg ‘stack, rick, shed, Gsg. brogu; Slnc. bréug
‘stack, rick, Gsg. bruegu; LSrb. brog ‘stack, rick
PIE *bhorgh-o-
Cogn. MLG barch (barg, berg) m. ‘shed without walls for storing sheafs’
Lith. b(a)rdgas ‘stack, rick’ is a Slavic borrowing. Ru. brog was probably borrowed
from Polish.
See also: *bergti; *bprgp
*borna I f. 4 (b/c) ‘harrow ESSJa II 204-206
E Ru. boronda, Asg. béronu; ORu. borona; Ukr. borond
Ww Cz. brany Npl.; Slk. brany Npl,; Pl. brona {1}; Slnc. bdrnd ; USrb. brona; Plb.
borna
S SCr. brana; Sln. brana; Bulg. brdna; brand (dial.); Mcd. brana
PIE *bhorH-nehz
Cogn. Gk. papdwot 3pl. ‘plough’? Lat. fordre ‘perforate’; Olc. bora ‘perforate, drill’;
OHG boron ‘perforate, drill’
According to the ESSJa, *borna ‘harrow and *borna ‘guarded entrance, barrier’
belong to one and the same root. Though this may be correct, I prefer to leave it an
open question whether these words may be identified. In my opinion, this is
tantamount to leaving the question whether PSI. *borti, Lat. ferire and Olc. berja are
cognate with Gk. papdwot, Lat. fordre and Olc. bora unanswered.
{1} We find attestations of bréna (bruna) from the 16th century onwards (Stawski SP I: 324).
See also: *borna I; *bprna; *bprtp; *bartp
*borna II f. a ESSJa II 204-206
E ORu. borona ‘defence’; Ukr. boréna ‘defence’
PIE
*borti 57
Cz. brdna ‘entrance, gate, defences’; OCz. brdana ‘fortification, gate’; Slk.
brdna ‘gate, guarded entrance’; Pl. brona ‘(arch.) fortified gate, movable part
of a gate’
SCr. brdna ‘dam, weir, barrier, defender, defence’; Sln. brana ‘protection,
defence’; Bulg. brand (dial.) ‘dam, weir’; Mcd. brana ‘dam, weir’
*bhorH-nehz
See > borna I.
*bérnp f. i (c) ESSJa II 208-209
CS OCS branv ‘war, battle, fight
E Ru. béron’ (dial.) ‘prohibition, order’; ORu. boronv ‘battle, obstacle, guard’
WwW OCz. bran ‘arms, fortification, defence’; bran ‘arms, fortification, defence’;
PIE
Pl. bron ‘weapon, military division’; USrb. brdn ‘arms, equipment’ LSrb.
bron ‘arms’
SCr. bran f. ‘fight, battle, war’; brdn m. ‘fight, battle, war’; Sln. bran ‘defence,
kind of weir, (wicket-)gate’; Bulg. bran f.? ‘war’
*bor-n-i-
Lith. ba?nis m.(io) 2 ‘abuse, quarrel’; barnis f.(i) 4 ‘abuse, quarrel’
*bhorH-n-i-
See also: *bordlo; *borna II; *borti; *zabordlo
*bdrspno n. 0 (c) ‘flour, food’ ESSJa II 212-213
CS OCS braseno ‘food’
E Ru. bérosno (dial.) ‘rye-flour’; ORu. boroseno ‘(farinaceous) food’; Ukr.
borosno ‘flour’
S SCr. brdsno ‘flour, food’; Cak. brdsno (Vrg.) ‘flour, food’; SIn. brasno ‘food’;
Bulg. brasno ‘flour’
BSI. *bar-
B Latv. bariba f. ‘food’
PIE *bhar-s-in-om
Cogn. Lat. far n. ‘flour; farina f. ‘id’; Go. barizeins adj. ‘barley-’; Olc. barr m. ‘grain’;
Olr. bairgen f. ‘bread, loaf, W bara ‘bread’
We are probably dealing here with a root *b'ar-, which was borrowed into European
(cf. Schrijver 1991: 113-114).
*borti v. (b) ESSjJa IT 213-214
E
Ww
S
OCS brati (se) ‘fight; 1sg. borjo (se), 28g. borjesi (se)
Ru. borét’ ‘overpower, throw to the ground, isg. borju, 38g. boret; borot’sja
‘fight, 1sg. borjus’, 38g. boretsja; Ukr. boréty ‘overpower’
Pl. brdé sie (dial.) ‘fight, contend’
Bulg. bérja ‘torment, conquer’; borja se ‘fight’
58 *bérvp
BSI. *borr-
B Lith. barti ‘scold, accuse, forbid’; bartis ‘quarrel’; Latv. barti ‘scold, blame’;
bartiés ‘quarrel’
PIE *bhorH-
Cogn. Lat. ferire ‘hit’; Olc. berja ‘beat, hit’} OHG berjan ‘hit, pound, knead’
For semantic reasons it is unclear whether Lat. fordre ‘perforate, Olc. bora ‘id. etc.,
belong here as well (cf. Schrijver 1991: 216; see also s.v. *borna I). The Germanic
forms continue PGmce. *barjan.
See also: *bordlo; *borna II; *bérnp; *zabordlo
*bérvp m. 0 (c) ESSJa II 214-215
CS CS bravo ‘small live stock
E Ru. bérov ‘hog, castrated boar, (dial.) boar, castrated bull’; ORu. borove
‘small live stock, hog, castrated boar’
W Cz. brav ‘small live stock’; brav (dial.) ‘hog, castrated boar’; Slk. brav ‘hog,
castrated boar’; Pl. browek (dial.) ‘porker’
S SCr. brav ‘sheep (pl.), (dial.) hog, castrated boar’; Cak. brav (Vrg.) ‘ram’; SIn.
brav ‘sheep (pl.), pig, animal’; brav f.(i) ‘sheep (pl.)’; Bulg. brav (dial.) ‘ran’
PIE *bhor-u-o-
Cogn. Olc. borgr m. ‘hog, castrated boar’; OHG barug m.; barh m. ‘id’; OE bearg
m.; bearh m. ‘id’; MoE barrow ‘id’; MoDu. barg m. ‘id?
It is unclear whether this root may be identified with the root *b"rH- of > *borti and
*bortv, as is advocated by Pokorny (IEW: 133-135). The Germanic cognates reflect
*bhor-u-ko-.
*bérb m. u (c) ‘pine-tree, pine forest’ ESSJa I 216-217
CS RuCS boro ‘pine-tree, pine forest’
E Ru. bor ‘coniferous forest’; bor (dial.) ‘woods, forest, heather, shrubbery, high
place, dry place, waterless valley’; ORu. boro ‘pine-tree, pine forest’, Npl.
borove; Ukr. bir ‘pine forest, coniferous forest; Gsg. boru; byr (dial.) ‘high,
sandy place, pinewood in a high, sandy place’, Gsg. boru
W Cz. bor ‘coniferous forest, woods’; bor (dial.) ‘pine-tree, pine forest’; Slk. bor
‘pine-tree’; bdr ‘pine-tree’; Pl. bdr ‘forest’, Gsg. boru, Lsg. boru; Slnc. bér “dry,
barren soil, pine forest’; USrb. bér (arch.) ‘pine-tree, pine forest’; LSrb. bdr
(obs.) ‘pine-tree, (pine) forest’
S SCr. bér ‘pine-tree’, Gsg. bora; Cak. bér (Vrg.) ‘pine-tree, Gsg. bora; SIn. bér
‘pine-tree’; Bulg. bor ‘pine-tree’
In Slavic, there are many indications for an original u-stem boro < *bhoru-, e.g. RuCS
borove Npl. ‘pine-trees, Pl. w boru ‘in the forest’, or derivates based on a stem *borov-,
such as SCr. borovik ‘coniferous forest, pine forest’, borovina ‘pine-tree, pinewood,
borévka ‘bilberry, raspberry.
Cogn. Olc. borr m. ‘tree’; OE bearu m. ‘tree, Gsg. bearwes
*bésb 59
*borzda f. 4 (b) ‘furrow ESSJa II 220
CS OCS brazda ‘furrow
E Ru. borozda ‘furrow, (dial.) harrow, canal’
W Cz. brdzda ‘furrow Slk. brdzda ‘furrow’; Pl. bruzda ‘furrow’; Slnc. bafda
‘furrow; USrb. brézda ‘furrow’; LSrb. brozda ‘furrow; brizda (dial.)
‘furrow; broyzda (dial.) ‘furrow
SCr. brdzda ‘furrow, (dial.) canal’; Cak. brazda (Vrg.) ‘furrow’; brazda (Orb.)
‘furrow, row (of potatoes, etc., planted in one furrow)’ (more common is the
i-stem brds, Gsg. brdzdi); Sln. brdzda ‘furrow, wrinkle’; Bulg. brazda
‘furrow; brezda ‘furrow’; Mcd. brazdad ‘furrow, irrigation canal, wrinkle’
Lith. birzé f.(€) 2 ‘sign (out of straws or twigs) that marks the boundary of
the sowed land, furrow’ {1}; Latv. birze f.(é) ‘furrow
The reconstruction *b'rs-d(")-, which would enable a connection with Skt. bhrsti- f.
(RV) ‘point, top, spike, tooth’ (if not s < *s), cannot account for the Baltic forms.
{a} The original accentuation of this word cannot be established. In Lithuanian, we find birzé
1/2/4 and birZis 1/2/3/4. In Latvian, birze, bizze and bifze are attested.
*bosti v. (c) ‘stab, sting’ ESSJa II 222-223
CS OCS bosti ‘stab, isg. bodg, 18g. aor. base
E Ru. bost’ (Smol.) ‘butt; isg. bodu; bosti (Kalin. obl.) ‘butt’
W Cz. busti (poet.) ‘stab, 1sg. bodu; OCz. bésti ‘stab, 1sg. bodu; Pl. bdsé ‘stab,
butt} 1sg. bode
S SCr. bésti ‘sting, prick, stab’ 1sg. bodém; Cak. bdsti (Vrg.) ‘sting, prick, stab’
asg. bodes; bds (Orb.) ‘sting, prick, stab; 1sg. bodén; Sln. bésti ‘stab, butt’, 1sg.
bédem
BSI. *bed-; bod-
B Lith. bésti ‘stick, drive (into), dig, 3sg. béda {1}
PIE *bhodh-
Cogn. Lat. fodid ‘dig’
{1} We find o-vocalism in, for instance, the intensive badyti, Latv. badit.
See also: *badati; *bodati; *bodblb
*bésb adj. 0 (c) ‘barefooted, unshod’ ESSJa II 223-224
CS CS bose
E Ru. bos6j; Ukr. bésyj
Ww Cz. bosy; Sik. bosy; Pl. bosy; USrb. bosy ‘barefooted, tasteless’; LSrb. bosy
S SCr. bés; Cak. bés (Vrg.), f. bosd, n. béso; b“6s (Orb.), f. bdsa, n. bdso; Sn. bés;
Bulg. bos
BSI. *bosés
B Lith. basas 4; Latv. bass
60 *bobpniti
PIE *bhos-6-
Cogn. Olc. berr ‘naked, bare’; OHG bar ‘naked, bare’; OE ber ‘naked, bare’
*bobpniti v. ESSJa IT 232
E Ru. bubnit’ ‘grumble, mutter’
WwW Cz. bubeniti (Jg.) ‘beat the drum; Pl. bebni¢ ‘beat the drum, make noise’
See > *bobono.
*bobpn» m. o ‘drum’ ESSjJa II 232-233
CS RuCS bubens ‘drum’; RuCS bubons ‘drum’
E Ru. biben ‘tambourine’
Ww Cz. buben ‘drum’; Pl. beben ‘drum’
S SCr. bibanj m.(jo) ‘big Turkish drum, (dial.) fishing-basket’; Cak. biibanj
(Orb.) m.(jo) ‘drum’; SIn. béban ‘drum, fishing-basket’
Cogn. Olc. bumba ‘drum’
*bratrs; *bratb m. o (a) ‘brother’ ESSJa II 238, II 8-9
CS OCS bratro; brate
E Ru. brat, Gsg. brata; Ukr. brat
W Cz. bratr; brat (dial., poet.); OCz. bratr; brat; Slk. brat(e)r (dial.); brat; Pl.
brat; OPI. bratr (Bibl. Zof.); Slnc. brat; USrb. bratr; LSrb. bratr (arch.); brats;
Plb. brot
S SCr. brat; Cak. brat (Vrg., Orb.); Sln. brat; bratar; Bulg. brat; Mcd. brat
BSI. *brd?-t(e)r-
B Lith. brélis m.(io) 1; broterélis m.(io) 2 ‘brother (dim.)’; Latv. bralis m.(io);
brataritis m.(io) ‘brother (dim.)’
OPr. brati (Ench.); brote (EV); bratrikai (Ench.) Npl. ‘brothers (dim.)’
PIE *bhrehy-tr-
Cogn. Gk. gpatnp m. ‘member of a brotherhood’; Lat. frater m. ‘brother’; Go.
bropar m. ‘brother
*bratrbja; *bratpja f. ja (a) ‘brothers (coll.)’ ESSJa III 7-8, 9-10
CS OCS bratrija ‘brothers, brotherhood’; bratija ‘brothers, brotherhood’
E Ru. bratja Npl. m. ‘brothers’; Ukr. brattja Npl. n.(jo) ‘brothers (coll.)’
Ww Cz. bratri (arch.) ‘brotherhood’; Cz. bratrie (arch.) ‘brotherhood’; OCz. brat?
f.(i) ‘brotherhood’; Pl. bracia (arch.) ‘brothers (coll.)’; LSrb. bratsa (arch.,
obs.) ‘brothers (coll.), brotherhood’; Plb. brot’a ‘brothers’
S SCr. braéa ‘brothers’; britja ‘brothers’; Cak. bra¢a (Vrg.) ‘brothers’; bra¢a
(Orb.) ‘brothers (and sisters)’; Sln. brdtja ‘brothers’; Mcd. bratija
‘brotherhood’
PIE *bhreh,-tr-ieho-
*brézgp 61
Cogn. Gk. ppatpia f. ‘brotherhood’
See also: *bratr; *bratb
*brediti v. ‘rave’ ESSJa IT 12
E Ru. brédit’ ‘be delirious, rave, (dial.) clear a way’; OUk«. brediti ‘talk rubbish’;
bréditi ‘talk rubbish’
Ww Cz. bredit se (dial.) ‘writhe, forget out of malice’; Pl. bredzi¢ ‘be delirious,
rave’ {1}
B Lith. brédyti ‘chatter, deceive’ {2}
No doubt, this is the same root as in > *bresti ‘wade’, cf. Ru. sumasbrod ‘madcap’ (van
Wijk 1911: 128). We may be dealing with a denominative verb, cf. Ru. bred ‘delirium,
ravings.
{1} Since the 16th century. According to Bankowksi (2000: 74), we are dealing with a
Ruthenianism. {2} A borrowing from Slavic.
*bresti v. (c?) ‘wade’ ESSJa ITT 14-15
CS RuCsS bresti ‘wade’ {1}
E Ru. bresti ‘drag oneself along, stroll pensively, isg. bredu, 3sg. bredét; Ukr.
bresty ‘drag oneself along, wade’ 1sg. bredu, 38g. bredét
WwW OCz. bristi ‘wade; 18g. brdu, 1sg. br(e)du; Slk. brstwade; 18g. brdie, 1sg. brdu;
SInc. brasc ‘wade’, 1sg. bradg; Plb. bradé 1sg. ‘wade’
S Sln. brésti ‘wade’, 1sg. brédem ‘wade’
BSI. *bred-
B Lith. bristi ‘wade’, 3pres. brefida, 3pret. brido {2}; Latv. brist ‘wade’
Cogn. Alb. bredh ‘jump, hop’
The root must be reconstructed as *b"red'-.
{1} The forms neprébredoms and neprébredimo ‘infinite, which are mentioned in the SSJ, do
not occur in texts belonging to the canon. {2} Proto-East Baltic *bristi must have ousted *birsti
< *b'rd'-ti on the analogy of forms with full grade.
See also: *brediti; *broditi; *br6d; *brpdnoti
*brézgp m. o ‘dawn’ ESSjJa IIT 17, 19
CS OCS probrézgo
E Ru. brezg (coll., dial.)
Ww Cz. rozbresk; OCz. brezk; Pl. brzask; OPI. brzazg
S SIn. brésk
BSI. *brerZ-(s)k-
B Lith. bréksti v. ‘dawn; 3pres. bréksta, 3pret. brésko
Cogn. Skt. bhrajate ‘shine, bean’
We may reconstruct a deverbative noun *b'reh,g-sk-o-.
62 *breknoti
*bréknoti v. (a) ‘swell’ ESSJa III 23
E Ru. brjdknut’ (dial.) “swell, expand as a result of dryness or moisture’; Bel.
brjaknuc ‘get soaked’; Ukr. brjdknuty ‘swell’
S SCr. bréknuti ‘swell’; Bulg. brékna (dial.) ‘get angry, swell’; Mcd. brékna
‘swell’
BSI. *brink-
B Lith. brinkti ‘swell, bloat, grow dry, 3pres. brinksta, 3pret. brinko
PIE *bhrnk-
Cogn. Ole. bringa f. ‘chest’
I suspect that AP (a) is connected with the formation in *-ngti, while the Lithuanian
acute may be attributed to the sta-present, cf. the variant brifikti and the causative
brankyti (dial.) ‘soak (peas); 3pres. bratiko.
*breZdZati v. ‘jingle’ ESSJa ITI 24-25
E Ru. brjazzat’ (dial.) ‘talk nonsense, jingle, strum’; OUkr. brjazéaty ‘jingle,
tinkle’; brjazcaty jingle, tinkle’
BSI. *brenzg-
B Lith. brevigzti ‘jingle’ 3pres. brézgia.
*bricb m. jo ‘razor’ ESSjJa III 25
CS RuCS bricv; SerbCS bricv
S SCr. bri¢; Bulg. brié
Derivative in *-¢v < *-tio- of > *briti.
See also: *brids; *bridpk; *brids; *britva
*brids; *brids m. o; f. i ‘sharpness, sharp edge’ ESSJa III 27-28, 29
E Ru. bryd (dial.) m. ‘sharpness, fumes, haze’; brid (dial.) m. ‘smoke’
S SCr. brid m. ‘border, edge, blade’; SIn. brid f. ‘sharp edge’, Gsg. bridi
See > *bridoko.
*bridbks adj. o ‘sharp’ ESSjJa ITI 28-29
CS OCS bridoks (Supr.) ‘sharp’
E Ru. bridkij (Psk.) ‘sharp, cold’; bridkdj (Psk.) ‘sharp, cold’; britkéj (Dal’: Arx.)
‘sharp’; britkij (Dal’: S, W) ‘repulsive’
Ww Cz. britky ‘sharp’; OCz. bridky ‘sharp, quick, repulsive’; Slk. britky ‘sharp’;
bridky ‘repulsive’; Pl. brzydki ‘repulsive’; USrb. britki ‘repulsive’
S SCr. bridak ‘sharp’ f. britka, f. britka; Sln. bridak ‘sharp, bitter, beautiful} f.
bridka; briddk ‘sharp, bitter, beautiful; f. bridka
The root of this adjective seems to be an extended variant of *b’r(e)iH- (- *briti).
See also: *bri¢s; *brid; *briti; *britva
*broditi 63
*briti v. (a) ‘shave’ ESSjJa ITI 31-32
CS CS briti se (Christ.) ‘shave’, 1sg. brijo se
E Ru. brit’ ‘shave; 1sg. bréju
WwW Cz. briti (obs.) ‘shave’ {1}; Slk. brit‘shave’
S SCr. briti (arch., obs.) ‘shave, cut’ sg. brijém; brijati ‘shave, cut, 1sg. brijém;
brijati ‘shave, cut’, sg. brijém; Cak. brit (Orb.) ‘shave’ 38g. brije; Sln. briti
‘shave, shear’, 1sg. brijem; Bulg. brija ‘shave’
PIE —*bl'r(e)iH-
Cogn. Skt. bhrindti ‘injure’; Olr. bronnaid ‘injure, damage’; Olc. brinna ‘to cause a
cutting, sharp sorrow; MoHG brennen ‘id?
{1} Possibly a borrowing, as the verb is not attested in Old Czech.
See also: *bricn; *brid; *brids; *bridpks; *britva
*britva f. 4 (a) ‘razor ESSJa IT 25
CS OCS britva
E Ru. britva
Ww Cz. britva; Slk. britva; Pl. brzytwa
S SCr. britva; Cak. brit(v)a (Vrg.); britva (Orb. ‘razor, kind of knife’; Sin.
britva ‘razor, clasp-knife’
Verbal derivative in *-tva < *tu-eh2. See > *briti.
*briixo; *brixs n. 0; m.o (c) ‘belly ESSJa III 33-34
E Ru. brjuxo n.; ORu. brjuxo n.; brjuxo m.
WwW Cz. bricho n.; brich (obs.) m.; Slk. brucho n.; Pl. brzuch m.; brzucho (XV-
XVIIth c., dial.) n.; Slnc. béay m.
PIE *bhreus-o-
Cogn. Olr. bri f. ‘abdomen, belly, womb’; W bru m. ‘womb, belly’
See also: *brpstb
*broditi v. (b?) ‘wade’ ESSJa III 36
CS RuCsS broditi ‘go across’
E Ru. brodit’ ‘wander, roam, stroll’, 1sg. brozu, 38g. brodit
W Cz. broditi ‘bathe (horses), (rarely) wander, roam’; broditi se ‘wade’; Slk.
brodit (sa) ‘wade, squeeze through’; Pl. brodzi¢ ‘wade’; USrb. brodzié ‘wade’;
LSrb. brozis ‘wade’
S SCr. broditi ‘wade’, sg. brodim; Sin. broditi ‘wade, bathe} 1sg. brédim; Bulg.
brédja ‘wander, roam, stroll’
BSI. *brod-
B Lith. bra(i)dyti ‘wade’
PIE *bhrodh-eie-
64
*brédb
See also: *brediti; *bresti; *brods; *brndnoti
*brédb m. 0 (c) ‘ford’ ESSjJa III 36-37
CS RuCs brods
E Ru. brod, Gsg. bréda, Gpl. brédov; Ukr. brid, Gsg. brédu
Ww Cz. brod; Slk. brod; Pl. bréd, Gsg. brodu; USrb. bréd, Gsg. broda; LSrb. brod
S SCr. bréd ‘ford, ship’, Gsg. broda; Cak. bréd (Vrg.) ‘ship, Gsg. bréda; bréd
PIE
(Novi) ‘ship, Gsg. brdda; brét (Orb.) ‘ship, Lsg. brdde; Sln. bréd ‘ford,
harbour, ferry’; Bulg. brod ‘ford’
*brodos
Lith. bradas m. ‘muddy spot or road, ford, fishing net’; brada f. ‘muddy spot
or road, ford’; Latv. brads m. ‘ford’
*bhrodh-o-
See also: *brediti; *bresti; *broditi; *brpdnoti
*bron®b adj. o ‘white (of horses)’ ESSJa III 41-42
CS CroatCS bron ‘white (of horses)’; RuCS bronii; bronyi ‘white (of horses)’
E ORu. bronii; bronyi ‘white (of horses), grey, dun’
Ww Cz. brony (obs.) ‘white (of horses)’; OCz. brony ‘white (of horses)’
PIE *bhrod"-no-
Cogn. Skt. bradhnd- (RV+) ‘pale red, ruddy, yellowish, bay’
*bruspnica f. ja ‘mountain cranberry, cowberry, ESSJa III 51-52
red whortleberry (Vaccinium vitis-idaea)
E Ru. brusnika
WwW Cz. brusnice; Slk. brusnica; Pl. brusznica; brusnica (dial.)
S SCr. brusnica ‘mountain cranberry, cowberry, red whortleberry (Vaccinium
vitis-idaea), bilberry, whortleberry (Vaccinium myrtillus); Sln. brusnica
‘mountain cranberry, cowberry, red whortleberry (Vaccinium vitis-idaea)’;
Bulg. brusnica ‘measles, mountain cranberry, cowberry, red whortleberry
(Vaccinium vitis-idaea)y
BSI. br(o)us/k-
B Lith. briskné f.(€) 2; Latv. briklene f.(é)
PIE *bhrouk-
See > *brosati, *brokati.
*brutb m. o ‘nail’ ESSJa IT 53
CS SerbCS brute
S SCr. britt (dial.); Bulg. brut
BSI. *brouk-to-
B Lith. braiiktas ‘wooden knife for cleaning flax’
*brbzda 65
See > *brosati, *brokati.
*brsati; *brpkati v. ESSJa III 53-54, 55-56
E Ru. brosdt’ ‘throw, (dial.) scutch flax; sg. brosdju; brokdt’ (dial.) ‘throw
S SCr. brcati ‘throw’; Sln. brkati ‘push, rush, provoke’; b/sati ‘kick, touch (in
passing), graze’; brsati ‘kick, touch (in passing), graze’; brcati ‘kick
BSI. *brus/k-
B Lith. briukti ‘poke, thrust, press, scutch (flax)’
PIE —*bhruk-
The alternation between *s and *k points to *k. The *k may have arisen in the
position before a resonant.
See also: *brbselp; *brbselije; *bruspnica; *brpsnoti; *brpknoti; *brysadlo
*brbselb; *brbselije ESSJa HI 56
CS OCS broselije (Supr.) n.(io) ‘potsherd’; CS broselb [?] ‘potsherd, tablet’
See the previous lemma.
*brbsnoti; *brpknoti v. ESSJa HI 56-57
CS RuCsS bresnuti ‘shave’
E Ru. brosnut’ (dial.) ‘squeeze, pick berries’
S SCr. brknuti ‘throw’; Sln. brsniti ‘kick, poke, rush’; brkniti ‘kick, poke, rush’;
brcniti ‘kick, poke, rush’; Bulg. brasna ‘shave’
BSL *brus/k-
B Lith. brikti ‘poke, thrust, press, scutch (flax)’
PIE * bhruk-
See also: *brbsati; *brpkati; *brbselp; *brbselije; *bruspnica; *brysadlo
*brbstp f. i ‘bud’ ESSJa III 58
E Ru. brost’ ‘buds (of a shrub)’; Ukr. brost’ ‘bud (of a tree)’
Ww LSrb. barsé (obs.) ‘bud’
S SCr. bfst m.(0) ‘(young) foliage, shoots, sprouts’; Sln. bist “bud (of a tree),
sprout, Gsg. brsta, Gsg. brsta; brst ‘bud (of a tree), brushwood, Gsg. brsti
PIE *bhrus-t-i-
Cogn. OS brustian ‘bud’
The connection with OS brustian was advocated by van Wijk (1909: 235), who
actually reconstructed *b'r,st-.
See also: *braxo; *braxp
*brbzda f. a ‘bit’ ESSJa IT 62
CS OCS brezdami (Ps. Sin.) Ipl. ‘bit
66 *bry
W Cz. brzda ‘brake’; Slk. brzda ‘brake’
S SIn. brzda ‘bridle’; brézda ‘bridle’; bruzda (16th-18th c.) ‘bridle’
BSI. *bruzd-
B Lith. bruzduklis m.(io) ‘bridle’
PIE *bhrus-dh-
Cogn. Olc. broddr m. ‘spike, shaft’; OHG brart m. ‘edge’
*bry f. a ‘eyebrow’ ESSJa HI 63-64
CS OCS brovemi (Supr.) Ipl. ‘eyebrows?, eyelids?’
E Ru. brov’ f.(i) ‘eyebrow’
Ww Cz. brva f.(a) ‘eyelash, (pl.) eyebrows’; OCz. brev f.(i) ‘eyebrow, Gsg. brve;
Slk. brva f.(a) ‘eyebrow, eyelid’; Pl. brew f.(i) ‘eyebrow, Gsg. brwi
S SCr. bfv (3th c.) £.(i) ‘eyelid’
BSI. *bruts
B Lith. bruvis (dial.) f.(i) ‘eyebrow; brivé f.(é) ‘eyebrow’
PIE *hsb'ruH-s
Cogn. Skt. bhri- f. ‘eyebrow’; Gk. dgpic f. ‘eyebrow’; OE bra f. ‘eyebrow’
*brysadlo n.o ESSJa TI 65
CS OCS brysalo (Supr.) ‘towel’
S SCr. brisalo ‘rag, duster, wooden knife’; Sln. brisdlo ‘towel, rag’
Derivative in *-dlo of the iterative > *brysati.
See also: *brssati; *brbkati; *brbselp; *brbselije; *bruspnica; *brbsnoti; *brpknoti
*brbdnoti v. ‘wade’ ESSjJa II 67
Ww Cz. brednouti ‘melt, (obs.) wade’; Slk. b¢dnut ‘wade, roam’; Pl. brngé ‘wade’
BSL. *bird-
B Lith. bristi ‘wade’, 3pres. brefida, 3pret. brido; Latv. brist ‘wade’
PIE *bhrdh-
One would have suspected *bordnoti, but Cz. brednouti points to *bred. Apparently
the zero grade of the root was influenced by the full grade of other forms. Likewise,
Proto-East Baltic *bristi must have ousted *birsti < *b*rd'-ti on the analogy of forms
with full grade. How old the metathesis actually is, cannot be determined.
See also: *brediti; *bresti; *broditi; *bré6db
*brpna f. 4 ‘mud, clay’ ESSjJa III 69-70
CS OCS bronoje (Euch.) Isg. f. ‘mud, dirt’
W USrb. borno n. ‘bog, marsh’
S SCr. brna (16th c.) f. ‘mud, dirt’; Sln. brna f.(a) ‘clay, humus’; bfnja f.(ja) ‘clay,
humus; bfn m. ‘silt’
*buditi 67
Perhaps cognate with > *bresti, cf. Lith. brada f. ‘mud’
*brpnpje n. io ‘mud, clay’ ESSJa II 170
CS OCS bronije ‘mud, dirt’; RuCS bronije ‘mud, dirt’; brenije ‘mud, dirt’; bornije
‘clay’; bernije ‘clay’
S SCr. brnje (arch., obs.) ‘mud, dirt’; SIn. bfnje ‘clay, humus, dirt’
See > *brona.
*brpvbnod n. 0 (b) ‘bean’ ESSJa II 72-73
CS OCS broveno ‘beam’
E Ru. brevn6 ‘beam’
W Cz. brevno ‘beam; Slk. brvno ‘beam; Pl. bierwiono ‘rough timber’ {1}
S SCr. brvno ‘beam, small bridge, boundary’; SIn. bfvno; briino
It is attractive to derive the word for ‘beam’ from > *bry ‘eyebrow, Gsg. *brove
(Pedersen 1905: 322), except for the fact that it has the wrong jer. Pedersen (l.c.)
presents examples of similar cases.
{1} A back-formation based on dial. bier(z)wionko, bierzwienko, cf. OPI. Birzwno (place-name)
(Bankowski 2000a: 49-50).
*bucati v. (c) ‘roar ESSJa HI 74
E Ru. bucat’ (dial.) ‘low, weep loudly, hum’
WwW Cz. buéeti ‘roar, low; Slk. bucat’‘low’; Pl. bucze¢ ‘hum, cry’; USrb. buée¢ ‘roar,
low, cry
S SCr. biiéati ‘make a loud noise, boom, rage’ 1sg. bvicim; Cak. bacdti (Vrg.)
‘hit the surface of the sea to frighten fish into a net’ 2sg. bicds; SIn. buicati
‘make a loud noise, roar; 1sg. bucim; Bulg. bucd ‘make a deafening noise’
BSL. *bouk-
B Lith. batikti ‘roar’
PIE *btouk-
*buditi v. (c) ‘awaken, arouse’ ESSJa III 76-77
CS OCS ubuditi ‘awaken’, 1sg. ubuzdo; vozbuditi ‘awaken, 1sg. vezbuzdg; CS
buditi ‘arouse’
E Ru. budit’ ‘awaken, arouse’ 1sg. buZu, 38g. budit {1}
W Cz. buditi ‘awaken, arouse’; Slk. budit ‘awaken, arouse’; Pl. budzié ‘awaken,
arouse’
Ss SCr. biiditi ‘awaken, arouse, sg. bidim; Cak. biditi (Vrg.) ‘awaken, arouse’
2asg. biidis; biudit (Orb.) ‘wake up; 1sg. bidin; SIn. buditi ‘awaken, arouse’, 1sg.
budim; Bulg. budja ‘awaken, arouse’
BSL. *boud-
68 *bujp
B Lith. baisti ‘incite, force, punish’; bdudyti ‘incite, instigate’; Latv. baidit;
baudit ‘incite, instigate’
OPr. etbaudints ptc. pret. pass. ‘awakened’
PIE *bhoud'-eie-
Cogn. Skt. bodhdyati ‘awaken, draw attention’
{a} AP (c) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 139).
See also: *blusti; *bpdéti; *bidrp
*bujp adj. jo ‘mad, foolish’ ESSJa III 84-85
CS OCS bui
WwW OCz. buj
PIE *bho Hu-
See also: *bujpnb
*bujpns adj. o ‘stormy’ ESSJa II 86
CS CS buino adv. ‘boldly’
E Ru. bujnyj ‘wild, tempestuous’
WwW Cz. bujny ‘lush, tempestuous’; Slk. bujny ‘lush’; Pl. bujny ‘lush’
Ss SCr. biijan ‘wild, stormy’; Sln. bujan ‘luxuriant, lush’
PIE *bhoHu-
Cogn. Skt. bhiiyan ‘bigger, stronger’
See also: *bujp
*bura; bura f. ja (a) ‘storm’ ESSJa III 97-98
CS OCS burja ‘storm
E Ru. birja‘storn’
W Cz. boure ‘storm’; Slk. biura ‘thunderstorm bura (Kalal) ‘north wind’; Pl.
burza ‘storm, thunderstorm’
Ss SCr. bitra ‘stormwind’; Cak. biira (Vrg.) ‘north wind’; biira (Orb.) ‘northeast
wind’; Sln. biuirja ‘northeast wind, impetuous person’; Bulg. burja ‘storm’
BSI. *bourr- (*borur-)
Latv. baiirudt ‘bellow (said of oxen)’
Cogn. Nw. bira ‘bellow (said of raging oxen)’
*bpdéti v. (c?) ‘be awake’ ESSJa II 109
CS OCS bodéti ‘be awake, keep watch; 1sg. bozdo, asg. bodisi
E Ru. bdet’ (arch.) ‘keep watch, keep vigil’ 2sg. bdis? {1}
Ww Cz. bditi ‘awake, keep watch’; Slk. bdiet’ ‘awake, keep watch, follow’ LSrb.
bZes (Jakub.) ‘awake, keep watch’
*bortp; *bprtb 69
S SCr. bdjéti (arch.) ‘be awake, keep watch’; SIn. badéti ‘be awake, keep watch,
isg. badim; bdéti ‘be awake, keep watch’ 1sg. bdim; Bulg. bdja ‘awake, keep
watch’
BSI. *bud-
B Lith. budéti ‘be awake, keep watch’
PIE *bhydh-
{1} AP (c) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 139).
See also: *blusti; *buditi; *bidrp
*bbdrs; *bbdrp adj. 0; adj. jo (b) ‘alert, cheerful’ ESSJa III 111-112
CS OCS bedro ‘cheerful’; buzdrejo (Supr.) Isg. f. ‘cheerful’
E Ru. bédryj ‘cheerful’; bodr ‘cheerful; f. bodrd, n. bédro {1}
Nn
SCr. bddar ‘cheerful, alert’; bédar ‘cheerful, alert’; bodar ‘cheerful, alert’; SIn.
bédar ‘cheerful, lively’; Bulg. bédar ‘fresh, cheerful, awake’
BSL. *budros
B Lith. budrus 4 ‘vigilant’
PIE *bhud'-ro-
{1} AP (b) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 136).
See also: *blusti; *buditi; *bpdéti
*bprna f. 4 ‘snout(?)’ ESSJa III 130
S SIn. bfna (Steiermark) ‘carnival mask depicting an animal’; Bulg. barna ‘lip;
Mcd. brna ‘nose-ring (of animals)’
BSL. *burtna?
B Lith. burna f. 3 ‘mouth, face’; Latv. pu?ns m. ‘snout’
Cogn. Arm. beran ‘mouth’
The root can be reconstructed as a zero grade *b'rH-, wich may be identical with the
root of Lat. forare, OHG bor6n ‘perforate’. For the initial p of the Latvian form, see
Kiparsky 1968.
See also: *borna I; *bprtn; *bprtp
*bprtb; *barts f. i; m. o ‘hive of wild bees’ ESSJa ITI 132-133
E Ru. bort’ f. ‘wild beehive’; ORu. borto f. ‘log for bees, tree with a beehive’;
borto f. ‘log for bees, tree with a beehive’; Bel. borc’ f. ‘wild beehive’; Ukr. bort
m. ‘wild beehive’; bort’ m.(jo) ‘wild beehive’; bort’ (dial.) f. ‘natural or
artificial beehive in a tree, opening in a hive for viewing bees, wild family of
bees living in a hollow tree-trunk (other dialect forms are bért’ f. and bort)
Ww Cz. brt f. ‘wild beehive, (dial.) opening in or section of a beehive’; OCz. brt f.
‘beehive (also of wild bees)’; Slk. brt m. ‘opening in a beehive’; Pl. baré f.
‘wild beehive’
70 *borzdb
Ss SIn. brt m. ‘hollow tree with bees’ (possibly of Czech origin)
PIE *bhrH-t-
Cogn. Lat. foramen n. ‘opening’
See also: *borna I; *bprna
*bbrzdb adj. o ‘fast’ ESSJa IT 135-136
CS RuCS borzdo adv. ‘fast’
E ORu. borzdo adv. ‘fast’; OBel. borzdyj adj. ‘fast’
BSI. *burzd-
B Lith. burzdus ‘agile, active’; bruzdus ‘agile, busy’
The distribution of *borzdo (cf. > *bérzo) suggests that the sequence *-zd- may be
due to Baltic influence. On the other hand, we find a form brzdica (Vuk) ‘rapid,
strong current’ in Serbo-Croatian.
*bbrzb adj. 0 (c) ‘fast’ ESSjJa ITI 137-139
CS OCS brvzo (Supr.) adv. ‘quickly’
E Ru. bérzyj (obs., poet.) adj. ‘fast, fleet’; borzyj (dial.) adj. ‘bold, dexterous,
daring’; borz6j (dial.) adj. ‘bold, dexterous, violent’
Ww Cz. brzo adv. ‘soon, early’; brzy adv. ‘soon, early’; OCz. brzy adj. ‘fast’; brzo
adj. ‘quickly, immediately’; Pl. bardzo adv. ‘very’; barzo (dial.) adv. ‘quickly’;
OPI. barzy adj. ‘fast’; Slnc. barze adv. ‘very’
S SCr. bfz adj. ‘fast’, f. b¢za; Cak. brz (Vrg.) adj. ‘fast’, f. brza, n. b?zo; SIn. biz
adj. ‘fast, quick’; Bulg. braz adj. ‘fast, quick’; barz adj. ‘fast, quick
Since Gk. Bpaytc ‘short’ and Skt. muhur ‘suddenly’ reflect *mrg*u-, a connection with
these forms is dubious. Lat. festindre ‘hurry, W brys m. ‘haste, speed’ probably
continue *bris- (Schrijver 1990) and must therefore be kept apart as well.
See also: *bbrzdb
*bydlo n.o ESSJa IIT 147
E Ru. bydlo ‘cattle’; ORu. bydlo ‘animal’; Bel. bydlo ‘cattle’; Ukr. bydlo ‘cattle’
WwW Cz. bydlo ‘existence, abode’; Slk. bydlo ‘abode, residence’; Pl. bydto ‘cattle’;
OPI. bydlo ‘existence, abode, possessions’; Slnc. bidle ‘steer, young bull,
bullock’
BSL. *brutld
B Lith. bitklas m. ‘abode, den’; bikla f. ‘residence, existence’
PIE *bhHu-tlom
The formation is comparable to Gk. ptt\ov ‘race’; OE botl n. ‘dwelling, house’. The
East Slavic forms are borrowings from Polish.
See also: *baviti; *bylpje; *bystrp; *byti; *bytpje; *byvati
*bytpje 71
*bylpje io ESSJa II 150
CS OCS bylije n.(io) ‘herbs, plants’
E Ru. byl’é (obs.) n.(io) ‘grass’
Ww Cz. byli n.(io) ‘weed’; Slk. bylie n.(io) ‘herbs’; OPI. byle n.(io) ‘weed’
S SCr. bilje n.(jo) ‘plants, grass’; SIn. bilje n.(jo) ‘plants, grass, stalks’
Derivative of > *byti.
*bystrb adj. 0 (a) ‘quick’ ESSJa HI 153-154
CS OCS bystro ‘quick’
E Ru. bystryj ‘quick
Ww Cz. bystry ‘quick, sharp-witted’; Slk. bystry ‘quick, sharp-witted’; Pl. bystry
‘quick, sharp-witted’
S SCr. bistar ‘clear, transparent, quick; Sln. bistar ‘quick, vivacious,
transparent’; Bulg. bistdr ‘clear, transparent’
Attempts have been made to connect *bystro with > bédro ‘cheerful, lively, which
derives from PIE *b'ud'-. This etymology fails to provide an explanation for the
acute *y, however. We could assume that the root is simply *by- ‘be’, but in that case
the origin of the suffix would be unclear. In my opinion, it is not unattractive to
assume a connection with Skt. bhisati ‘support, be active, strengthen’ the root of
which is probably an s-enlargement of *b*Hu- ‘be’.
See also: *baviti; *bydlo; *bylpje; *byti; *bytpje; *byvati
*byti v. (a) ‘be’ ESSJa IT 155
CS OCS byti, isg. bodg
E Ru. byt’, sg. buidu
WwW Cz. byti, sg. budu; Slk. byt, 1sg. budem; PI. byé, 1sg. bede
S SCr. biti; Cak. biti (Vrg.); biti (Orb.); SIn. biti
BSI. *bru-
B Lith. biti; Latv. bit
PIE *bhHu-
Cogn. Skt. bhdvati ‘be, become’; Gk. pvopat ‘grow, become’; OLat. fui 1sg. pf. ‘was’;
Olr. buith f. ‘being’
For a justification of the reconstruction of the root as *b'Hu-, see Kortlandt 1975 (3,
81) and Schrijver 1991 (228, 512, 526). The AP refers to the (perfective) present *bodo.
The present forms that derive from PIE *hyes- are discussed separately (>*esmp, etc.).
See also: *baviti; *bydlo; *bylpje; *bystra; *bytnje; *byvati
*bytpje n. io ‘existence’ ESSJa III 157-157
CS OCS bytije ‘existence, origin’
E Ru. byt’é (obs.) ‘way of life’
Ww Cz. bytexistence’; Slk. bytie ‘existence’; Pl. bycie ‘existence’
72 *byvati
S SCr. bice ‘being, existence’; Sln. bitje ‘existence, state, being’; Bulg. bitié
‘existence’
B Lith. bittis f.(i) ‘being, existence’
Deverbative noun in *-ti-o-.
See also: *baviti; *bydlo; *bylpje; *bystra; *byti; *byvati
*byvati v. ‘be, happen’ ESSJa HI 157-158
CS OCS byvati ‘become, be’ 1sg. byvajo
E Ru. byvat’ ‘happen, be’
Ww Cz. byvati ‘happen, be’; Pl. bywac ‘be often, frequent, happen’
S SCr. bivati ‘happen, be’; Cak. bivat (Orb.) ‘be, dwell, live (somewhere); 1sg.
bivan; Sln. bivati ‘be, exist, happen, live, 1sg. bivam; Bulg. bivam ‘be, exist,
happen’
B Lith. buvoti ‘be’
PIE *bhHu-
See also: *baviti; *bydlo; *bylpje; *bystra; *byti; *bytpje
*bpéela f. 4 (b) ‘bee’ ESSJa III 104-105
CS OCS boéela (Ps. Sin.); bocela (Mar., Ass.) {1}
E Ru. péeld; béeld (dial.); bzeld (dial.); Ukr. bdZola; pcéola
Ww Cz. véela; Slk. véela {2}; Pl. pszczota; pczota (dial., arch.); pezeta (arch.); USrb.
pcola; wéola; LSrb. cota; pcota (arch.); Plb. cela
S SCr. pééla; ééla; Cak. céla (Vrg.); cela (Novi); célica (Orb,); Sn. baééla; bééla;
éabéla; cabéla; céla; Cméla; Bulg. pcéela
BSI. *bi-t-; *bi-kel-ehz
B Lith. bité f.(€) 2; Latv. bite f.(é)
OPr. bitte
PIE *bhj-
Cogn. Olc. by n.; MoDu. bij; OHG bini n.; bia f.; OE béo f.; Olr. bech m.
The North European root *b"i occurs with various suffixes. The *-k- of the Slavic
forms is also found in Olt. bech < *bi-ko-. The main alternative etymology starts
from PSI. *bocela and advocates a connection with *bucati ‘make a loud noise, roar’.
This is the etymology preferred by Stawski (SP I: 456-457).
{1} The variant bocela occurs only once, but considering that boéela is almost as rare, it is
impossible to conclude on the basis of Old Church Slavic which is the original form. {2} Slovak
dialect forms have an anlaut pé-, fé-, p3- or ¢-.
*bplniti; *bplnovati v. ESSJa HT 159
S SCr. buniti se ‘be mistaken’; bunovati ‘rave’; Bulg. balnuivam ‘day-dream,
rave’
*capati 73
See > *bolno.
*bpln; *bplnika m. o; f. 4 ‘henbane’ ESSJa III 159
S SCr. bin m., Gsg. bina; bunika f£.; Cak. bunika (Vrg.) f; Bulg. bunika (dial.
f.
PIE *b*I-n-
Cogn. OE beolone, beolene, belene f.; OS bilene f.; Dan. (early) bylne, buln-urt;
Gaul. BeAevovvtiav Asg.; Gaul. BELENO Dsg. ‘name of a divinity’
See also: *bel(e)n»; *belena; *bel(e)niti; *belnovati; *bplniti; *bplnovati; *bolniti
*bprati v. ‘take’ ESSJa III 162-163
CS OCS borati ‘gather, select’, sg. berg
E Ru. brat’ ‘take’ 18g. bert, 38g. berét; Ukr. braty ‘take; 18g. beru
Ww Cz. brdati ‘take’; Slk. brat’ ‘take’; Pl. brad ‘take’; USrb. brad ‘take, steal’; LSrb.
bras ‘take’
S SCr. brdti ‘gather’, 1sg. bérém; Cak. brdti (Vrg.) ‘gather’ 1sg. béres; brat (Orb.)
‘pick, gather, collect; 1sg. béren; Sln. brati ‘gather, pick, read, take; isg. bérem
BSI. *ber-
B Lith. be7ti ‘scatter’; Latv. bért ‘id’
PIE *bher-e/o-
Cogn. Gk. pépw ‘bear, carry’; Skt. bhdrati ‘id’; Lat. feré ‘id’; Go. bairan ‘id?
See also: *bérdjp; *bérme
*bprgp m. 0 ESSJa ITI 167
W Cz. brh (obs.) ‘heap, shock, stack, quantity, net’; OCz. brh ‘cave, hut, tent’;
Slk. brh ‘stack’; OPI. barg (bark) ‘stack, rick’
PIE *bhrgh-o-
See also: *bergti; *borgp
*C
*capati v. ‘tramp’ ESSJa HI 12-13
E Ru. cdpat’ ‘seize, snatch, scratch, cdpaju
WwW Cz. capati (Kott) ‘push, stamp’; capat (dial.) ‘walk with difficulty’; cdpat
(dial.) ‘stamp, wade’; Slk. cdpat'‘beat, tramp, wade’; Pl. capac ‘seize, grab’
S SIn. capati ‘wade, tramp; 1sg. capdm,; Bulg. capam ‘soil, wade through water
or mud’; Mcd. capa ‘seize, grab, bite (of fish), tramp through mud’
y
74 *cé
We may distinguish two basic meanings, viz. ‘tramp, wade’ and ‘seize. The latter
meaning is reminiscent of *gabati and *xapati and may be secondary, cf. > *xabiti.
The anlaut *c-, which cannot be regular, may originate from an interjection cap.
*cé conj. ESSJa II 173
CS OCS cé ‘and, also, (and) besides, though’; RuCS cé ‘though, however’
BSL. *koi
B Lith. kai‘when’; Latv. ka(i) ‘when’
OPr. kai‘when’
PIE *k”oi
*céditi v. (c) ‘strain, filter’ ESSJa TI 174-175
CS CS céditi ‘strain, filter’
E Ru. cedit’ ‘strain, filter’, 1sg. ceZu, 38g. cédit {1}
W Cz. cediti ‘strain, filter’; Slk. cedif ‘strain, filter’; Pl. cedzié ‘strain, filter’; Slnc.
ciezéc ‘strain, filter’; USrb. cydZic¢ ‘strain, filter’
S SCr. cijéditi ‘strain, filter’, 1sg. cijedim; Cak. ciditi (Vrg.) ‘strain, filter) 2s.
cidis; ciedit (Vrg.) ‘sift, sieve, drain, strain off’ 18g. c'édin; Sln. cediti ‘strain,
filter, drip’ sg. cedim; Bulg. cedjd ‘strain, filter’
BSI. *(s)koi?d-
B Lith. skiesti ‘separate, dilute’; Latv. skiést ‘scatter, spill, cut
PIE —*(s)koid-
Cogn. Olc. skita ‘shit’
{1} AP (c) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 140).
See also: *céstiti; *Cistiti; *Cistb
*céliti v. (c) ‘heal, cure’ ESSJa III 178
CS OCS céliti ‘heal, cure’, 18g. céljo
E Ru. celit’ (obs.) ‘heal, cure’ 18g. celjui, 38g. celit; Ukr. cilyty ‘heal’
WwW Cz. celiti ‘heal, cure’; USrb. cyli¢ ‘heal, complete’
S SCr. cijéliti ‘heal, cure’, 1sg. cijelim; Sn. céliti ‘heal, cure’, 1sg. célim
PIE *kail-
Cogn. Go. (ga)hailjan ‘heal’
Derivative of > *céle.
See also: *célovati
*célovati v. ‘greet, kiss’ ESSJa III 178
CS OCS célovati ‘greet, kiss; 1sg. célujo
E Ru. celovat’ ‘kiss; isg. celiju
WwW Cz. celovati (poet.) ‘kiss’; Slk. celovat' ( poet.) ‘kiss’; Pl. cafowac ‘kiss’
*céniti 75
S SCr. cjelovati (rare) ‘kiss, isg. cjélujém; Sln. celovati ‘kiss, 1sg. celiijem
(according to Pletersnik (I: 77), this is a borrowing from Serbo-Croatian)
Derivative of > *célv. The original meaning must have been ‘greet’, cf. Go. hails ‘hail!’
OPr. kayle ‘id’ in the Basel epigram.
*célp adj. 0 (c) ‘whole’ ESSJa III 179-180
CS OCS célo ‘whole, healthy’
E Ru. célyj ‘whole, entire’; célyj ‘safe, intact, f. celd, n. célo {1}; ORu. kélo
(Novg.) ‘whole’
Cz. cely ‘whole’; Slk. cely ‘whole’; Pl. caty ‘whole’
SCr. cijel, cio ‘whole’ f. cijéla; Cak. ci(1) (Vrg.) ‘whole’ f. cild, n. cilo, Npl. cili;
cé(1) (Orb.) ‘whole’ f. c‘eld, n. céélo; SIn. cét ‘whole’; Bulg. cjal ‘whole’
BSI. *kailos
B OPr. kailistiskan Asg. ‘health’
PIE *kailo-
Cogn. Go. hails ‘healthy, whole’
{1} AP (c) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 198s: 138).
See also: *céliti; *célovati
ae
*céna f. a (c) ‘price, value’ ESSJa III 182
CS OCS céna
E Ru. cena, Asg. cénu, Npl. cény; cend, Asg. cent, Npl. cény {1}; Ukr. cind, Asg.
cinu
W Cz. cena; Slk. cena; Pl. cena
Ss SCr. cijéna, Asg. cijénu; Cak. cind (Vrg.), Asg. cinil; cind (Hvar), Asg. cinu,
Asg. cinil; cénd (Novi), Asg. céni; c'éno (Orb.) Asg.; Sln. céna; Bulg. cend
BSI. *koinar
B Lith. kdina f.1 ‘price, value’; Latv. ciens m. ‘honour, respect’
PIE *koi-nehz
Cogn. Gk. motvi f. ‘penance, penalty’; Av. kaénd f. ‘penance, penalty’
{1} The variant with mobile stress is also attested in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 138), 17th and
18th century texts, 18th and 19th century poetry and in dialects.
See also: *céniti; *kajati
*céniti v. ‘evaluate, value’ ESSJa II 182-183
CS OCS céniti ‘evaluate, value’, sg. cénjo
E Ru. cenit’‘evaluate, value’ 1sg. cenju, 38g. cénit
W Cz. ceniti ‘estimate, evaluate’ Slk. cenit’ ‘estimate, evaluate’; Pl. ceni¢é
‘estimate, evaluate, price’
S SCr. cijeniti ‘evaluate, value’; Sln. céniti ‘evaluate, value’, 1sg. cénim; Bulg.
cenja ‘evaluate, value’
76 *césta
BSI. *koin-
B Lith. kdininti ‘price, value’; Latv. cienit ‘respect’
A derivative of >*cénd.
See also: *céna; *kajati
*césta f. a (a) ‘road’ ESSJa III 188
CS OCS césta (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) ‘road; RuCS césta ‘road, street’
W Cz. cesta ‘road’; OCz. césta ‘road’; Slk. cesta ‘road, street, journey’
S SCr. césta ‘road’; Cak. césta (Vrg.) {1} ‘road’; césta (Orb.) ‘road’; SIn. césta
‘road, street’
Probably the best etymology stems from Zubaty (1894: 385), who connected *césta
with Lith. kdisti ‘scrape’ In this view the road is a worn path, cf. Lat. via trita (ESSJa
s.v.) or Pl. utarta droga (Fraenkel I: 205).
{1} According to Juri8ié, this word has only recently come into use.
*céstiti v. ESSJa HI 189
CS OCS céstiti ‘castrate’; RuCS céstiti ‘clear’
S SIn. céstiti ‘castrate, (listje) tear off
BSI. *(s)koitd-
B Lith. skaistus 3/4 ‘bright’; Latv. skaists ‘beautiful, pretty’
PIE *(s)koid-
See also: *céditi; *Cistiti; *Cistp
*céva f. 4 (b) ‘shin-bone, tube, bobbin, spool’ ESSJa III 190-191
E Ru. cévka ‘bobbin, spool, (esp. hollow) bone, (dial.) shin-bone’; kévka (Arx.,
Psk.) ‘bobbin, spool, (esp. hollow) bone, (dial.) shin-bone’ {1}
WwW Cz. céva ‘vein’; OCz. céva ‘tube, spool’; cieva ‘tube, spool’; cievka ‘small tube’;
SIk. cieva ‘tube, vein’; USrb. cywa ‘spool, reed’
S Cak. civa (Vrg.) ‘bobbin, spool’; SIn. cévka ‘bobbin, spool’
BSL. *koi-u-a?; *koi-u-a?
B Lith. Saiva 4 ‘spool’; Seiva 2/4 ‘spool, forearm, shin(-bone)’; Latv. saiva
‘bobbin’; saive f.(€) ‘bobbin’ {2}
PIE *koi-u-
Cogn. Skt. asthiva(nt)- m. ‘shin’ {3}; Est. kadv ‘spool’; OHG scina f. ‘shin’; OE scia
m. ‘shin’
Apparently, the Baltic evidence points to *k-, while Slavic points to *k, with *c- < *k-
as a result of the second palatalization. The plain velar must have originated in root
variants with an s mobile.
{1} North Russian attestations of this root showing initial k- are presented in Nikolaev 1988:
142-143, cf. Anikin 1998: 115. {2} Much better attested are sdiva?, saiva?, sdive? and saive?. {3}
This may be a compound containing *ast- and *¢iua- (see Lubotsky 2002).
*tadb 77
See also: *cévp; *cévpnica
*cévp f. i (c) ‘tube, spool’ ESSJa III 193
E Ru. kev’ (Psk.) f. ‘handle of a flail’ {1}; cevvé n.(io) ‘fore-end (of rifle-stock),
pivot’; ORu. cévo f. ‘spool’; cévije n.(io) ‘handle’
Ww OCz. cév f. ‘tube, spool’; ciev f. ‘tube, spool’
S SCr. cijev f. ‘tube, spool, shin-bone’; Sn. cév f. ‘tube, pipe, spool, thigh-bone,
blood vessel’, Gsg. cevi; Bulg. cev f. ‘tube’
BSI —*koi-u-i-; *koi-u-i-
PIE *koi-u-
See > *céva.
{1} North Russian attestations of this root showing initial k- are presented in Nikolaev 1988:
142-143.
*cévpnica f. ja ‘reed, flute’ ESSJa III 193
CS OCS cévonica ‘lyre’
Ww Cz. cevnice (Jg.) ‘reed’
S SCr. cjevanica ‘shin’; cjevnica ‘shin-bone, flute’; Sln. cévnica ‘orga’
See > *céva.
Cc
*Cadjp; *¢adja m. jo; f. j4 (a) ‘smoke, soot’ ESSJa IV 9
W Slk. cadza (dial.) f.(ja) ‘smoke, soot’
S SCr. cad f.(i) ‘soot’; cada f.(ja) ‘fumes, soot’; Cak. cida (Vrg.) f.(ja) ‘soot’;
sdje (Novi) Npl. f.(ja) ‘soot’; sdji (Orb.) Npl. £.(ja) ‘soot’; Sln. éaj m.(jo)
‘vapour, haze, abscess’
See > *Cado.
*éadb m. 0 (a? c?) ‘smoke, fumes’ ESSJa IV 9-10
E Ru. cad ‘fumes, intoxication, Gsg. cada
W Cz. cad ‘fumes’; Pl. czad ‘fumes, soot’; SInc. dud ‘smoke, fumes; Gsg. cadu
S SCr. dd (RJA: 17th-18th c.) ‘fumes, soot’; Sln. ad ‘smoke, fumes’
PIE *kMéd-o-
The accent paradigm of *cad» cannot be determined with certainty. Bogatyrev (1995:
29) slightly prefers (a) to (c). Since the etymology is also unclear, there are a number
of possible reconstructions, e.g. *k™ed-o-, k™eh,d-o- or - if AP (a) is secondary -
kméd®-0-. See also > *kaditi.
See also: *¢adjp; *tadja; *kadidlo
X
78 *Cajati
*Cajati v. (a) ESSJa IV 10-11
CS OCS ¢ajati ‘expect, thirst for, hope for’, 1sg. cajo
E Ru. cdjat’ ‘expect, hope for; 1sg. cdju, 38g. Cdet {1}
S SCr. Cdjati ‘wait’; Sln. cdjati ‘wait, sg. Cajem
PIE *kwehyi-e/o-
Cogn. Skt. cayati ‘perceive, observe’; Gk. tiw ‘esteem, respect highly’
Its has been a matter of dispute (see LIV: 377) whether or not the root contains a
laryngeal. Even though Dybo (1968: 205, 234, 236) classifies *¢ajati as (c), it seems to
me that the evidence warrants the reconstruction of AP (a), which in my framework
implies the former presence of a laryngeal.
{1} Also AP (a) in Old Russian, with traces of (c) (Zaliznjak 1985: 133).
*éakati v. ‘wait, await, expect’ ESSJa IV 13
W OCz. éakati ‘wait, await’; Slk. cakat ‘wait, await’; Pl. czakaé (Sil. dial.) ‘wait,
await’; OPI. czakaé ‘wait, await’; USrb. cakaé ‘wait, await’; LSrb. cakaég ‘wait,
await’
S SCr. cdkati (RJA) ‘wait, await, expect’; Kajk. cOkati (Bednja) ‘wait, await,
expect, 1sg. Céokam; Sln. cdkati ‘wait, await’, 1sg. Cakam; Bulg. cdkam ‘wait,
await’
It is tempting to assume that *¢akati and > *¢ajati contain the same basic root (cf.
Meillet Et. I: 163), but this hypothesis does not explain the variation between *¢akati
and — *éekati.
*tara f. 4 ‘magic, sorcery ESSJa IV 22
CS RuCS cara ‘sorcery’
E ORu. cara ‘sorcery’
WwW SInc. avd ‘magic, sorcery’
S SCr. ¢ara ‘magic, sorcery’; Sln. cdra ‘magic, sorcery, sorceress’
See > *Caro.
*éarodéjp m. jo ‘enchanter, sorcerer’ ESSJa IV 24
CS OCS éarodéi ‘enchanter, magician’
E Ru. carodéj ‘enchanter, magician’
Ww Cz. carodéj ‘enchanter, magician, sorcerer’; Pl. czarodziej ‘enchanter,
magician, sorcerer’
S SCr. ¢arddjej (arch., obs.) ‘enchanter, magician, sorcerer’; Sln. carodéj
‘sorcerer, Gsg. carodéja; Bulg. carodéj ‘sorcerer’
Compound of *¢aro- < *kvér-o- and *déjo < *d*eh,-i-o-.
*tarb m. 0 ‘magic, sorcery’ ESSJa IV 26
CS OCS éary (Euch.) Apl. ‘magic, sorcery’
*Cekati 79
E Ru. cary Npl. ‘magic, enchantment’
Ww Cz. cary Npl. ‘magic, sorcery’ {1}; OCz. cary Npl. ‘magic, sorcery’ {1}; Slk. car
(poet.) ‘charm, enchantment’ Npl. cary ‘magic, sorcery’; Pl. czar ‘charm,
enchantment; Npl. czary ‘magic, sorcery’
S SIn. car ‘sorcery, magic’; Bulg. car ‘charm, magic’
BSI. *kér-/*ker-
B Lith. kerai Npl. m.(0) ‘sorcery’
PIE *kér-o-
Cogn. Skt. kynoti ‘make’
Unlike Baltic, Slavic has a lengthened grade vowel in the word for ‘sorcery’ It is
possible that *cars and *¢ara continue a root noun (cf. Kortlandt 198s5b).
{1} The singular cdr is uncommon. The SSJC also mentions ¢dr or car (poet.) ‘unusual beauty,
magical appeal’
*éasb m.o (a) ‘time’ ESSJa IV 27-30
CS OCS ¢aso ‘time, moment, hour’
E Ru. cas ‘hour, moment, Gsg. casa, Npl. casy {1}
W Cz. cas ‘time, weather’; Slk. cas ‘time, weather’; Pl. czas ‘time’; Slnc. cas ‘time’
S SCr. cds ‘moment’; Cak. cds (Vrg., Novi) ‘moment; Gsg. casa; SIn. cds ‘time’
Gsg. ¢dsa; Bulg. cas ‘hour’
BSL. *ke?s-
B OPr. kisman Asg. ‘time’
The root may be reconstructed as *k™eh,s-, but it has been suggested that the *s
belongs to the suffix, the root *ké (i.e. *keh;) being a variant of *ké(i), cf. Skt. cayati.
For the latter verb I have reconstructed *k”eh,i-e/o- (> *¢cajati). The connection with
Alb. kohé f. ‘time, season, weather’ is not straightforward (cf. Kortlandt 1987: 222,
Demiraj 1997: 221-222).
{1} AP (a) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 134).
*tekati v. ‘wait, await, expect’ ESSJa IV 36-37
CS CS éekati (Venc.) ‘wait, await’
E Ru. cekat’ (S., W. dial.) ‘wait, await’; Ukr. cekdty ‘wait, await’
W Cz. cekati ‘wait, await’; OCz. cekati ‘wait, await’; Ckdti ‘wait, await’; Pl. czekaé
‘wait, await’
S SCr. cékati ‘wait, await, expect’, sg. cékam; Cak. cékati (Vrg.) ‘wait, await,
expect, 2g. Cékas; Cékat (Orb.) ‘wait’ 1sg. Cékan; Mcd. eka ‘wait, await’
Stang (1961: 68-69) has suggested that cekati is cognate with OPr. kackint ‘attain, Lith.
kakti ‘be sufficient’ (cf. Toporov PJ 1980: 162-163 for the semantic development). In
Slavic, we may originally have had *¢ekti alongside the intensive *¢ékati. According to
an older etymology (cf. Vasmer s.v. cekdt’), *¢eka- is a reduplicated variant of the root
*keha- that we find in Lat. cdrus ‘dear; MHG huore ‘whore’ (note, however, that
according to Schrijver (1991: 95, 112), the -r- belongs to the root here). It seems to me
80 *éelespnb
that Stang’s scenario is preferable because it offers a solution for the variation
*Cek-/Cak-.
See also: *¢akati
*éelespn’b adj. 0 ‘top’ ESSJa IV 39
CS RuCs ¢éelesonyj ‘main, principal, top’
E ORu. celesonyj ‘main, principal, top’
WwW OCz. éeles(e)n m. ‘over’
S SIn. celésan ‘main, principal, top’
The stem shape ¢el-es- is probably secondary.
See also: *Zeld; *Zelovéks; *éelads; *koléno
*éeladb f. i ‘servants’ ESSJa IV 40-42
CS OCS éelédijo (Mar.) Isg. ‘servants’
E Ru. ¢céljad’ ‘servants’
W Cz. ¢eled’ ‘servants’; Slk. celad’ ‘family, members of a household, hired
workers’; Pl. czeladz ‘servants’
S SCr. céljad ‘servants, family’; Cak. céljdd (Vrg.) ‘servants, family’; SIn. céliad
‘children, servants’
B Lith. kiltis f.(i) 4 ‘tribe’; Latv. cilts £.(i) ‘tribe, origin’
See > *koléno.
*éeld n. 0 (b) ‘forehead’ ESSJa IV 45-47
CS OCS ¢elo ‘forehead’
W Cz. éelo ‘forehead, front’; Slk. celo ‘forehead, front’; Pl. czofo ‘forehead, front?
S SCr. éélo ‘forehead’; Cak. éeld (Vrg.) ‘forehead’; éeld (Novi) ‘forehead’, Npl.
céla; celd (Hvar) ‘forehead’, Npl. cela; celd (Orb.) ‘forehead, brow, Npl. céla;
SIn. ¢élo ‘forehead, front’; Bulg. éeld ‘forehead’
A neuter o-stem derived from *kelH- ‘lift.
See also: *Zelespn; *¢elads; *éelovék; *koléno
*éelovékb m. 0 ‘man’ ESSJa IV 48-50
CS OCS clovéko
E Ru. celovék, Gsg. celovéka; Ukr. colovik
W Cz. Clovék; Slk. clovek; Pl. cztowiek
Ss SCr. Covjek, Gsg. Covjeka; Covjek, Gsg. Covjéka; Cak. covik (Vrg.), Gsg. Covika;
covik (Novi); covik {1} (Orb.), Gsg. Covika; Sln. clévek, Gsg. clovéka; Bulg.
celovék; Covék
According to the tradional etymology, this is a compound of ¢elo-, cf. Lith. kélias 4
‘family, tribe, generation, and *véko, cf. Lith. vaikas 4 ‘child’. The variants with *¢l-
*éerda; *cérdb 81
may continue *¢vl- with raising of *e to *o after a palatalized consonant in a pretonic
syllable (cf. Kortlandt 1984-1985).
{1} Less frequently covék or Sovék.
See also: *Zelespn; *¢eladp; *¢elo; *koléno
*cemerica; *¢emerika f. ja; f. 4 ‘hellebore’ ESSJa IV 52-53
E Ru. cemerica
WwW Cz. cemerice; Slk. Cemerica; Pl. ciemierzyca; OPI. czemierzyca
S SCr. Cemérika; Sln. Cemerika ‘hellebore, morose person; Bulg. cemerika
See > *cemers, where also the non-Slavic plant-names are mentioned. The Slavic
derivatives of *cemer- denote both the highly toxic white hellebore (Veratrum
album) and various species of Helleborus, which are also toxic.
*éemer; *Cemerb m. 0; m. jo ‘hellebore, poison’ ESSJa IV 52-53
CS RuCS cemero ‘hellebore’
E Ru. cémer (dial.), cémer’ (dial.) ‘crown (of head), forelock, headache, belly-
ache, horse’s disease’; Cémer (dial.) ‘poison, illness caused by poison’
WwW Cz. cemer ‘name of an illness, aversion’; Slk. cemer ‘illness caused by
coagulation of the blood, weakness’; Pl. czemier (dial.) ‘hellebore, stomach-
ache (of a horse)’
S SCr. cémér ‘venom, anger’; Cak. cémer (Vrg.) ‘venom, anger’; Sln. cemér
‘venom, anger, gall’; ¢mér ‘venom, anger, gall’
BSI. *kemero-
B Lith. kémeras ‘hemp agrimony (Eupatorium cannabium), burr marigold’
(Bidens tripartita); Latv. cemerins ‘hellebore’
Cogn. Gk. Kdpapoc m. larkspur (Delphinium)’; Gk. xau(u)apov n. ‘aconite’; OHG
hemera f. ‘hellebore’
Undoubtedly a non-Indo-Europan plant-name.
See also: *Cemerica; *¢emerika
*éerda; *cérd» f. 4; m. 0 (b) ‘file, herd’ ESSJa IV 60-63
CS OCS ¢réda f. ‘order, herd’
E Ru. cereda f. ‘sequence, file, bur-marigold, (obs.) turn, (dial.) herd of cattle’
Asg. ceredu; ceredd (dial.) f. ‘sequence, turn, Asg. céredu; ceréd m. ‘turn,
(coll.) queue’; Ukr. céred m. ‘turn’
Ww Cz. trida f. ‘row, turn, street’; Slk. crieda f. ‘herd’; Pl. trzoda f. ‘herd’; OPI.
czrzoda f. ‘herd’; SInc. st?éuda f. ‘herd’; USrb. érjdda f. ‘multitude’
S SCr. éréda f. ‘turn, sequence’; Cak. ¢ridd (Vrg.: obs.) f. ‘herd (of sheep)’;
crédd (Novi) f. ‘herd (of sheep), Asg. crédu; Sln. créda f. ‘flock, herd, row’;;
Bulg. cerda f. ‘herd (of cattle)’
BSI. *(s )kerda?
82 *éerditi
B Lith. (s)kedZius m.(ju) ‘herdsman, shepherd’
OPr. kérdan Asg. ‘time’
Cogn. Skt. sardha- m. ‘host (of Maruts)’; Skt. sdrdhas- n. ‘troop, host (of Maruts)’;
Av. sarada- m./n. ‘kind, nature’; Go. hairda f. ‘herd’
On the basis of Balto-Slavic and Gothic we may reconstruct *(s)kerd"-eh2. According
to Mayrhofer (EWAia II: 619-620), the connection with the Indo-Aryan forms
mentioned above is dubious, but cf. Lubotsky 2002: 22-23, where Mayrhofer’s
semantic arguments are dismissed.
See also: *Cerditi
*éerditi v. (b) ESSJa IV 63
CS CS éréditi ‘receive, treat, satiate’
E Ru. ceredit’ (dial.) ‘clean, clear, treat, establish’
W Cz. triditi ‘classify, sort’; striditi (Kott) ‘group, distribute’; USrb. ¢rjddzi¢ ‘pile
up’
S Sln. ¢créditi ‘order, arrange’, 1sg. crédim
See > *€erda.
*éermpxa; *Cerm $a; *CermbSb; *Cermuxa; *CermuSsa ESSJa IV 66-68
f. a; f. ja; f. i‘ramson, bird cherry’
CS OCS ¢érémosv (Ps. Dim.) f.(i?) ‘ramson’
E Ru. cerémuxa ‘bird cherry’; cerémxa (dial.) ‘bird cherry’; ceremsd ‘ramson’;;
ORu. ceremoxa ‘bird cherry’; Ukr. cerémuxa ‘bird cherry’; cerémxa ‘bird
cherry’
WwW Cz. stremcha ‘bird cherry’; cermucha (Jg.) ‘bird cherry’; OCz. trémcha ‘bird
cherry’; Slk. ¢remcha ‘bird cherry’; Pl. trzemcha ‘bird cherry’; trzemucha
‘ramson, bird cherry’
S SCr. crijemusa ‘ramson’; SIn. érémha ‘bird cherry’; ¢rémsa ‘bird cherry’;
érémos m.(jo) ‘ramsor’
BSI. *kerm-(o)us-; *serm-(o)us-
B Lith. kermusé (dial.) 3° ‘tip of a drill, top of a flail, ramson’
Cogn. Gk. kpdupvov (Hom.), kpouvov (Ion., Att.) n. ‘onion’; Gk. kpguvov (Hsch.)
n. ‘onion; Olr. crem m. ‘dog’s leek, wild garlic leek, gentian, buckrams’; OE
hramsa m. ‘ramson’
The variation between BSI. *k- and *s- (cf. > *sermosa, etc.) points to an initial
palatovelar. The plain velar may have arisen before *r. In this connection it should be
noted that the cognates outside Balto-Slavic reflect *krem- or *krom- instead of
*kerm-. The suffix apparently contained an s.
See also: *sermbSa; *sermusa
*éernb III; *cerén; *Cerénb 83
*€ernovitb m. o ‘molar ESSJa -
CS RuCS crénovite ‘molar’; crénovitocp ‘molar’
See > *¢erno II, *cerno II.
*éernov» adj. o ‘molar’ ESSJa IV 68-69
CS OCS ¢rénovonyje (Ps. Sin.) Apl. m.(o) ‘molars’
WwW Cz. trenovy (zub) ‘molar’; Slk. crenovy (zub) ‘molar’; Pl. (zgb) trzonowy
‘molar
See > *¢erno II, *¢cerno II.
*éernp I; *¢ernb I m. 0; m. jo (c) ‘handle’ ESSJa IV 69-70
CS RuCs ¢créno
E Ru. céren’ (dial.)
W Pl. trzon; USrb. crona f.
S SCr. crén; Sln. érén
PIE *k*er-no-
Cogn. Skt. karna-‘ear’
See also: *kprma I; *kprnb
*éernp II; *Cernb II m. 0; m. jo (c) ‘stem, stub’ ESSJa IV 69-70
E Ru. céren (S. dial.) ‘molar’
W Cz. tren ‘stem of a mushroom’; ¢ren (dial.) ‘jaw, jaw-bone’; Slk. cren ‘molar’;
Pl. trzon ‘stem of a mushroom, trunk’
BSI. *ker-
B Lith. kéras m. 4 ‘tree-stump, stub, bush, shrub’
PIE *k()er(H )-no-
Cogn. Olr. cern f. ‘angle, corner’; W cern f. ‘cheekbone, side of the head’
If the Celtic forms mentioned above are cognate, the root must be *ker-.
See also: *¢ernovit; *Cernovs; *korenp; *kprp
*Cernb III; *Ceréns; *cerénb m. 0; m. 0; m. jo ESSJa IV 64-65
E Ru. ceren (Dal’) ‘salt pan’; cren (Dal’) ‘salt pan’; cerén (Dal’) ‘salt pan’; cren
(Dal’) ‘salt pan’; ciren (Dal’) ‘salt pan’; céren (Arx.) ‘salt pan’; ORu. cereno
‘tub for the extraction of salt’; Ukr. cerin’ m.(jo) ‘stove bottom’; ¢cerin’
m./f.(i) ‘stove bottom’; cerén (dial.) ‘stove bottom’; Gsg. cerénu
WwW Cz. ceren ‘device for fishing’; OCz. cerén ‘mountain ridge, rafter, square
fishing-net’; Slk. cere m.(jo) ‘fishing-net’; PI. trzon ‘stove bottom’
S SCr. cérjen (dial.) ‘cap with air-hole on a stove, brazier on a hearth, small
basket for drying grain on a hearth’; Sln. cerén ‘rocky place’, Gsg. ceréna
PIE *k(“)er-no-
84 *Cerpati
Illi¢-Svityé (1963: §43) only mentions forms that may reflect *Cerno. Since Ru. cerén
(Perm) might just as well continue *¢erén, the evidence for AP (b) - and therefore
for an old neuter - is weak, the most important piece of evidence probably being
Ukr. cerand. The etymological connection with Gk. képvoc n./m. (also ta Képva Npl.
n.) ‘earthen dish affixed with small pots for miscellaneous offerings’ is doubtful.
*éerpati v. ‘scoop, draw ESSJa IV 71
E ORu. cerepati ‘scoop, draw’; Ukr. cerépaty (dial.) ‘scoop, draw’
S SCr. crépati (Dubr.) ‘scoop, draw’; Sln. ¢crépati ‘scoop, draw, gulp, 1sg.
crépam, 1sg. crépljem
See > *Cerpti.
*éerpti v. ‘scoop, draw ESSJa IV 71-72
CS OCS poéréti ‘scoop, draw; 1sg. pocrepo
W Cz. criti (Jg.) ‘scoop, draw’; OCz. ctieti ‘scoop, draw, 18g. cru; Slk. criet
(poet.) ‘gather’
BSI. *kerp-; *kirp-
B Lith. ki7pti ‘chop, cut, 1sg. kerpu
PIE *(s)kerp-
Cogn. Lat. carpere ‘pick, pluck’
Though the semantic development is not evident, I assume that *¢erp- continues PIE
*(s)kerp- ‘cut off, tear off?
See also: *¢erpati; *Cerps; *¢prpati
*Cérpb m. 0 (c) ESSJa IV 72
CS CS crépo (Parim) ‘potsherd’
E Ru. cérep ‘skull; Gsg. cérepa; Bel. cérap ‘skull, Gsg. cérapa; Ukr. cérep ‘skull,
Gsg. cérepa
WwW Cz. (s)téep ‘broken piece of pottery, fragment’; cerep (arch., dial.) ‘broken
piece of pottery’; Slk. crep ‘broken piece of pottery, vase, skull’; Pl. trzop
(obs.) ‘potsherd, pot’ {1}
S SCr. crijep ‘broken piece of pottery, tile’; SIn. érép ‘shard, broken piece of
pottery, jug, skull’; Bulg. cérep ‘skull’
PIE *(s )kerp-o-
Cogn. OHGscirbi n. ‘potsherd’
Obviously derived from *(s )kerp-, cf. OHG scarb6n ‘cut up’.
{1} Ousted by czerep, which is of East Slavic origin.
See also: *¢erpati; *Cerpti; *¢prpati
*éerslo n. 0 (b) ‘loin ESSJa IV 74-75
CS OCS ¢résla Npl. ‘loins’
*Cérvo 85
E Ru. ¢éereslé (dial.) ‘ploughshare’; céresla (dial.) Npl. ‘waist, groins’; Ukr.
cereslo ‘ploughshare’
Ww Cz. (s)trislo ‘cortex, bark (used in tanning), planks, groin’; Slk. ¢cries/o ‘lintel’;
Pl. trzosta (arch.) Npl. ‘loins, groin’; trzdsta (dial.) Npl. ‘loins, groin’; USrb.
érjdsto ‘ploughshare’
S SCr. ¢rijéslo ‘cortex, bark (used in tanning)’; Sln. créslo ‘cortex, bark (used in
tanning)’
BSI. *kersl6
B Lith. ke7slas m. ‘chisel, cutter’
OPr. kersle ‘axe with two blades’
Derivative of the root *(s)kert-. The suffix may be reconstructed as *-slom, but *-tlom
is more attractive. It does not seem implausible that *kers-tlo- < *kert-tlo- became
*kerslo- in Balto-Slavic.
See also: *Cersti; *Cersb; *Cerz'b; *Cprta; *kort; *kortpkp
*éersti v. ‘carve, slash’ ESSJa IV 75-76
CS CS o€résti ‘carve’, 1sg. ocrote; RuCS corsti ‘hew, slash; 1sg. corto
E ORu. corsti ‘hew, slash’ 1sg. cortu
BSL. *kert-; *kirt-
B Lith. kirsti ‘Shew, slash; 1sg. kerti; Latv. cirst ‘hew, slash, 1sg. certu
PIE *(s)kert-
Cogn. Skt. krntati ‘cut (off), split, break’; OHG scrintan ‘split (intr.), burst’
See also: *Cerslo; *Cersb; *Cerzb; *Cprta; *korth; *kortpkb
*Cersp; *¢erzb prep. ‘over, through’ ESSJa IV 76-77
CS CS éréso ‘through’
E Ru. cérez ‘over, through’; ORu. cerezo ‘over, through’; ceres ‘over, through’
S SCr. créz (dial.) ‘through, by means of’; SIn. créz ‘over, beyond, against’; créz
‘over, beyond, against’; Bulg. crez ‘through, by means of’
BSI. *(s )kerso-
B Lith. (s)kefsas adj. ‘transverse, cross’; (s)kersai adv. ‘across’; Latv. skérss adv.
‘transverse, cross, bad’
PIE *(s)kert-
See also: *cerslo; *Cersti; *Cprta; *kortb; *kortpkp
*éérvo n. 0 (c) ‘belly, intestine’ ESSJa IV 82-83
CS OCS ¢révo ‘belly, womb, (pl.) entrails’
E Ru. cerévo (dial.) ‘belly, womb’; cérevo (dial.) ‘belly’; Ukr. cérevo (dial.) ‘belly’
WwW Cz. strevo ‘gut, intestine’; trevo (Kott) ‘gut, intestine’; OCz. (s)t7évo ‘gut,
intestine’; Slk. crevo ‘gut, intestine’; Pl. trzewo ‘entrails, intestines’; USrb.
érjewo ‘intestine’
86 *Cervbje
S SCr. crijévo ‘gut, intestine’; Cak. crivo (Vrg.) ‘gut, intestine’, Npl. ériva; crivo
(Novi) ‘gut, intestine, Npl. criva; Sln. crevé n.(s) ‘belly, Gsg. crevésa; Bulg.
cervo ‘intestine’
BSI. *ker-m/w-
B OPr. kérmens ‘body’
Cogn. Skt. carman- m. ‘hide, skin
See also: *Cervpje
*Cervpje n. io ESSJa IV 83-84
E Ru. cerév ja Npl. ‘belly’; ORu. cerevije ‘hide from an animal’s belly, shoe’
WwW Cz. trevo (Kott) n.(o) ‘footwear’; st’evi (Kott) ‘footwear’; OCz. trévi
‘footwear’
S Sn. érévje ‘intestines’
See also: *¢érvo
*éesati v. (b) ‘scratch, comb’ ESSJa IV 85-87
CS OCS éesati ‘pick, pluck’ 18g. ceso
E Ru. cesdt’ ‘scratch, comb, 1sg. cesui, 38g. CéSet
Ww Cz. cesati ‘scratch, comb’; Slk. cesat'‘comb, hackle’; Pl. czesaé‘comb, hackle’
S SCr. césati ‘scratch, comb’ 1sg. césém; Cak. cesditi (Vrg.) ‘scratch’, 28g. céses;
cesat (Orb.) ‘comb; 1sg. césen; SIn. césati ‘tear, scratch, comb, 1sg. césem
BSI. *kes-
B Lith. kasti ‘dig, rake’; Latv. kast ‘rake’
PIE *kes-
Cogn. Hitt. kiszi v. ‘combs’; Olr. cir f. ‘comb’; OE heord f. ‘hair’
See also: *kasati; *kosa I; *kosm»; *kosnoti
*éesnb; *Cesno; *tesnbkb m. 0; n. 0; m. 0 ‘garlic’ ESSJa IV 89-90
E Ru. cesnok m.; ORu. cesnoko m.
W Cz. cesnek m.; Slk. cesnak m.; Pl. czosnek m.
S SCr. césan m.; césno n.; Cak. césan (Orb.) m., Gsg. cesnd; Sln. césan m., Gsg.
césna; césnak m., Gsg. césanka, Gsg. césnaka; Bulg. césdn m.
PIE *kesn-o-
Cogn. Olr. cainnenn f. ‘leek’; W cennin pl. ‘leek
As the Celtic forms point to *kasn-, it is likely that this etymon is not of IE origin (cf.
Schrijver 1995: 456).
*éetverb; *Cetvorb num. ‘four’ ESSJa IV 93-94
CS OCS ¢etvoro ‘four’
E Ru. cétvero n. ‘four’
WwW Cz. ctvery ‘four’; Pl. czworo n. ‘four’
PIE
Cogn.
*Céznoti 87
SCr. cétver adj. ‘fourfold’; cétvero n. ‘four’; cétvoro n. ‘four’; Cak. cétvero
(Vrg., Orb.) n. ‘four’; SIn. cetvér adj. ‘four, quadruple’
*ketuer-; *ketuor-
Lith. ketveri Npl. m. ‘four’
*kvétuer-; *kétuor-
Skt. catvaras Npl. m.; catiiras Apl. m.
See also: *Cetvprtp; *Cetyre
*éetvprtb num. o ‘fourth’ ESSJa IV 95
CS OCS ¢etvroto
E Ru. cetvértyj
WwW Cz. étvrty; Pl. czwarty; OPI. cztwarty
S SCr. cétvrti; Cak. Cetvi'ti (Vrg.); Cet?ti (Orb,); SIn. cet/ti; Bulg. cetvarti
BSI. *ketuer-; *ketuor-
B Lith. ketviftas; ketvertas (OLith.); Latv. ceturtais
PIE *k*etur-tHo-
Cogn. Skt. caturthda- ‘fourth’
See also: *Cetvers; *Cetvor; *éetyre
*éetyre num. (a) ‘four ESSJa IV 97-98
CS OCS cetyre
E Ru. cetyre
W Cz. ctyri; Pl. cztery; OPI. cztyrze; czterzy
S SCr. cétiri; Cak. Cetiri (Vrg., Orb.); Sln. Stirje, f./n. Stiri; Cetirje, f./n. cetiri;
Bulg. cetiri
BSI. *ketur-
B Lith. keturi Npl. m.
PIE *kvétur-
Cogn. Skt. catvaras Npl. m.; catiiras Apl. m.
See also: *Cetverb; *Cetvors; *Cetvprtb
*ééznoti v. (a) ‘disappear’ ESSJa IV 100-101
E Ru. céznut’ (dial.) ‘disappear, vanish, perish’; Ukr. céznuty ‘disappear, (dial.)
perish’
Ww Pl. czezngé (obs.) ‘wither, disappear, vanish’ {1}
S SCr. céznuti ‘thirst for, long for, yearn, isg. Cézném; Bulg. cézna ‘disappear,
vanish’
See > *kaziti.
{1} According to Barikowski (2000a: 229), this word was originally limited to the eastern
dialects and must be considered a Ruthenianism.
88 *tedo; *teda; *tedb
*Cedo; *Ceda; *cedb n. 0; f. 4; m. 0 (a) ‘child’ ESSJa IV 102-104
CS OCS ¢éedo n. ‘child’
E Ru. cddo (obs.) n. ‘child, offspring’
W OCz. cad m. ‘little boy’; cad m. ‘little boy’; cada f. ‘little girl’; cada f. ‘little girl
S SCr. cédo (arch.) n. ‘child’; Bulg. cédo n. ‘child’
PIE *k(e)n-do-
Cogn. Gk. katvéc ‘new’; Lat. recéns ‘new, fresh’; MW bachgen m. ‘boy’
See also: *éedn; *kon; *konbcp; *naceti; *Scene
*éedb f. i ESSJa IV 104
CS OCS éedb ‘people’; RuCS cadb ‘children, people, servants’
E ORu. cadbo ‘children, people, servants’
S SCr. ¢ed ‘family, servants’
PIE *k(e)n-di-
Cogn. Olr. cenél n. ‘nation, tribe’
See also: *éedo; *Ceda; *teda; *kons; *konbcp; *naceti; *Scene
*€est'b adj. 0 (c) ‘frequent, dense’ ESSJa IV 106
CS OCS ¢esto ‘frequent, dense’; cesto adv. ‘often’
E Ru. cdstyj ‘frequent, close (together), dense’; Casto adv. ‘often’
Ww Cz. casty ‘frequent’; casto adv. ‘often’; Slk. casty ‘frequent’; Casto adv. ‘often’;
Pl. czesty ‘frequent’; czesto adv. ‘often’
S SCr. cést ‘frequent, dense’ f. ésta; Sln. césto adv. ‘often’; Bulg. césto adv. ‘often’
BSI. *kimsto-
B Lith. kirnstas ‘packed, stuffed’
PIE *kmk-to-
*éstb f. i (c) ‘part’ ESSJa IV 107-108
CS OCS ¢esto
E Ru. cast’
W Cz. cast; Cest {1}; OCz. cést; Ciest; Slk. cast; Pl. czesé
S Bulg. cast
BSI. *kintd- (*ken?d-)
B Lith. karidis m.(io) 2 ‘bite’
See > *kosati for a discussion of the root.
{1} Cz. édst must have adopted the root vowel of the diminutive cdstka (Verweij 1994: 518).
*Ci conj. ESSJa IV 109-110
CS CS ¢i ‘because’; Cimo Isg. m.n. ‘what’
E Ru. ¢i (dial.) ‘if, or’
WwW Cz. ci if’; Pl. czy if?
sti 89
S SCr. ci ‘if’; SIn. ci ‘if?
PIE *kviH
Cogn. Av. ci adv. ‘how’; Lat. qui adv. ‘how, why’; OE hw9, hwi adv. ‘why’
*€ixati; *Cpxati v. ‘sneeze’ ESSJa IV 110
E Ru. cixat’; éxdt’; Ukr. éxdty
WwW Pl. czchaé (dial.); czychaé (dial.); USrb. cichaé
S SIn. cihati, isg. ciham
See also: *kpxati; *kpxnoti
*Ciniti v. (c) ESSJa IV 112-113
CS OCS ¢initi ‘arrange, construct; 1sg. cinjo
E Ru. cinit’ ‘repair, 1sg. cinju, 38g. cinit; cinit’ ‘carry out, execute’ 18g. cinju, 3sg.
cinit
WwW Cz. ciniti ‘do, make, carry out, act’; Slk. cinit' ‘do, make, carry out, act’; Pl.
czyni¢ ‘do, make, carry out, act’
S SCr. ciniti ‘do, make, sift’, 1sg. cinim; Cak. ciniti (Vrg.) ‘do, make, (se) appear’
asg. cinis; Ciniti (Orb.) ‘make, force’, 1g. cinin; SIn. Cciniti ‘sift, do, bring about,
isg. Cinim; Bulg. cinja ‘do, cost’
PIE *k*ei-n-
Cogn. Skt. cinoti ‘gather, arrange, pile up’
In view of the *-n-, we seem to be dealing with a derivative of > *¢cino.
*cinb m. 0 (c) ESSJa IV 113-115
CS OCS ¢ino ‘row, order, rank, rule’
E Ru. cin ‘rank, order, ceremony, Gsg. cina
Ww Cz. cin ‘affair, act, deed’; Slk. cin ‘act, deed’; Pl. czyn ‘affair, act, deed’
S SCr. cin ‘appearance, form’; Sln. cin ‘act, deed, (from Russian) rank’;; Bulg. cin
‘yank
PIE *k’ei-no-
Cogn. Skt. cindti ‘gather, arrange, pile up’
See also: *Ciniti
*Cisti v. ESSJa IV 119
CS OCS éisti ‘count, read, honour’ 1sg. cote {1}
WwW Cz. cisti ‘read’, 1sg. ctu; OPI. czysé ‘read’, 1sg. czte
S SCr. cisti (13th-16th c.) ‘read’
BSI. *(s)keit-/*(s)kit-
B Latv. skist ‘think, suppose, seem; 1sg. skietu
PIE *(s)k(e)it-
Cogn. Skt. cétati ‘perceive, take notice of?
90 *Cistiti
{1} AP (c) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 136).
See also: *Citati; *¢pstp
*istiti v. (a) ‘clean, purify’ ESSJa IV 120
CS OCS Cistiti, 1sg. cisto
E Ru. cistit’, sg. ciscu
Ww Cz. cistiti; Slk. cistit; Pl. czysci¢
S SCr. cistiti ‘clean, sweep’; Cak. ¢istit (Orb.) ‘clean’; Sln. cistiti ‘clean, purify,
isg. cistim; Bulg. cistja ‘clear’
Denominative verb derived from > *Cisto.
See also: *céditi; *céstiti
*Cistb adj. o (a) ‘clean, pure’ ESSJa IV 121-122
CS OCS ¢isto
Ru. cistyj
E
Ww Cz. cisty; Sik. cisty; Pl. czysty
S SCr. cist; Cak. cist (Vrg.), f. cistd, n. cisto; cis (Orb.), n. cista, n. cisto; Sln. cist;
Bulg. cist
BSI. *(s)kifsto-
B Lith. skystas ‘thin (of liquids)’; Latv. skists ‘liquid, thin (of fabric), clean,
clear’
OPr. skijstan Asg. ‘pure’
PIE *(s)kid-to-
See also: *céditi; *céstiti; *Cistiti
*éitati v. ‘read, count’ ESSJa IV 123
E Ru. citat’ ‘read, 1sg. citdju
Ww Cz. citati ‘read, count, suppose’; Slk. citat ‘read’; Pl. czytad ‘read’
S SCr. citati ‘read’, isg. citam; Cak. citati (Vrg.) ‘read’, 28g. citas; Citat (Orb.)
‘read’ 18g. citan {1}; Sln. citati ‘read’ 1sg. citam
BSI. *(s)keit-; *(s)koit-
B Lith. skaityti ‘read, count’
PIE *(s)kveit-; *(s)kvoit-
Cogn. Skt. cétati ‘perceive, take notice of”
{1} In Orbanici, citat is on the verge of ousting Stét, 1sg. stén, while in Vrgada the native verb is
stiti, sg. Stijen. In Novi, we find stat, 1g. stén, asg. sté3. These forms seem to point to *¢otéti /
* Cotati, sg. *Coto, cf. Sln. ctéti ‘read’, stéti ‘count.
See also: *Cisti; *¢pstb
*Cuditi (se) v. ‘be surprised, marvel’ ESSJa IV 127-128
CS OCS éuditi se, sg. Cuzdo se
*¢brmbn'b 91
E Ru. cudit’ (coll.) ‘behave eccentrically, play the fool, 3sg. cudit; cudit’sja
(coll.) ‘seen’
WwW Cz. cuditi se
SCr. cilditi se, isg. ciidim se; Cak. Ciditi se (Vrg.), 28g. Ctidis se; Sln. éuiditi se,
isg. Cuidim se; Bulg. cudja ‘surprise’; cuidja se ‘be surprised, marvel’
Nn
Denominative verb. See > *¢udo.
*étdo n. s (a) ‘miracle’ ESSJa IV 128-129
CS OCS ¢cudo, Gsg. cudese, Gsg. Cuda
E Ru. cuido, Npl. cudesd
W Slk. éudo; Pl. cudo n.; cud m.; OPI. czudo; cudo; Slnc. c#id m.
S SCr. citdo, Npl. cudésa; Cak. ctido, Npl. éudesd; SIn. étido ‘miracle, marvel,
admiration, Gsg. ctidesa; Bulg. cudo, Npl. cudesd
PIE *keud-os-
Possibly cognate with Gk. xddoc ‘fame, renown. The acute root may be attributed to
Winter’s law.
See also: *Cuditi (se); *kuditi; *kudo; *kuds; *kudp
*éuti v. (a) ‘sense, feel, notice’ ESSJa IV 134-136
CS OCS ¢uti ‘sense, notice; 1sg. Cujo; RuCS ¢cuti ‘feel, hear, know’
E Ru. cujat’ ‘scent, sense, feel} 18g. cuju, 38g. cuet; Cut’ (dial.) ‘hear’; ORu. cuti
‘feel, hear, know
Ww Cz. citi ‘sense, feel’; Couti (coll., dial.) ‘sense, feel’; OCz. cuti ‘sense, feel’; cieti
‘sense, feel’; Slk. cuf‘hear’; Pl. czu¢ ‘feel’
S SCr. ¢iiti ‘hear’, 18g. ciijém; Cak. ciiti (Vrg.) ‘hear, feel, sense’, 28g. ciljes; cuit
(Orb.) ‘hear, taste, smell’, 1sg. ciijen; SIn. Cuti ‘hear, be awake’, 1sg. cujem {1};
Bulg. cuija ‘hear’
{1} Pleter$nik (I: s.v.) incorrectly has a falling tone in the present (see Pleter8nik II: IIT).
*éprmpnovati se v. ESSJa -
CS OCS ¢cremonuets se (Zogr., Mar.) 38g. ‘reddens (sky)’; RuCS cermnovat’sja
‘become clear’
E ORu. cermnovat’sja ‘become clear’
See also: *¢brmpn'b
*érmpnb adj. o ‘red’ ESSJa IV 149-150
CS OCS ¢cromono (Ps. Sin., Cloz., Supr.) ‘red’
E Ru. ceremnoj (dial.) ‘red-haired, ginger’; cerémnyj (dial.) ‘red-haired, ginger’
WwW Cz. cermny (Kott) ‘red’; érmny (Kott) ‘red’; Pl. czermny (dial.) ‘red’
S SCr. crman (arch., obs.) ‘red’
This colour-adjective is one way or another connected with > *¢orvo ‘worm, which is
also the source of another word for ‘red, > *¢orvens or *Cvrvens (insects and larvae
92 *Chrn'b
of insects are known to have been used for the production of red dye). Since in
Lithuanian we find kirmis, the *m may be regarded as old, cf. also SIn. cfm
‘inflammation, carbuncle, anthrax. On the other hand, colour designations such as
MoDu. karmozijn or MoDu. karmijn were borrowed from Arabic girmiz through
Romance. The Arabic form was borrowed from Persian and may ultimately originate
from India. In this context it does not seem impossible that cormons is a borrowing
as well.
See also: *¢brmpnovati se
*dbrnb adj. o (b) ‘black’ ESSJa IV 155-157
CS OCS crone (Zogr., Mar., Supr.)
E Ru. cérnyj; céren, f. Cerna, n. cernd {1}
Ww Cz. cerny; Sik. cierny; Pl. czarny; USrb. corny; LSrb. carny
S SCr. cfn, f. céna; Cak. cin (Vrg.), f. crnd, n. crnd; cfn (Orb.) ‘black, dark; f.
érnd, n. cfno; Sin. crn; Bulg. céren
BSL. *kirsnos
B Lith. kifsnas 4 ‘black (of a horsey
OPr. kirsnan ‘black’
PIE *krs-no-
Cogn. Skt. krsnd- ‘black
{1} AP (b) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 136).
*éprpati v. ‘scoop, draw ESSJa IV 158-159
CS OCS ¢répvjoste (Supr.) Npl. m. ptc. pres. act. ‘scooping’ {1}
E Ru. cérpat’ ‘scoop, draw, 1sg. cérpaju
WwW Cz. cerpati ‘scoop, draw, pump; 1sg. cerpdm; OCz. crpati ‘scoop, draw’; SIk.
cerpati ‘scoop, draw, pump’; Pl. czerpac ‘scoop, draw, 18g. czerpie
S SCr. crpati (Vuk) ‘scoop, draw’, 1sg. crpam; Sln. ¢rpati ‘scoop, draw, pump,
isg. Crpdm,; Bulg. cérpja ‘scoop, draw, host’
BSI. *kirp-
B Lith. kifpti ‘chop, cut, 1sg. kerpu
PIE *(s)kerp-
{1} The verb is generally reconstructed as ¢cropati, 1sg. créplio, 28. crépliesi.
See also: *¢erpati; *Cerpti; *Cerpb
*cérstvp adj. o (c) ‘firm’ ESSJa IV 159-161
CS RuCS crostvo ‘hard, strong, dry, real’; Corstvo ‘hard, strong, dry, real’
E Ru. cérstvyj ‘stale, hard, callous’ {1}
WwW Cz. é(e)rstvy ‘strong, healthy, fresh’; Pl. czerstwy ‘stale, healthy, strong’
*Cbrvb 93
S SCr. évst ‘strong, hard, firm, f. cv/sta; Cak. vist (Vrg.) ‘strong, hard, firm; f.
évrsta, n. évrstd; évrs (Orb.) ‘strong, firm, f. év7sta, n. évi'sto; Sln. cvfst ‘firm,
strong, fresh, f. év/sta
BSI. *kirst(w)os
B Lith. kistas ‘sharp, harsh (of a person)’
PIE *krt-tuo-
{1} AP (c) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 138).
*éprta f. 4 (b) ‘line’ ESSJa IV 161
CS OCS ¢crota (Zogr., Mar., Ass.) ‘tittle’
E Ru. certd ‘line, boundary, trait, Asg. certi
W Cz. érta ‘line, sketch’; Slk. érta ‘trait, sketch’
S SCr. c7ta ‘line’; SIn. éfta ‘line’; Bulg. certa ‘line, trait’
Derivative of *Cort- < *krt-, cf. *Cersti.
See also: *Cerslo; *Cersb; *Cerzb; *kortp; *kortpkp
*prvjens; *¢prven? adj. 0 ‘red’ ESSJa IV 168-169
CS OCS érovijens (Zogr., Mar., Euch.); crovijeno (Sav., Euch.)
E Ru. cerevlényj (obs.) ‘dark red’
Ww Cz. cerveny; Sk. cerveny; Pl. czerwony
Ss SCr. crven; SIn. érljén; Bulg. cervén
Originally a past passive participle. See > corviti.
*éprviti v. ‘dye red, lay eggs (of insects)’ ESSJa IV 169-170
CS RuCS ¢roviti, Corviti, cerviti ‘dye, redder’
E Ru. cérvyty’ ‘lay eggs (of insects)’
WwW Cz. cerviti (Kott) ‘lay eggs (of insects)’
S SCr. cfviti ‘colour, dye’ Bulg. cervjd ‘dye red’
A derivative of > *corvo. Cf. also > *Cormono.
*éprvb m. i ‘worm, maggot’ ESSJa IV 171-172
CS OCS ¢rove m.(i) ‘worm
E Ru. cerv’ m.(jo), Gsg. cervjd
WwW Cz. cerv m.(o); Slk. cerv m.(o0); Pl. czerw m.(jo); USrb. cerw m.(0); LSrb.
cerw m.(0)
S SCr. c?v m.(0); Cak. cv (Vrg.) m.(0); é#v (Novi) m.(0); é#v (Orb.) m.(o),
Gsg. ¢cfva; Sln. c?v m.(0)
BSI. *kir-m/w-i-
B Lith. kirmis f.(i) 4 ‘worm, maggot, snake’; Latv. cirmis m.(io) ‘worm, maggot,
caterpillar’
OPr. girmis ‘maggot’
94
PIE
Cogn.
*CBhstb
*kr-m-i-
Skt. kfmi- m. ‘worm, maggot’; Olr. cruim m.‘worm; W pryfm. ‘worm’
The Balto-Slavic vocalization *ir (instead of *ur) after an original labiovelar is
unexpected.
See also: *¢brvjens; *Cprven; *Cbrviti
*¢éstp f. i (c) ‘honour, respect’ ESSJa IV 175-176
CS OCS ¢osto
E Ru. cest’
WwW Cz. cest, Gsg. cti; Pl. czesc; USrb. cesé, Gsg. cesce
S SCr. cast, Gsg. cdsti; Cak. cast (Vrg.); cas (Orb.); Sln. cast; cést; Bulg. cest
‘honour, luck, happiness’
PIE —*(s)kit-ti
Cogn. Skt. citti- f. ‘thinking, understanding’; Av. Cisti- f. ‘consciousness’
See also: *Cisti; *Citati
*épto pron. ‘what’ ESSJa IV 177-178
CS OCS ¢cvto, Gsg. ceso, Gsg. Cesogo
E Ru. cto
S SCr. std; Cak. std (Vrg.); Bulg. Sto
PIE *kwi-/kve-
Cogn. Gk. ti ‘what?, Gsg. téo (Hom.)
*da conj. ESSJa IV 180
CS OCS da ‘(in order) that/to’
S SCr. da ‘(in order) that/to, if’; SIn. da ‘(in order) to, because, though’; Bulg.
da ‘(in order) to, that’
PIE —*do-h; (do?)
Cogn. OE £6 prep. ‘to; Olr. do prep. ‘to’
*D
*dadja f. ja ESSJa -
CS OCS daéda (Hilf) ‘distribution’
According to Pokorny (IEW: 224), OCS dazda is analogical after *édja (the
substantive jaZda is not attested in OCS). The jd-stem is based on the reduplicated
root *dad- < *dodhs- (— *dati), which shows the effects of Winter’s law.
*danb 95
*dadjpbog» m.o ESSJa IV 182-183
E ORu. DaZzobogo proper name
Ww OPI. Dadzibog proper name
Compound of the imperative *dadjv (- *dati) and > *bégo.
*dajati v. ‘give’ ESSJa IV 197
CS OCS dajati ‘give, allow, 1sg. dajo; RuCS dajati ‘give, allow’
E ORu. dajati ‘give, allow’
WwW Cz. dajati (arch.) ‘give’
Ss SCr. dajat (dial.) ‘give’; Sln. dajati ‘give, sg. ddjem, isg. dajém, 1sg. ddjam
See > *dati.
*daléks adj. 0 (b) ‘far, distant’ ESSJa IV 184-185
CS OCS dalece ‘far, long’ adv.; CS dalek
E Ru. daleékij; dalék, f. dalekd, n. daleko, n. daléko
W Cz. daleky; Slk. daleky; Pl. daleki
S SCr. dalek; Sln. dalek
Derivative with the suffix *-oke, cf. > *vysoke. For the root, see > *dalb, *dala.
*dalb; *dala f. i; f. ja ‘distance’ ESSJa IV 186-187
CS OCS dalja
E Ru. dal’
Ww Cz. dal; dale; Pl. dal
S SCr. dalj f./m.(i); dalja; Sin. dalja
The root may be identical with the root of > *doliti ‘last’
See also: *dalékp
*danp f. i (c) ‘tribute, tax’ ESSJa IV 194-195
CS OCS danb ‘tax, tribute’
E Ru. dan’ ‘tribute, debt’
W Cz. dan ‘tax, duty’; Slk. dari ‘tax, duty’; Pl. dan ‘tax, tribute, duty’
S SCr. dan (13th-16th c.) ‘tribute’; Sln. dan ‘tribute, tax’, Gsg. dani; danj ‘tribute,
>
tax
BSL. *do?nis
B Lith. duénis f. i, m. io ‘tribute’ {1}
PIE *deh3-n-
Cogn. Skt. dana- m. ‘donation, gift’; Lat. donum n. ‘gift’
{1} Probably a transformation of the borrowing donis ‘tribute, gift’ (SkardZius 1931: 65, 67,
Anikin 1994: 191).
See also: *dajati; *dadja; *dadjpbogs; *dars; * dateln; *dati; *davati; *pridb; *prodadja
96 *darp
*darpb m. u (c) gift ESSJa IV 191-192
CS OCS dare, Gsg. dara, Gsg. daru
E Ru. dar
W Cz. dar; Sik. dar; Pl. dar
S SCr. dar; Cak. dar (Vrg.); dar (Orb.); Sln. dar, Gsg. dara, Gsg. dari; Bulg.
dar
PIE *deh3-ro-
Cogn. Gk. d@pov n.
According to the ESSJa, the arguments for reconstructing a u-stem are not
compelling. For the root, see > *dati.
*datelb m. jo ‘giver, donor’ ESSJa IV 193-194
CS OCS datel’s
E Ru. datel’ (dial.)
Ww Cz. datel (Jg.)
S SCr. datelj (arch.)
Deverbative nomen agentis. See > *dati.
*dati v. ‘give’ ESSJa IV 194-195
CS OCS dati, isg. damp, 28g. dasi, 38g. dasto, ipl. dame, 2pl. daste, 3pl. dadeto
E Ru. dat’, 1sg. dam, 28g. das’, 38g. dast, ipl. dadim, 2pl. dadite, 3pl. dadut
W Cz. dati; OCz. dati, sg. dam, 2sg. das, 3p]. dddie; OSIk. dati; dat; Pl. da¢, 1sg.
dam, 3pl. dadzg
S SCr. dati, isg. dam, ipl. ddmo; Cak. dati (Vrg.), 28g. dag, 28g. dadés; dat
(Orb.), 1sg. dan, ipl. dam6; Sln. dati, 1sg. dam; Bulg. dam
BSL. *dor-; *dotd-mi
B Lith. duoti; Latv. duét
OPr. dat
PIE *dehs-; *didh3-
Cogn. Gk. didwput; Skt. dddati; Lat. dare
In the reduplicated present the first element became acute as a result of Winter’s law.
See also: *dajati; *dadja; *dadjpbogs; *danp; *dars; *datelp; *davati; *pridp
*davati v. ESSJa IV 197
CS OCS -davati
E Ru. davat’, isg. daju
W Cz. davati; Slk. davat; Pl. dawaé
S SCr. davati, 1sg. dajém; davati (Vuk: SW), 1sg. dajém; davati, 1sg. davam;
Cak. davati, 28g. dajes; davat (Orb.), 1sg. dajén; Sln. davati, sg. ddvam; Bulg.
davam
BSL. *dorwar-
*debelb 97
B Latv. davat ‘give (iter.)’
Cogn. Gk. didwut ‘give’; Skt. dadati ‘give’; Lat. dare ‘give’
The secondary je-present *dajo is built on the aorist stem. The long non-acute root
vowel of the imperfective iteratives in -davati can be traced to a perfect form *dh3-éu
(Kortlandt 1989: 111).
See also: *dajati; *dadja; *dadjpbogs; *danp; *dars; *datelp; *dati; *pridp; *prodadja
*davé adv. ‘recently’ ESSJa IV 198
E Ru. dadveca (coll., arch., dial.) ‘recently’; dave (dial.) ‘recently, yesterday’; ORu.
davé ‘yesterday’
Ww LSrb. dawe (dial.) ‘before, recently, long ago’; Plb. dova ‘recently, just’
S Sln. dave ‘this morning, recently’; ddvi ‘this morning’
Cogn. Skt. daviyas- adj. ‘further, more distant’; Gk. Sj adv. ‘a long time, far; Gk.
dav (Dor.) adv. ‘a long time, far’; Gk. 5oav (Dor.) adv. ‘a long time, far’
The long vowel of this adverb is striking. We may be dealing with a lengthened grade
vowel that originated in a monosyllabic form.
See also: *davpnb
*daviti v. (b) ‘suffocate’ ESSJa IV 198-199
CS OCS daviti ‘suffocate’, sg. davljo
E Ru. davit’ ‘press (upon), suffocate, crush; sg. davlju, 38g. davit
WwW Cz. daviti ‘suffocate, strangle, throw up’; Slk. davit ‘suffocate, strangle, throw
up’; Pl. dawic¢ (obs., dial.) ‘suffocate, strangle’
S SCr. daviti ‘suffocate, strangle, 1sg. davim; Cak. daviti (Vrg.) ‘suffocate,
strangle’, 2sg. davis; Sln. daviti ‘suffocate, strangle, 1sg. ddvim; Bulg. ddvja
‘drown, suffocate, strangle’
PIE *d*6hau-
Cogn. Gk. Zedc BatAtoc m. ‘strangler?’; Go. afdauips ptc. pret. pass. ‘tormented’
*davpn»; *davpnb adj. o ‘ancient, past’ ESSJa IV 200
CS CS davono adv. ‘long ago’
E Ru. davnij
WwW Cz. davny; davni (arch.); Pl. dawny
S SCr. ddvan; dévn(j)i; Sln. davan ‘ancient, past’; davnji ‘from this morning,
ancient, past’
Adjective derived from > *davé.
*debel» adj. 0 ‘fat’ ESSJa IV 201-202
CS RuCS debelyj ‘fat’
E Ru. debélyj ‘plump, corpulent’; debélyj (dial.) ‘healthy, strong, plump,
corpulent’
98 *debelbstvo
S SCr. débeo ‘fat’; Cak. débé (Vrg.) ‘fat’, f. debela; SIn. débet ‘fat, big, strong’ f.
debéla; Bulg. debél ‘fat, strong’
BSI. *deb-
B Latv. depsis ‘small, fat boy’
OPr. debikan Asg. ‘big’; debica (Gr.) ‘big’
Cogn. Olc. dapr ‘sad’; Nw. daper ‘sad, with young’; dabb(e) (dial.) m. ‘small, fat
fellow’; OHG tapfar ‘firm, heavy, thick-set’
Formally, the Balto-Slavic and the Germanic forms do not match, considering that in
the case of PIE *b the Balto-Slavic evidence would violate Winter’s law. It is by no
means necessary, however, to assume that this etymon is of Indo-European origin.
See also: *debelpstvo; *doblp
*debelbstvo n. o ‘fatness’(?) ESSJa IV 203
CS OCS debelvstvo ‘rudeness’ {1}
{1} According to the SJS (I: 472), the scribe may have translated naybtn¢ ‘fatness’ instead of
Tpaxvtns ‘rudeness.
See > *debelo.
*degptp m. jo ‘tar’ ESSJa IV 204-205
E Ru. dégot’; Ukr. dihot’; déhot’
Ww Cz. dehet; Slk. decht; Pl. dziegie¢
Ss SIn. dégat
BSI. *degut(i)os
B Lith. degutas 2; Latv. deguts
PIE *dhegwh-
In view of the presumed connection between *Zegti ‘burn’ and Lith. dégti ‘id’, *degoto
is sometimes regarded as a borrowing from Baltic. I find it more likely that it is a
relic of the original root *deg- < *d'egwh- (cf. Stawski SP II: 34-35), cf. Sln. dégniti
‘radiate, OCz. dehna ‘devil.
*deltd n. 0 (b) ‘chisel’ ESSJa IV 205
S SCr. dlijéto; Cak. lité (Vrg.), Npl. lita; leté (Novi), Npl. léta; dlietd (Orb,),
Npl. dliéta; Sin. dléto {1}; Bulg. dletd
Cogn. OE delfan ‘dig
Variant with e-vocalism of > *doltd. The ESSJa adduces Cz. dletko (Kott) ‘edge of a
plane’ to show that *delto is not limited to South Slavic. It seems plausible that the e-
grade is analogical after the verb, but it must be admitted that *delti is hardly
attested. The only form mentioned in the ESSJa (IV: 205) is Cak. dlisti.
{1} Pletersnik actually has dléto, which is probably a misprint.
See also: *detelt; *doltd; *dplbiti; *dalti
*dérvo 99
*dérnb m. 0 (b) ‘cornel, dogwood’ ESSJa IV 208-209
E Ru. derén (dial.) ‘cornel’; Ukr. derén (dial.) ‘cornel, Gsg. derenui
Ww Cz. drin ‘cornel’; OCz. diien ‘cornel’; Slk. driefi m.(jo) ‘cornel’; Pl. drzén
(dial.) ‘cornel’; OPI. drzon ‘cornel, dogwood, barberry(?)’; Slnc. diéun
‘blackthorn, Gsg. d’éunu; USrb. drén ‘dogwood’
S SCr. drijen ‘cornel, dogwood’ Gsg. drijéna; Cak. drén (Novi) ‘cornel’, Gsg.
drénd; drién (Orb.) ‘dogwood, cornel, Gsg. dréna; Sln. drén ‘cornel, Gsg.
dréna; Bulg. drjan ‘cornel’; dren ‘cornel’
PIE *dherg-no-
Cogn. Gk. tépxvoc n. ‘young shoot, branch’; OHG tirn-pauma m. ‘cornel’; OHG
dirn-baum m. ‘cornel’; Olr. draigen m. ‘thorn’; MW draen m. ‘thorn(s),
prickle(s)’
AP (b) points to an original neuter. For the etymology, see also Schrijver 1995: 135.
*derti v. (b) ‘tear’ ESSJa IV 209
W Cz. driti ‘rub, flay, sg. dru; Slk. driet (sa) ‘rub off, toil’; Pl. drze¢ ‘tear’, 1sg.
dre; Slnc. dréc ‘tear’; USrb. dré¢ ‘tear
S SCr. drijéti ‘tear, pull out’ 1sg. dérém; Cak. driét (Orb.) ‘tear up, fleece’ 38g.
dére; Sln. dréti ‘tear, pull out’ 1sg. dérem
BSL *der(?)-
B Lith. dérti (Zem.) ‘tear, peel’ 1sg. deru
PIE *der(H)-
Cogn. Gk. dépw ‘flay’; Go. distairan ‘tear apart’
See also: *déra; *dira; *dira; *dprati; *dprvpna; *udariti
*dérvo n. 0 (c) ‘tree, wood’ ESSJa IV 211-213
CS OCS drévo n.(s/o) ‘tree, wood’ Gsg. drévese, Gsg. dréva
E Ru. dérevo ‘tree, wood’
W Cz. devo ‘tree, wood’; Slk. drevo ‘tree, wood’; Pl. drzewo ‘tree, wood’; USrb.
drjewo ‘wood’
S SCr. drijevo ‘tree, wood’; Cak. drivo (Vrg.) ‘tree, wood’; driévo (Vrg.) ‘wood,
lumber, tree’; Sln. drevé n.(s) ‘tree, plough, Gsg. drevésa; Bulg. derévo (obs.,
dial.) ‘tree, wood’
BSI. *der(?)wom
B Lith. derva f. 3/4 ‘chip of kindling wood, log from which tar is produced,
resin, tar’; Latv. dafva f. ‘tar, pitch’
PIE *deru-o-
Cogn. Skt. daru n. ‘wood’; Gk. Sépv n. ‘tree-trunk, wood, spear’; Go. triu n. ‘wood,
tree’; Olc. tyrvi n. ‘coniferous wood’; OE teoru ‘tar’
The laryngeal reflected by the Baltic evidence must be an innovation, cf. Skt. daru.
See also: *drpkols; *drpkolsje; *drbvo; *spdorvp
*deseth
*desetb num. o ‘tenth’
PIE
Cogn.
OCS deseto
Ru. desjatyj
Cz. desaty; Slk. desiaty; Pl. dziesigty
ESSJa IV 215-216
SCr. déséti; Cak. deséti (Vrg.); des‘éti (Vrg.) ‘tenth, the tenth month,
October’; Sln. deséti; Bulg. deséti
*desimtos
Lith. desimtas 4
OPr. dessimts
*dekmHo-; *dekmto-
Gk. d5ékatog; Lat. decimus; Go. taihunda
See also: *désetp; *sbto
*désetb num. i (c) ‘ter’
nemo
PIE
Cogn.
OCS deseto
Ru. désjat’, Gsg. desjati
Cz. deset; Slk. desat; Pl. dziesie¢; Slnc. ziesinc
SCr. dését; Cak. déset (Vrg., Orb.); SIn. desét; Bulg. déset
*desimt(is)
Lith. désimt indecl.; desimtis f.(i) 3°; Latv. desmit
OPr. dessempts (1); dessimpts (1); dessimton (IIT)
*dekm-t-
Skt. dasa; Gk. 5éxa; Lat. decem; Go. taihun
See also: *déseth; *sbto
*desiti v. ‘find, encounter’
CS
PIE
Cogn.
ESSJa IV 216-217
ESSJa IV 217-218
OCS desiti ‘find, encounter’, isg. deso; RuCS desiti; désiti ‘find, encounter
OCz. podésiti ‘catch up with, get hold of’
SCr. désiti (Vuk) ‘encounter’ 1sg. désim; désiti ‘find, encounter’
*dek-
Skt. dasasyati ‘honour, serve’; Gk. déxouat (Ion., Aeol.) ‘accept’; Lat. decet ‘it
suits, becomes’
See also: *dositi
*désnpb adj. 0 (c?) ‘right’
OCS desno; RuCS desnyj
ORu. desno {1}
ESSJa IV 218-219
SCr. déesni; désan, f. désna; Cak. desni (Vrg.); SIn. désan; Bulg. désen
*des(i)nos
Lith. déSinas 3°
*dédp 101
PIE _—*deks-(i)no-
Cogn. Skt. daksina- ‘right, southern’; Av. dasina- ‘right; Gk. deEttepdc ‘right’; Lat.
dexter ‘right’; Go. taihswa ‘right’; Olr. dess ‘right, just, south’
See Beekes 1994 for the problem of medial *i.
{i} AP (c) according to Zaliznjak (1985: 138).
*devetb num. o ‘ninth’ ESSJa IV 222
CS OCS deveto
E Ru. devjatyj
WwW Cz. devaty; Sik. deviaty; Pl. dziewigty
Ss SCr. déveti; Cak. devéti (Vrg.); deviéti (Orb.); Sln. devéti; Bulg. devéti
BSI. *deuin(t)os
B Lith. devinitas; Latv. devit(ai)s
OPr. newints
PIE *hin(e)un-o-
Cogn. Gk. évatog; Lat. nénus; Go. niunda
See > *déveto. The introduction of *-to- may date from the Balto-Slavic period.
*dévetb num. i (c) ‘nine’ ESSJa IV 222-223
CS OCS deveto
E Ru. dévjat’, Gsg. devjati
WwW Cz. devét; Slk. devat; Pl. dziewiec; Slnc. zievjinc
S SCr. dévet; Cak. dévet (Vrg., Orb.); Sn. devét; Bulg. dévet
BSI. *dewin
B Lith. devyni; Latv. devini
PIE *hineun
Cogn. Skt. ndva; Gk. évvéa; Lat. novem; Go. niun
For Balto-Slavic one would expect *dowin, with *eu > *ou before a vowel. The e
vocalism may have been reintroduced on the basis of the ordinal *deuno- prior to the
development *eu > *iou before consonant (Hamp 1976, Kortlandt 1979: 57). The
ordinal was later reshaped into *dewino-. In view of OPr. newints ‘nine’, it is possible
that the numeral still had initial *m- at the end of the Balto-Slavic period (the *d must
have been adopted from ‘ten’), but German influence cannot be excluded.
See also: *devetb
*dédb m. 0 (a) ESSJa IV 227
CS OCS dédo ‘forefather’
E Ru. ded ‘grandfather’
W Cz. déd ‘grandfather, forefather, old man’; Pl. dziad ‘grandfather, forefather,
old man’
102 *délati
S SCr. djéd ‘grandfather’; Cak. did (Vrg.) ‘grandfather’; SIn. déd ‘grandfather,
old man; Gsg. déda
BSI. *derd-
B Lith. dédé m.() ‘uncle’; dédis m.(io) ‘uncle’; Latv. déds m.(0) ‘old mar’
PIE *dheh, d'-o-
Cogn. Gk. tH8n f. ‘grandmother’
*délati v. ‘do’ ESSJa IV 231-232
CS OCS deélati ‘do, work, 1sg. délajo
E Ru. délat’‘do; 1sg. délaju
Ww Cz. délati ‘do, work’; Pl. dzialaé ‘act, be active, operate’
S SCr. djélati ‘do’ 1sg. djélam; Cak. dilati ‘do’, 28g. dilds; délat ‘do, make, work’
isg. délan; SIn. délati ‘do, work, 1sg. délam
BSI. *defl-
B Lith. délioti ‘put down, away’
OPr. dilants ‘worker’
Cogn. Skt. dadhati ‘put, place, make’; Gk. ti8nju ‘put down, ground, create’; Lat. féci
isg. pf. ‘made’; OHG tuon ‘do’
Derivative of > *délo.
See also: *déla; *délbma;* dati I; *déva; *dévica
*déliti v. ‘divide’ ESSJa IV 233-234
CS OCS délito (Supr.) 38g. ‘divides’
E Ru. delit’ ‘divide’ 1g. delju, 38g. délit {1}
WwW Cz. déliti ‘divide’; Slk. deliti ‘divide’; Pl. dzieli¢ ‘divide’
S SCr. dijéliti ‘divide’, 1sg. dijeljim; Cak. diliti (Vrg.) ‘divide’ 28g. dilis; dielit
(Orb.) ‘divide’ 1sg. diélin; Sln. deliti ‘divide’, isg. delim; Bulg. delja ‘divide,
share’ 1sg. delim
BSI. *doil- (dail-?)
B Lith. dailyti ‘divide’, 3pres. dailo
Cogn. Go. dailjan ‘divide’
Slavic *dél- has Germanic counterparts reflecting *d'oil- or *d'ail-, which fom a PIE
point of view is an unsual root structure. The aspirated stop precludes a connection
with Gk. daiopat ‘distribute’ < *deh2-i- unless we assume that the Germanic forms are
borrowings from Slavic, which is not particularly plausible. Note that the
accentuation of > *déle (b) would be in conflict with a reconstruction *dehzi-l-.
{1} AP (c) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 140).
*déla; *délpma; *déla; *dpla prep. ‘because of’ ESSJa IV 234-235
CS OCS déla postp.; déloma postp.
*déra 103
E Ru. dlja prep. ‘for’; Ukr. dilja (dial.) prep. ‘for, because of, therefore’
W OCz. dle prep. ‘because of’; Pl. dla prep. ‘for’; OPI. dziela (Bogurodzica)
prep. ‘for’
S SCr. dijel (arch.) prep.; Sln. délj prep.
B Lith. dél prep.; Latv. dé] prep.
This etymon cannot be separated from — *délo, cf. Lat. causa ‘because of. The form
*déla seems to be a petrified Isg., while *déloma is an Idu. The presence of an
element *-j- is unexpected. Furthermore, the explanation of *dvja as a shortened
variant is not particularly convincing. The ESSJa suggests a contamination of the
root of *délo and the root *del- found in > *dbliti. The Baltic prepositions may be
borrowings from Slavic.
See also: *délati; *déti I
*délo n. 0 (a) ‘work, deed’ ESSJa V 5-8
CS OCS deélo n.(s/o) ‘work, matter, Gsg. délese, Gsg. déla
E Ru. délo ‘business, matter, thing’
W Cz. dilo ‘work’; Slk. dielo ‘work’; Pl. dzieto ‘work, deed’; dziato ‘cannon’; OPI.
dziato ‘work, deed’; USrb. dzéto ‘work’
S SCr. djélo ‘deed, act’; Cak. dilo (Vrg.) ‘deed, act’; délo (Novi) ‘deed, act’; délo
(Orb.) ‘work, job; Npl. déla; SIn. délo ‘work, act, deed’; Bulg. délo ‘work, act,
deed’
PIE *dheh,-l-
Cogn. Skt. dadhati ‘put, place, make’; Gk. ti8nju ‘put down, ground, create’; Lat. féci
isg. pf. ‘made’; OHG tuon ‘do’
Derivative with an /-suffix of *d*eh,- ‘put, make’.
See also: *délati; *déla; *délpma; *déti I
*délp m. 0 (b) ‘part’ ESSJa IV 233-234
CS RuCsS deélo ‘part’
E Ru. del (dial.) ‘division, section’; Ukr. dil ‘part, section
W Cz. dil (dial.) ‘division, section’; Slk. diel ‘part, section’; Pl. dziat ‘part,
section’; Slnc. él ‘part, section, Gsg. zéla
S SCr. dijel ‘part, mountain’, Gsg. dijela; Cak. di(l) (Vrg.) ‘part, mountain’
Gsg. dila; dél (Novi) ‘part, mountain, Gsg. déld; diél (Orb.) ‘part, share’, Gsg.
d'éla; Kajk. diel (Bednja) ‘part, mountain, Gsg. dield; Sn. djal ‘part, fate’
Cogn. Go. dails m. ‘part’; OHG teil m. ‘part
See > *déliti.
*déra f. a (b) ‘crack, hole’ ESSJa V 12
E ORu. déra ‘opening’
W Cz. dira ‘hole’; Slk. diera ‘hole’; Slnc. 7éra ‘hole’; USrb. dzéra ‘hole, lair’
104 *déte
PIE *dér-
Cogn. Gk. dépw ‘flay’; Go. distairan ‘tear apart’
AP (b) confirms the lengthened grade in the root.
See also: *derti; *dira; dira; *dprati; *dpbrvpna; *udariti
*déte n. nt ‘child’ ESSJa V 12-13
CS CS deéte, Gsg. détete
E Ru. ditjd, Gsg. ditjati
WwW Cz. dité, Gsg. ditéte; Slk. dieta, Gsg. dietata; Pl. dziecie, Gsg. dzieciecia; Slnc.
ecg
S SCr. dijéte, Gsg. djéteta; Cak. dité (Vrg., Novi), Gsg. ditéta; dité (Orb.); SIn.
déte ‘child, infant, Gsg. detéta; Bulg. deté
See > *déti II.
See also: *déva; * dévica;*dojidlica; *dojidlo; *dojiti
*déti I v. ‘do, say’ ESSJa IV 229-230
CS OCS déjati ‘do, say’, 1sg. déjo; déti se ‘get to, disappear’, 1sg. dezdo se {1}; -déti
‘do, say, 1sg. -déjo, 18g. -deZdo, 18g. -déng
E Ru. det’ ‘put, place’ isg. dénu; déjat’ (dial.) ‘do, make’ sg. déju
W Cz. diti (obs.) ‘speak’; OCz. dieti ‘do, 1g. déju, 2g. déjés; dieti ‘speak, say’, 1sg.
diem, 28g. dies {1}; Pl. dziac ‘weave, knit (arch.), do’
S SCr. djéti ‘do, say, 1sg. djédém, 1sg. djéném; djésti (Vuk) ‘do, say, 1sg. djédém,
isg. djéném; Sln. dejati ‘do, say’, 1sg. déjem; dejati ‘place, put, do, say’, 1sg.
dém; dejati ‘place, put, 1sg. dénem, 1sg. dénem; deéti ‘place, put, do, say, 1sg.
dém
BSI. *de?-
B Lith. déti ‘lay, put, 3pres. déda; déti (OLith.) ‘lay, put; 3pres. desti; Latv. dét
‘lay (eggs)
PIE *dhehy-
Cogn. Skt. dadhdti ‘put, place, make’; Gk. tin ‘to put down, to ground, to create’;
Lat. feéci 1sg. pf. ‘made’; OHG tuon ‘to do”
{1} The SJS gives déti se, sg. dezdo se, 28g. dezdeSi se (Hilf., Venc.). The latter text does not
belong to the Old Church Slavic canon. The quoted passages do not show that the present
stem deZd- occurs in Hilf. {2} In his Old Czech dictionary, Gebauer has déti, déju ‘do’ and déti,
déju ‘speak, say. In his Czech historical grammar (III.2: 228), however, he says that deju ‘T
speak’ is not attested and claims that the attested 1sg. diem is an innovation.
See also: *délati; *déla; *délbma; *délo; *prids; *soditi; *sodi; *sddb
*déti II Npl. f. ‘children’ ESSJa V 14
CS OCS déti Npl.
E Ru. déti Npl.
WwW Cz. déti Npl.; Slk. deti Npl.; Pl. Npl. dzieci; Slnc. ziecd Npl.
*dévica 105
S Bulg. déti (dial.) Npl.
A derivative of the root *d*eh,-, cf. Latv. déls ‘son, dét ‘suck’. The singular *déto is
hardly attested. The common singular of the word for ‘child’ is > *déte, where the
suffix *-t- was enlarged with the suffix *-¢ < *-ent-, which is frequent in designations
of young living creatures.
Cogn. Lat. fetus m. ‘birth, foetus, offspring’
See also: *déte; *déva; * dévica;*dojidlica; *dojidlo; *dojiti
*déva f. 4 (a) ‘maiden, girl’ ESSJa V 17-18
CS OCS deéva ‘virgin, maiden’
E Ru. déva (obs.) ‘girl, maiden, (D.) The Virgin, Virgo’
Ww Cz. déva ‘girl, maiden’; diva (dial.) ‘girl, maiden’; Slk. deva ‘girl’
S SCr. djéva ‘girl, maiden’; Cak. Diva (Marija) (Vrg.) ‘The Virgin (Mary)’ {1};
SIn. déva ‘maiden, virgin’; Bulg. déva ‘maiden, virgin’
Cogn. Gk. OfAv¢ adj. ‘feminine’; Lat. fecundus adj. ‘fertile’
{1} The noun djéva seems to be a hypercoristic of djévojka (RJA Il 449-450) and cannot be
regarded as a direct continuation of *déva. The RJA has also djév (18th c.) f.() and djéva ‘virgo’
which do not belong to the living language. The status of the accentuation of these words is
unclear to me.
See also: *déte; *déti IL; *dévica;*dojidlica; *dojidlo; *dojiti
*déverb m. jo (a (c)) ‘husband’s brother’ ESSJa V 19
E Ru. déver’, Npl. dever’ja {1}
W OCz. dever; OPI. dziewierz
S SCr. djévér ‘husband’s brother, best man’; Cak. diver (Vrg.) ‘husband’s
brother, best man’; déver (Orb.) ‘marriage witness’; SlIn. devér ‘husband’s
brother, Gsg. devérja; déver ‘husband’s brother, best man, Gsg. dévera; Bulg.
déver ‘husband’s brother, best man’
BSI. *dafiuer-
B Lith. dieveris m.(i) 1; dieveris m.(i) 3°; Latv. diéveris m.(io)
PIE *dehzi-uer-
Cogn. Skt. devar- m.; Gk. darjp m.
In case-forms with original stress on the suffix one expects root stress as a result of
Hirt’s law. This accounts for the many indications for root stress in both Baltic and
Slavic.
{1} AP (a) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 138).
*dévica f. 4 (a) ‘maiden, girl’ ESSJa V 19-20
CS OCS dévica ‘virgin, maiden, girl
E Ru. devica (obs.) ‘unmarried woman, girl’
W OCz. dévice ‘girl, maiden’; Pl. dziewica ‘virgin, maider’
106 *déza
S SCr. djévica ‘girl, maiden, virgin’; Cak. Divica (Vrg.) ‘The Holy Virgin’; Sln.
devica ‘maiden, virgin’; Bulg. devica ‘maiden, virgin, girl
See > *déva.
*déza f. ja (b) ESSJa V 23-24
E Ru. deZd ‘vat’; déZa ‘vat’
W Cz. diz, dize f.(i/ja) “kneading trough’ OCz. diezé ‘kneading trough} Slk.
dieza ‘kneading trough’; Pl. dzieza ‘kneading trough, earthen pot, crock’;
USrb. dzéZa ‘kneading trough’; LSrb. ZéZa ‘kneading trough’
S Cak. diza ‘milk-pail’; dizva ‘milk-pail’; Sln. déza ‘milk-pail, bee-hive’
Cogn. Gk. toixoc n. ‘wall, side’
A jd-stem from the root *déz- < *dhoigt- ‘knead (clay).
See also: *zidb; *zbd5; *zpdati
*déga; *deg» f. 4; m. 0 (a) ‘strap’ ESSJa V 24-25
CS RuCS djago m. ‘strap’
E Ru. djdga (dial.) f. ‘CW, NW dial.) strap, leather belt, (Psk.) strength, height’;
djag (dial.) m. ‘height’; ORu. djago m. ‘strap’; Ukr. d’ah (dial.) m. ‘strip of
bast’
W Slk. d’ah m. ‘road, direction’
S SIn. déga f. ‘strap, hame-strap’
See Derksen forthe. e. This etymon is not to be connected with > *doga.
See also: *degl»; *deglp; *nedogp
*degl» adj. o ‘healthy, strong’ ESSJa V 25
E Ru. djdglyj (dial.) ‘healthy, strong’
BSI. *den?g-
B Latv. defikts ‘strong, healthy, important’
Cogn. Olr. daingen ‘firm, fast, solid’
See > *déga.
*deglb m. jo ‘angelica ESSJa V 25
E Ru. djdgil’ ‘angelica’; djagil’ (dial.) ‘Heracleum, Valeriana nitida’
Ww Cz. déhel ‘angelica’; Pl. dziegiel ‘angelica’; USrb. dzZehel ‘angelica
See also: *dega; *degs; *degl»; *nedogp
*désno; *désna; *déslo n. 0; f. a; n. o (b) ‘gum’ ESSJa V 26-27
E Ru. desna f.(a); desld (Psk.) f.(a)
W Cz. dasen f.(i/ja); OCz. ddsno n.(0); dds(e)n £.(i); Slk. d’asno n.(o); Pl. dzigsta
Npl. n.(0)
*dira; *dira 107
S SCr. désni Npl. f.(i); SIn. dlésna f.(a); dlasna f.(a); lésna Npl. n.(o)
It is very plausible that *désn0/a ‘gums’ contains *h3dent- ‘tooth, cf. OPr. dantimax
‘id2. The fact that we find both *-sno- and *-slo-, makes one wonder whether the latter
may be due to dissimilation.
*detelb m. 0 ‘woodpecker ESSJa V 27-28
E Ru. djatel, Gsg. djatela
W Cz. datel, Gsg. datla; Slk. d’atel’m.(jo), Gsg. d’atla; Pl. dzieciol, Gsg. dzieciota
S SCr. djétao, Gsg. djétla; Cak. dételj (Orb.) m.(jo), Gsg. dételja; Sln. détat,
Gsg. détla; dételj m.(jo)
PIE *dh(e)lbh-tel-
The word for ‘woodpecker’ can be derived from *d'Ib'- ‘dig’ (in Slavic ‘hollow, chisel,
cf. > *dolbti) if we assume that *detelo < *dentelo or *dontelo reflects *deltelo or
*doltelo, cf. *Zedlo < *g"lH-d'lo-.
See also: *deltd; *detels; *dolto; *dalbiti; *delti
*dikp adj. 0 ‘wild’ ESSJa V 29-30
CS RuCS dikyi ‘wild, rude’
E Ru. dikij, f. dika, n. diko; ORu. dikyi
W Slk. diky (Kott); Pl. dziki; USrb. dziki
B Lith. djkas 4 ‘empty, idle, for free, vacant’; Latv. diks ‘empty, idle, inactive’ {1}
Perhaps cognate with Skt. day’ ‘fly (of birds, chariots, horses, gods). In view of the
evidence for circumflex long i, the East Baltic forms may be borrowings from Slavic,
but the semantic difference (cf. MoDu. woest ‘desolate’ > ‘uncultivated, rough, wild;
with the opposite direction) is conspicuous. Note that East Latv. dieks’, provided that
this is indeed the correct interpretation of the form diks in that area, may reflect
*deik-.
{1} Both diks? and diks? are attested. In principle this combination points to diks.
See also: *div» II; *divp
*dira; *dira f. a; f. ja ‘crack, hole’ ESSJa V 30-31
CS OCS dira ‘crack’; dirja ‘crack
E Ru. dird (dial.) ‘hole’; dirjd dial.) ‘hole’
S SCr. dira (Herc.) ‘hole’; dira (Herc.) ‘hole’; dira (Dubr.) ‘hole’; dira (Elez.,
RJA) ‘rags’; dira ‘rags’; dira (RSA) ‘hole, crack’; dira (RSA) ‘hole, crack’
PIE *dr-
Cogn. Gk. dépw ‘flay’; Go. distairan ‘tear apart’
See also: *derti; *déra; *dprati; *dprvpna; *udariti
108 *diriti
*diriti v. ‘look for ESSJa V 31
S Bulg. dirja ‘look for, seek, strive for’
B Lith. dyréti (coll.) ‘look out (for), watch (for), stare, gape, be in hiding’
Cogn. Nw. tira (dial.) ‘look, shine, beam’
According to the ESSJa, the Slavic and Baltic verbs are possibly cognate with >
*dorati ‘tear. In that case the i would have to originate from the iterative. The
connection with Germanic, as advocated by Stang (1972: 18-19), is not unattractive,
however. One might reconstruct *dei(H)r- or *deiha-r-, cf. Skt. day'- ‘shine, radiate’.
* diviti v. (c) ‘surprise, astonish’
CS OCS diviti se ‘be surprised, wonder, marvel; 1sg. divljo se, 38g. divisi se
E Ru. divit’sja ‘be surprised, wonder, marvel, 1sg. divljus’, 38g. divitsja; divit’
(dial.) ‘be surprised, wonder, marvel, look (at), gaze’
Ww Cz. diviti se ‘be surprised, be astounded’; Slk. divit sa ‘be surprised, be
astounded’; Pl. dziwi¢ ‘surprise, astonisl’
Ss SCr. diviti se ‘marvel at, admire’ 1sg. divim se; Bulg. divjd ‘surprise, astonish’
See also: *divo; *div» I; *divpnb
*divo n.s (c) ‘miracle’ ESSJa V 33-34
CS OCS divesa (Ps. Sin.) Apl. ‘miracles’
E Ru. divo n.(o) ‘miracle’; divo (dial.) n.(o) ‘miracle, astonishment; divesd
(dial.) Npl. n.(s) ‘miracles’
W Slk. divo n.(o) ‘monster’; OPI. dziwo n.(0) ‘miracle’
S SCr. divo n.(o) ‘miracle’
See > *divol.
*divp I m. 0 ‘astonishment, miracle’ ESSJa V 35
CS OCS divo (Cloz.) ‘astonishment, amazement’
E Ru. div (dial.) ‘miracle, astonishment’
WwW Cz. div ‘miracle’; Slk. div ‘miracle’; Pl. dziw ‘miracle’
Cogn. _ Skt. dhi- f. ‘observation, vision, thought’
Since we find no traces of Hirt’s law, an analysis *d"Hi-uo- or *d"eiH-uo-seems best.
See also: *diviti; *divo; *divpnb
*div» II; *divp adj. 0; adj. jo ‘wild’ ESSJa V 35-36
CS OCS divii ‘wild
WwW Cz. divy ‘wild, furious’; divi (dial.) ‘wild, furious’; OP]. dziwy ‘wild’; SInc.
3awi wild’; USrb. dziwi ‘wild’
S SCr. divlji ‘wild’; Cak. divi (Vrg.) ‘cruel, brutal’; Sln. divji ‘wild’; Bulg. div
‘wild, rough
*doblb 109
See > *diko. The Russian adjectives divyj (dial.) ‘surprising’ and divoj (dial.)
‘miraculous, surprising, which the ESSJa mentions under this lemma, are obviously
cognate with > *divono.
*divpn adj. o ‘amazing’ ESSJa V 36-37
CS OCS divens ‘amazing, wonderful’
E Ru. divnyj ‘amazing, wonderful’
WwW Cz. divny ‘strange, queer’; Slk. divny ‘strange, queer’; Pl. dziwny ‘strange,
queer’
S SCr. divan ‘wonderful, splendid’; Sln. divan ‘amazing, wonderful,
miraculous’; Bulg. diven ‘amazing, wonderful’
Adjectival derivative in *-one (> *divo I).
See also: *diviti; *divo; *divp I
*do prep. ‘to, until’ ESSJa V 37-38
cs OCS do
E Ru. do
W Cz. do; Slk. do; Pl. do
S SCr. dé; SIn. do; Bulg. do
PIE *do
Cogn. Gk. évdov adv. ‘within, OLat. endo- preverb ‘in’; Olr. do prep. ‘to’
*doba f. 4 ‘time’ ESSJa V 38-39
CS CS doba ‘use, advantage’
E Ru. déba (dial.) ‘time, measure’; Ukr. doba ‘twenty-four hours’
W Cz. doba ‘time’; Pl. doba ‘twenty-four hours, time’
S SCr. déba ‘time’; Cak. déba (Vrg.) ‘time’; doba (Orb.) ‘time, season, point of
time’, Asg. dobo; Sin. doba ‘time, period’; déb f.(i) ‘time’; Bulg. déba ‘time’
BSL. *doba?
B Lith. dabd ‘nature, habit, character’; daba7 adv. ‘now’; Latv. daba ‘manner,
habit, character’
Cogn. Go. gadaban ‘happen, be suitable’
The root is best reconstructed as *d'ab'-, with “European a’, cf. Lat. faber ‘craftsman,
artisan.
See also: *dobrs; *podoba
*doblp adj. jo ‘strong’ ESSJa V 40
CS OCS doblo ‘strong’; RuCS doblii ‘strong
E Ru. doblij ‘valiant’
S SIn. débalj ‘capable, able’
BSI. *dob-
110 *dobrb
Latv. dabJs ‘strong, lush’; dabls ‘strong, lush’
Cogn. Olc. dapr ‘sad’; Nw. daper ‘sad, with young’; dabb(e) (dial.) m. ‘small, fat
fellow’; OHG tapfar ‘firm, heavy, thick-set’
See > *debelo.
*dobr adj. 0 ‘good’ ESSJa V 45-46
CS OCS dobro ‘good, beautiful’
E Ru. débryj
Ww Cz. dobry; Slk. dobry; Pl. dobry
S SCr. dobar, f. dobra; Cak. ddbar (Vrg,), f. dobrd, n. dobro; dobar (Vrg.) ‘good,
kind, tasty; f. dobra, n. dobro; SIn. débar, Gsg. débra; Bulg. dobar
Cogn. Go. gadaban ‘happen, be suitable’
Adjective in *-ro- of *d'ab*- (> *doba). The relationship between *doba ‘time’ and
*dobro ‘good’ is parallel to *godo ‘right time’ vs. PGmc. *géda ‘suitable, good’
See also: *doba; *podoba
*dojidlica f. ja ‘nurse, nursing animal’ ESSJa V 52-53
CS OCS doilico (Ps. Sin.) Gpl. ‘suckling (ewes)’; RuCS doilica ‘nurse, milch cow’
S SCr. dojilica ‘nurse, nursing mother’
A derivative of > *dojidlo.
See also: See also: *déte; *déti Il;*déva; * dévica;* dojidlica; *dojiti
*dojidlo n. 0 ESSJa V 52-53
E Ru. ddjlo (Dal’) ‘quantity of milk produced by one head of cattle in a
twenty-four-hour period, worthless milk’
W Cz. dojidlo (Kott) ‘milking machine’
S SIn. dojilo ‘breast-feeding, milking’; Bulg. ddjlo ‘milking’
Deverbative noun in *-dlo. See > *dojiti.
*dojiti v. (c) ‘give milk, milk ESSJa V 53-54
CS OCS doiti ‘breast-feed, nurse’, 1sg. dojg
E Ru. doit’ ‘milk; 1sg. doju, 38g. doit; doit’ (dial.) ‘give milk (cow), suckle (calf)’
WwW Cz. dojiti ‘milk’; Slk. dojit ‘milk, give milk’; Pl. doi¢ ‘milk, (arch., dial.) give
milk
S SCr. dojiti ‘breast-feed, suckle, give milk, 1sg. dojim; Cak. dojiti (Vrg.)
‘breast-feed, suckle, give milk, 2sg. dojis; dojit (Orb.) ‘suckle, breast-feed; 3sg.
doji; Sln. dojiti ‘breast-feed, give milk, milk; 1sg. dojim; Bulg. doja ‘breast-
feed, give milk, milk
Cogn. Skt. dhdyati ‘suck’; Go. daddjan ‘breast-feed’
*dolnb 111
The straightfoward analysis *d'oih;-eie- meets with several difficulties. In the first
place, one would rather expect *d"oh;,i-eie- in view of forms such as Latv. dét ‘suck,
where we are dealing with an unextended root. This reconstruction would yield
*dajati, however. Skt. dhdyati ‘suck’ has been analyzed as *d*h,-eie- (see LIV: 142,
where the same analysis is applied to OSw. dia), but this reconstruction cannot
account for the Slavic form. Klingenschmitt (1982: 148) has suggested for both Slavic
*dojiti and Go. daddjan that the formation is built on the present stem, ice.
*dh(h, éie- gave rise to *d'oiéie-.
See also: See also: *déte; *déti IL;*déva; * dévica;*dojidlica; *dojidlo
*dola f. ja (b) ‘share, fate’ ESSJa V 62-63
CS RuCS dolja ‘part, fate’
E Ru. dolja ‘part, share, fate, (bot., anat.) lobe’; ORu. dolja ‘part, fate’; Bel. dolja
‘share, fate’; Ukr. dolja ‘fate, destiny’
WwW OCz. s doli <zdoly> ‘succesfully’; Pl. dola ‘fate, destiny, (coll.) share’ (the
earliest attestations date from the 17th century)
BSI. *dolja?
B Lith. dalia 4 ‘fate, destiny’; Latv. dala ‘part, share’
PIE *dolhy-
Cogn. Lat. dolé ‘fashion, work (wood)’
According to Bankowski (2000a: 282), this etymon spread from Belorussian, where it
originated from a Lithuanian substratum, to Ukrainian, Russian and Polish. The
secondary meaning ‘fate’ is assumed to have arisen in Belorussian. Though this is not
an implausible scenario, it should be noticed that the ESSJa mentions late 14th
century attestations of dolja in Old Russian / Russian Church Slavic, in the meaning
‘fate’ as well as in the meaning ‘part: Furthermore, there is an Old Czech attestation
from around 1400.
See also: *odoléti
*dolnps f. i (a) ‘palm of the hand’ ESSJa V 63-64
CS OCS dlanw
E Ru. lad6n’; dol6n’ (dial.)
W Cz. dlan; Sik. dlan; Pl. dton
Ss SCr. didn m.(0); Cak. dldn (Vrg.) m.(o), Gsg. dlana; dln (Vrg.) m.(o), Gsg.
dlana; dldn (Orb.) ‘palm (of the hand), Gsg. dlani; Sln. dlan, Gsg. dlani;
Bulg. dlan
BSL. *dol?n-; *del?n-
B Lith. délna f.; délnas m.; Latv. deina f.
We are apparently dealing with a Balto-Slavic root *del?-, the origin of which is
unclear. Pokorny suggests that there is a connection with Lith. dilti ‘rub off, wear out’
(‘flatten’ > ‘flat of the hand’), which seems far-fetched.
112 *doltd
*doltd n. 0 (b) ‘chisel’ ESSJa V 60-61
E Ru. doloté
WwW Cz. dlato; Slk. dlato; Pl. dtuto
S Bulg. dlato; dleté
BSI. *dolbt6
B OPr. dalptan ‘punch, instrument for punching holes’
Cogn. OE delfan ‘dig
Nomen instrumenti from a root meaning ‘hollow, chisel’ (> *dolbiti, *dolti). See also
Derksen 1996: 115, 236, where the accentuation is discussed.
See also: *delto; *detelb
*d6élb m. 0 (c) ‘dale, valley’ ESSJa V 64-65
CS OCS dolu adv. ‘below’; dolé (Supr.) adv. ‘below’
E Ru. dol ‘(poet.) dale, vale, (dial.) pit, ditch, grave, bottom, earth, Gsg. déla;
Ukr. dil ‘valley, bottom, earthen floor, Gsg. délu
Ww Cz. dul (Jg.) ‘valley, pit, shaft, Gsg. dolu; OCz. dolov adv. ‘down’; Pl. dot ‘pit,
hole, grave’, Gsg. dolu
S SCr. dé ‘valley, dale? Gsg. déla; Cak. d“él (Orb.) ‘(small) valley, field in a
(small) valley’; SIn. d6t ‘valley’; Bulg. dol ‘narrow gully, ravine’
PIE *dhol-o-
Cogn. Olc. dalr m. ‘valley’; OHG tal n. ‘valley’; W dol f. ‘valley
The forms pointing to an old u-stem may be analogical after > *vorxe (cf. Meillet Et.
II: 242-243).
*ddéma adv. ‘at home’ ESSJa V 66
CS OCS doma
E Ru. déma
W Cz. doma; Slk. doma; P|]. doma (dial.); OP]. doma
S SCr. dima; Cak. dima (Vrg., Orb.); SIn. doma
The petrified case-form *doma cannot reflect a Lsg. *dom-du, which would have
yielded *domu. A possible reconstruction is an Isg. *dom-oh; (cf. > *vocera), but we
would not expect to find the old Isg. ending of the o-stems in a u-stem.
See also: *domov»; *domb
*domovs adj. 0 ‘house-’ ESSJa V 71
E Ru. domévyj ‘house-’; domovoj ‘house-’; domov6j (arch., dial.) ‘house-spirit’
Ww Cz. domovy (obs.) ‘house-’; domov m.(0) ‘homeland’; Slk. domovy ‘house-’;
domov m.(0) ‘homeland’; Pl. domowy ‘house-’
S SCr. démov ‘house-’; Bulg. domovi ‘house-’
*dérgp 113
Cogn. Lat. domus f. ‘house’, Gsg. domiis
Denominative adjective with full grade of the suffix.
See also: *ddma; *d6mb
*dém> m. u (c) ‘house’ ESSJa V 72-73
CS OCS dome
E Ru. dom {1}; Ukr. dim, Gsg. domu
WwW Cz. dum, Gsg. domu; Slk. dom; Pl. dom; USrb. dom, Gsg. domu
S SCr. dém, Gsg. dima; Cak. dom (Vrg.), Gsg. dima; SIn. dém ‘house, home’,
Gsg. dima, Gsg. domii, Gsg. dému; Bulg. dom ‘house, home’
BSI. *domus
B Lith. ndmas
PIE *dom-u-
Cogn. Lat. domus f., Gsg. domiis
{1} Vestiges of an old u-stem are the alternative Gsg. and Lsg. in -u, e.g. na domi ‘at home.
See also: *déma; *domovb
*dorga f. 4 (a) ‘road, way’ ESSJa V 74-75
E Ru. doréga ‘road, way’
W Cz. draha ‘road, way, waste land, (dial.) track’; Slk. draha ‘road, way, furrow’;
Pl. droga ‘road, way’; USrb. dréha ‘road, way’; droha ‘road, way’
S SCr. drdga ‘ravine, rapid stream, (arch.) road, way’; Sln. drdga “ditch, gully,
ravine’
Possibly cognate with > *dorgati < *drHg'-. As for the semantics, cf. Olc. dragan
‘pull (*d'rog'-) vs. Nw. drag ‘draught, stream, drog (dial.) ‘short sleigh, track (of an
animal), valley’.
See also: *dprgati; *dprnoti
*dérgb adj. 0 (c) ‘dear ESSJa V 77
CS OCS drago ‘dear’
E Ru. dorog6j ‘dear’
Ww Cz. drahy ‘dear’; Slk. drahy ‘dear’; Pl. drogi ‘dear’
S SCr. drag ‘dear’, f. drdga, n. drdgo; Cak. drag (Vrg.) ‘dear’, f. draga, n. drago;
drah (Orb.) ‘dear, nice, expensive’ f. dragd, f. draga, n. drago; Sln. drag
‘expensive, dear’ f. draga; Bulg. drag ‘expensive, dear’
BSI. *dorgos
B Latv. dargs ‘dear’
Etymology unclear.
114 *dositi
*dositi v. ‘find, encounter’ ESSJa V 82
CS RuCS dositi ‘find, encounter’
E ORu. dositi ‘find, encounter’
PIE *dok-
Cogn. Skt. dasasyati Shonour, serve’; Gk. (Ion., Aeol.) dékopau ‘accept’; Lat. decet ‘it
suits, becomes’
Causative with o-grade of > *desiti.
*dovpléti v. ‘suffice’ ESSJa V 89
CS OCS dovoléti ‘suffice’ sg. dovoljo, isg. dovoléjo
E Ru. dovleét’ ‘suffice’; Ukr. dovlity ‘suffice’
S SIn. doviléti ‘suffice’ 1sg. dovlim
Prefixed verb consisting of > *do and *voléti (> *veléti).
*d6bp m. 0 (c) ‘oak’ ESSJa V 95-97
CS OCS dobo ‘oak, tree’
E Ru. dub ‘oak’
Ww Cz. dub ‘oak’; Slk. dub ‘oak’; Pl. dgb ‘oak, Gsg. debu
S SCr. diib ‘oak, (reg.) tree’, Gsg. diiba; Cak. dip (Orb.) ‘tree, oak, Gsg. diiba;
SIn. d6b ‘oak’; Bulg. dab ‘oak’
Etymology unclear. An old hypothesis is the connection with Gk. déuw “build, but
this fails to convince me.
*doga f. a ‘arc, arch’ ESSJa V 98-99
CS CS doga ‘rainbow
E Ru. dugd ‘arc, arch, Asg. dugi
W Cz. duha ‘arc, arch, stave, lag, rainbow’; Slk. diha ‘rainbow, stave, lag’; Pl.
dega (dial.) ‘scratch, rainbow, stave, lag’; OPI. dega ‘scratch, arc, arch’
S SCr. diiga ‘rainbow’, Asg. dtigu; diiga ‘stave, lag’; Cak. diiga (Vrg.) ‘stave, lag’;
déga (Orb.) ‘stave (of a barrel)’; Sln. déga ‘stave, lag, rainbow; Bulg. dagd
‘arc, arch, rainbow’
BSI. *danga?
B Lith. danga f. ‘cover’; danga (dial.) f. “Deckel des Backtroges’; dangus m.(u) 4
‘sky, heaven’; Latv. dariga f. ‘corner.
*doti v. (a) ‘blow ESSJa V 99-100
CS OCS domy (Supr.) Nsg. m. ptc. pres. act. ‘blowing’; domése se (Supr.) 3sg.
impf. ‘swelled’
E Ru. dut’ ‘blow, 1sg. duju {1}; ORu. duti ‘blow, isg. domu
WwW Cz. douti ‘blow’, 1sg. dmu; P|. dg¢ ‘blow; 1sg. dme
S SCr. diti ‘blow, inflate’ sg. dmém, 1sg. dijém
*draziti 115
BSI. *domftei; *dumftei
B Lith. dumti ‘blow
PIE *d*(0)mH-
Cogn. Skt. dhdmati ‘blow’
{1} This verb may theoretically belong to *duti, but the Old Russian evidence renders this
unlikely.
*drabb m.o ESSJa V 100-101
WwW USrb. draby Npl. ‘clothes, dress, rags’
BSI. *drob-
B Lith. drabuzis m.(io) 2 ‘clothes, clothing’; drobuzis m.(io) 2 ‘clothes,
clothing’; drabanas m.(0) 3° ‘rags’; drapanas m.(0) 1 ‘clothes, clothing’
See also: *draskati; *drapati; *dprpati
*drapati v. ‘scratch’ ESSJa V 101-102
E Ru. drapat’ ‘clear out, 1sg. drapaju; drdpat’ (dial.) ‘scratch, tear’; drjdpat’
(dial.) ‘scratch, tear’; drjdbat’ (dial.) ‘scratch, tear’; Ukr. drdpaty ‘scratch,
tear’; drjdpaty ‘scratch, tear’
W Cz. drdpati ‘scratch, tear’; Slk. driapat ‘scratch, tear’; Pl. drapac ‘scratch’;
SInc. drapdc ‘scratch’
S SCr. drdpati ‘scratch, 1sg. drépam; Sln. drdpati ‘scratch, sg. drdpam, 1sg.
drapliem; Bulg. drdpam ‘tear
Cogn. Gk. dpénw ‘pluck’
See also: *drobs; *dprpati; draskati
*draskati v. ‘scratch’ ESSJa V 102-103
S Bulg. draskam ‘scratch, scribble’
It is likely that this verb must be analyzed as *drap-sk- (> *drapati).
See also: *drapati; *drabs; *dprpati
*draziti v. (b?) ‘incite, provoke’ ESSJa V 104-105
CS OCS razdraZiti ‘incite (against), provoke; 1sg. razdrazo
E Ru. drdzit’ (dial.) ‘tease, 1sg. drdZu, 38g. drdzit; drazit’ (dial.) ‘tease, sg.
drazu, 38g. drazit {1}
W OCz. drdZiti ‘tease, annoy, incite’; Slk. drdzit (dial.) ‘irritate’
S SCr. drdziti ‘annoy, provoke’ 1sg. drazim; Cak. draziti (Vrg.) ‘annoy, provoke,
28g. drazis; drozit (Hvar) ‘annoy, provoke’, 1sg. drézin; Sln. drdziti ‘annoy,
provoke, incite’ 1sg. drazim
LIV reconstructs *d"roh2g"-eie-, connecting draZziti with Gk. 0paoow, tapdoow ‘stir
up. In view of the accentuation of the verb, this is problematic.
116 *drebézgp
{1} In the Pskov region, where both drdzit’ and drazit’ are attested, a variant doroZit’ seems to
have been recorded as well. I am inclined to regard this as a hypercorrection.
*drebézgb m.o ESSJa V 105-106
E Ru. drébezg ‘sound of breaking glass, falling metal objects, etc’; drébezgi Npl.
‘splinters, remnants’
BSI. *dreb-
B Lith. drebé(z)nos Npl. f. ‘remnants’
PIE *dhrebh-
See also: *drobézgs; *drobézga; *drebs; *drebpn»; *drobiti; *drobs; *drobpnb
*drebb m.o ESSJa V 106
S Bulg. dreb ‘combings of wool or linen, small man’
BSI. *dreb-
B Lith. drebé(z)nos Npl. f. ‘remnants’
PIE *d*rebh-o-
Cogn. OE dref n. ‘waste, mull’; MoDu. draf m. ‘swill’
See > *drobiti, *drobo.
*drebpnb adj. o ‘small, fine’ ESSJa V 106
S Bulg. drében ‘small, fine’; Mcd. dreben ‘small, fine’
Adjective in *-ons. See > *drobiti.
*drevje; *drevé adv. ‘earlier, before’ ESSJa V 106-107
CS OCS drevije ‘before, earlier, once’
E ORu. drevé ‘from the earliest times, long ago’; dréve ‘from the earliest times,
long ago’; drevije ‘once, before’; drévlje ‘once, before’
Ww Cz. driv(e) ‘before, earlier’; OCz. drév(e) ‘before, earlier’; driev(e) ‘before,
earlier’; Slk. driev ‘before, earlier’; Pl. drzewiej (obs.) ‘once, before, earlier’;
OPI. drzewie ‘once, before, earlier’
S SIn. drévi ‘tonight’
According to a widely accepted etymology, this etymon is cognate with the word for
‘wood’ (> *dérvo).
*drevpnp; *drevpn’b adj. jo; adj. o ‘ancient’ ESSJa V 107
CS OCS drevlonp ‘ancient’
E Ru. drévnij ‘ancient, very old’
Ww Cz. drevny (Jg.) ‘earlier, ancient’; dievni (Jg.) ‘earlier, ancient’; drivny
Jg.) earlier, ancient’; OCz. devni ‘earlier, ancient’; drévni ‘earlier, ancient’;
Slk. drevny ‘earlier, ancient’
*droba II; *drobina II; *dreba 117
S SCr. drévan ‘ancient, very old’; Sln. dréven ‘ancient, old, antique’
See also: *drevje; *drevé
*dr&émati v. (b) ‘doze, slumber’ ESSJa V 108-109
CS drémati (in OCS, we only find drémanie (Ps. Sin.) Asg. ‘slumber’)
Ru. dremat’, isg. dremlju, 38g. drémljet
Cz. drimati; Slk. driemat; Pl. drzemaé; Slnc. driemdc
SCr. drijémati, 1sg. drijemam, 1sg. drijemljém; Cak. drimati (Vrg.), 289.
drimles; Sin. drémati, isg. drémam, 38g. drémljem; Bulg. drémja
Oem O
It has been suggested that the Slavic root *drém- is a contamination of *dreh,-, cf.
Skt. ni-drayat (Br) 38g. opt. ‘may sleep, slumber? and *drem-, cf. Lat. dormié ‘sleep. A
reconstruction *dreh,m is in conflict with the accentual evidence, however. It is
therefore more likely that *drémati has a secondary lengthened grade vowel, which is
not uncommon in intensives (cf. Klingenschmitt 1989: 81). One might argue,
however, that ‘doze, slumber’ is hardly an intensive meaning.
*driskati; *dristati v. ‘suffer from diarrhoea’ ESSJa V 116
E Ukr. drystaty
WwW Cz. d?istati (Jg.); Pl. drzystaé (dial.); Slnc. drastdac
S SCr. driskati; driskati; drickati (Vuk); SIn. driskati; dristati; Bulg. driskam
Cogn. Olc. drita ‘shit’; OE dritan ‘shit’; OHG trizan ‘shit
To be reconstructed as *d"reid-sk-, with early loss of *d.
*droba I; *drobina I f. 4 ‘crumb, small fry, small livestock’ ESSJa V 117, 118-119
E Ru. drobina (S. dial.) ‘small livestock’; Ukr. drobynd ‘poultry, small fry, small
change’
WwW Cz. droba ‘type of sandstone’; drobina (Jg.: Slk., Kott) ‘crumb, little piece’;
SInc. dr#eba ‘small fry’; dr#ebjind ‘small fry, crumb’; USrb. drobina ‘rifles,
nonsense’
S SCr. droba (RSA) ‘bread crumbled into milk’
Derivatives of > *drobiti, cf. > *drobo I, *drobp, *drobézga.
See also: *drebs; *drebpn; *drobpnb
*droba II; *drobina II; *dreba f. 4 ESSJa V 105, 117, 118-119
‘sediment, brewer’s yeast, dregs, entrails’
E Ru. droba (dial.) ‘sediment, brewer’s yeast, dregs’; drobina (dial.) ‘sediment,
brewer’s yeast, dregs’; drebd (dial.) “sediment, brewer’s yeast, dregs’
S SCr. droba (RSA) ‘entrails’; drobina (Vuk) ‘entrails, tripe’
BSL. *drob-
118 *drobézg»; *drobézga
B Lith. drabna (dial.) f.(a) 4 ‘sleet, dough, mud’; Latv. drabenes Npl. f.(é)
‘sediment of malt after brewing process’
Cogn. Olc. draf n. ‘lees, yeast’; Nw. drav n. ‘sediment of malt after brewing process’;
OHG trebir Npl. m. ‘pig’s swill’; MoDu. draf m. ‘pig’s swill’; Molr. draoib f.
‘mud, mire’
Unlike the ESSjJa, I have separated *droba II ‘sediment, dregs, entrails’ from *drobd I
‘crumb, small fry, small livestock, etc. It can be argued that the meanings ‘dregs’ and
‘crumbs’ may be covered by the designation ‘remnants, but for the root of *drobd I
the notion ‘small, fine’ seems essential, while *droba II is about thick, weak masses.
We may reconstruct a European root *d'rab'-.
See also: *dreba; *droba IJ; *drobina II; *drob» II
*drobézgp; *drobézga m. o; f. 4 ‘crumbs, small fry’ ESSJa V 118
E Ru. drobezga; drobizga f.(a) ‘small fry’
W Cz. drobesk m. ‘crumbs’; OCz. drobéz f.(i) ‘crumbs’; Slk. drobizg m. ‘small
fry’; Pl. drobiazg m. ‘small fry’
BSI. *drop-
B Lith. drebé(z)nos Npl. f. ‘remnants’; Latv. drapsnas Npl. f.‘crumbs, remnants’
See > *drobiti.
*drobiti v. ‘crumble, crush’ ESSJa V 119
CS OCS drobéi (Supr.) Nsg. m. pte. pres. act. ‘crushing’; CS drobiti ‘crumble,
chop, break’
E Ru. drobit’ ‘crush; 1sg. droblju, 38g. drobit
Ww Cz. drobiti ‘crumble, chop, crush; Slk. drobit' ‘crumble, chop, crush’; Pl.
drobi¢ ‘crumble’
S SCr. drobiti ‘crush, crumble’ 1sg. drobim; Cak. drobiti (Vrg.) ‘crush, crumble’,
2sg. drobis; drobit (Vrg.) ‘pulverize, crush, 1sg. drobin; Sln. drobiti ‘crumble,
mince; isg. drobim; Bulg. drobja ‘crumble’
Cogn. Go. gadraban ‘cut out’ (unless this is a mistake for gagraban)
LIV (153) reconstructs *d"reb- on the basis of Germanic forms such as Olc. drepa
‘beat, kill, OHG treffan ‘hit. Since this proto-form is in conflict with Winter’s law, I
reconstruct *d'rob'-eie- for Slavic. The discrepancy between Slavic and Germanic
may have something to do with the fact that the etymon is of non-Indo-European
origin or Kluge’s law may have played a role.
See also: *drebp; *drebpns; *droba I; *drobézgn; *drobézga; *drobina I; *drobs; *drobp;
*drobpnb
*drobb I m.o ESSJa V 119-120
E Uk. drib ‘little piece, small livestock’
*drociti 119
Ww Cz. drob (dial.) ‘hay-dust’; OCz. drob ‘little piece, crumb’; USrb. drob ‘hay-
dust, sawdust’
S SIn. dréb ‘little pieces, crumbs’
A derivative of > *drobiti, cf. > *droba I, *drobo, *drobézgo, *drobézga.
*drobt II m.o ESSJa V 119-120
E Ru. drob (dial.) ‘dregs’; ORu. drobo ‘dregs’
W Cz. drob ‘entrails’; USrb. drob ‘entrails, tripe’
S SCr. dréb ‘entrails, pulp (of fruit), sediment, Gsg. dregs, dréba; Sln. dréb
‘entrails’; Bulg. drob ‘entrails’
See > *droba II.
*drobp f. i ESSJa V 121
E Ru. drob’ ‘fraction, small shot’
WwW Pl. drob m.(jo) ‘poultry, small items, Gsg. drobiu
S SIn. dréb m.(0) ‘small piece, particle, chaff, hay-dust, entrails’; dréb ‘chaff,
hay-dust; Gsg. drobi; Bulg. drob ‘fraction’
See > *drobiti.
*drobpnp adj. o ‘small, fine’ ESSJa V 122
CS OCS drobens (Supr.) ‘fine’
E Ru. drébnyj (dial.) ‘small’
W Cz. drobny ‘small, fine, fragile’; Pl. drobny ‘small, tiny’
Ss SCr. droban ‘small, fine, fragile’; Cak. drdban (Vrg.) ‘small, fine, fragile’;
dréban (Orb.) ‘tiny, fine’; Sln. dréban ‘small, tiny’
Cogn. Olc. drafna ‘dissolve into small parts’
See > *drobiti.
*droCiti v. ‘stimulate, irritate’ ESSJa V 122-123
E Ru. drocit’ ‘stroke, caress, feed, tease, irritate’; drdcit’ ‘stroke, caress, tease,
irritate’; drocit’sja ‘be obstinate, go mad (said of cattle, for instance)’
W Pl. droczy¢ ‘tease’
S SCr. drdciti ‘sting’; Bulg. drdca ‘loaf, amuse oneself, booze’
BSI. *drok-
B Latv. dracit ‘scold’
It is difficult to link this Balto-Slavic etymon to forms with an Indo-European
etymology. The Russian reflexive drocit’sja may also be compared with Latv.
drakdtiés ‘rage, dance.
See also: *droks; *droka
120 *droga
*droga f. a ‘bar, pole’ ESSJa V 123-124
E Ru. drogd ‘wooden bar or metal strip uniting the front and the rear axis of a
cart, centre pole’; droga (dial.) ‘pole’; droga (dial.) ‘cart for transporting
wood’
Apparently a variant of > *drége. A comparison with Gk. tpéxw ‘run’ and Olc. draga
‘pull does not bring much.
*droks; *droka m. o; f. 4 ESSJa V 124
E Ru. drok (dial.) m. ‘broom (Genista), oregano’; drok (dial.) m. ‘time when
cattle are restless, agitated’; drdka (dial.) f. ‘indulgence, over-indulgence’;
Ukr. drik m. “Dyer’s Broom, gadfly, Gsg. dréku; druok (dial.) m. ‘warm
period in May or June, when cattle are plagued by gadflies and run from
one side to another, Gsg. dréku
BSL. *drok-
B Lith. drakas ‘noise, agitation, quarrel’; Latv. draks ‘fight’
See also: *dro¢iti
*drozdb m. 0 (c (/b?)) ‘thrush’ ESSJa V 126-127
E Ru. drozd ‘thrush, (cérnyj d.) blackbird’, Gsg. drozda {1}; Ukr. drizd ‘thrush,
Gsg. drozda
WwW Cz. drozd ‘thrush; Slk. drozd ‘thrush’; Pl. drozd ‘thrush’; Slnc. dréuzd ‘thrush’
S SCr. drézd ‘thrush’; drézak ‘thrush’, Gsg. drézga; drézak ‘thrush, Gsg. drézga;
Cak. drézak ‘thrush’, Asg. drézga; Sln. drézd ‘thrush’; drézg ‘thrush, (érni d.)
blackbird’; Bulg. drozd ‘thrush, (coll.) blackbird’
BSI. *trozdés
B Lith. strazdas 4 ‘thrush, (juodasis s.) blackbird, (dial.) starling’; Latv. strazds
‘thrush, (melnais s.) blackbird, (mdjas s.) starling’
OPr. tresde ‘thrush’
PIE *trozd-o-
Cogn. Lat. turdus m. ‘thrush; Olt. truit f. ‘thrush’ {2}; Olc. brostr m. ‘thrush’
In order to explain why *drozdo was not, or rather only partly affected by the
generalization of accentual mobility in masculine o-stems, Ili¢-Svityé (1963: $45)
reconstructs a u-stem, referring to Olc. brostr < *-uz. I am inclined to consider the
possibility that owing to the cluster -zd-, which prevented the Balto-Slavic retraction
called Ebeling’s law, *drozdo belonged to a marginal oxytone type that in principle
merged with AP (b). In that case it is no longer necessary to posit a u-stem. It must
be said, by the way, that the evidence for AP (c) seems to outweigh the evidence for
(b).
{1} AP (c) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 137). {2} Olr. also truid, druid.
*drign I 121
*drozdza; *drozdZpje f. ja; n. io ‘yeast, dregs’ ESSJa V 129-130
CS OCS droZdoje (Ps. Sin.) Npl. f.(ia) ‘dregs’
E Ru. dr6zZZi n.(io) ‘yeast, leaven’
WwW Cz. drozdi n.(io) ‘yeast, leaven’; Slk. droZdie n.(io) ‘yeast, leaven’; Pl. drozdze
Npl. f.(ja) ‘yeast, leaven’; OPI. drozdZa f.(ja) ‘sediment, dregs’
S SCr. drozda f.(a) ‘sediment’; Sn. droZé f.(ja) ‘yeast, leaven’; drozé f.(ja)
‘yeast, leaven’; drozdZé f.(ja) ‘yeast, leaven’; droZi f.(i) ‘yeast, leaver’
BSI. *dro(z)gi(?)ar
B Lith. dragés (Bretk.) Npl. f.(é ‘dregs’; Latv. dradzi Npl. m.(jo) ‘sediment (of
melted fat)’
OPr. dragios ‘dregs’
Cogn. Lat. fracés f. ‘fragments of olive pulp left after pressing’; Olc. dregg f. ‘dregs,
yeast’
Cognate with Olc. dregg ‘dregs, yeast’ < *dragjé and, in spite of the differing velar,
probably also with Lat. fracés. Since the word is possibly non-Indo-European, we
might just as well reconstruct *d"rag’-i-, with *a.
*drégp m. o (b) ‘bar, pole’ ESSJa V 129-130
CS OCS drogy (Euch.) Ipl. ‘sticks’
W Cz. drouh (obs., dial.) ‘bar, club’; Slk. druih (dial.) ‘bar, club’; Pl. drgg ‘bar’,
Gsg. draga; Slnc. dréyg ‘bar, pole’, Gsg. dréyga
S SCr. driig ‘rail’; Sln. drég ‘bar, latticed side of a cart’
BSI. *drongos
B Lith. drafigas m. ‘pole (used as a lever)’; dranga f. ‘pole (used as a lever), edge
(of a cart)’
Cogn. Olc. drangr m. ‘detached pillar of rock’; Olc. drengr m. ‘heavy stick, pillar’
On the basis of the Balto-Slavic and Germanic evidence, we may reconstruct
*d*rong'-. The limited distribution of the etymon and the fact that we find variants
without a nasal or with root-final *k leads us to consider non-Indo-European origin.
See also: *droga; *drékp
*drokp m. o (b) ‘bar, pole’ ESSJa V 130-131
E Ru. druk ‘pole, stake, club, beam’; drjuk ‘pole, stake, club’; Ukr. drjuk ‘club’
W Cz. drouk ‘iron bar, rod’; Slk. dritk ‘stake, pole’
S SCr. druk ‘fairly thick stake’; Sln. drék ‘pestle’
See > *drdgo.
*driig I m. 0 (c) ‘companion, friend’ ESSJa V 131-132
CS OCS drugo ‘friend’
E Ru. drug ‘friend’
W Cz. druh ‘friend’; Slk. druh ‘friend’; OPI. drug ‘companion, comrade’
122 *drigs I
S SCr. driig ‘friend’; SIn. drig ‘companion, best man’
BSI. *drougos
B Lith. draiigas 4 ‘friend’; Latv. draugs ‘friend’
Cogn. Go. gadrauhts m. ‘warrior’; Olc. dréttinn m. ‘prince, lord’; OHG truhtin m.
‘lord’
Only Balto-Slavic and Germanic, cf. also Go. driugan ‘be up in arms’ I consider the
connection with *d'reugh- ‘deceive’ dubious.
See also: *drag» IL; *druzina
*drigs II adj. 0 (c) ‘other’ ESSJa V 131-132
CS OCS drugs ‘other’
E Ru. drug6j ‘other’
Ww Cz. druhy ‘second, other’; Slk. druhy ‘second, other’; Pl. drugi ‘second, other’
S SCr. driig ‘second, other’; Cak. driigi (Vrg.) ‘second, other’; driigi (Orb.)
‘other, second’; Sln. driig ‘other’; Bulg. drug ‘other
Etymologically identical with > *drig I.
*druZina f. 4 (a) ESSJa V 134-135
CS OCS druzZina ‘society, party’
E Ru. druzina ‘(prince’s) armed force, militia unit, squad’
W Cz. druzina ‘squad, detachment’; Pl. druzyna ‘team, crew’
S SCr. drizina ‘society, friends, detachment, servants’; Cak. druzina (Vrg.)
‘society, friends, detachment, servants’; Sln. druzina ‘servants, family’; Bulg.
druzina ‘troop’
Cogn. Olc. drétt f. ‘followers’; OHG truht f. ‘multitude, host’
Derivative in *-ina of > *driig I.
See also: *drig» II
*drbgati v. ‘tremble, shake’ ESSJa V 144
E Ru. drégat’ (Voron.) ‘shake’
WwW Cz. drhati (rare) ‘tremble, shiver’; Slk. drgat‘shake’; Pl. drgac ‘tremble, shiver’
S SIn. dfgati ‘tremble’ 1sg. d?gam
BSI. *drug-
There are Baltic forms pointing to a Balto-Slavic root *drug- ‘tremble’ (> *droZv).
Alongside *drogati we find forms with a secondarily lengthened root vowel. e.g.
ORu., RuCS drygatisja ‘tremble’, Ru. drygat’, drygat’ (dial.) ‘tremble, shake, writhe.
*drbvo n. 0 (c) ‘tree, (pl.) wood’ ESSJa V 141-142
CS OCS drova (Supr.) Npl. ‘wood’
E Ru. drova Npl. ‘wood’
*drpkols; *drpkolpje 123
Ww Cz. drvo (dial.) ‘tree, wood, Npl. drva ‘wood’; Slk. drvo ‘tree’; Pl. drwa Npl.
‘wood, firewood’
S SCr. d?vo ‘tree’, Npl. drvéta, Npl. diva ‘wood’; Cak. drvd (Orb.) ‘wood,
firewood Npl. drvd ‘wood’; SIn. d7vo ‘log, baton, Npl. drva ‘firewood’; Bulg.
darvo ‘tree’; darva Npl. ‘wood’
PIE *dru(H )-o-
Cogn. Gk. dpic f. ‘tree, oak’
For the reconstruction of a (Balto-Slavic) laryngeal, see > *dérvo.
*drvZati v. ‘tremble, shiver’ ESSJa V 144
E Ru. drozdt’ ‘tremble, shiver’, sg. droZu, 38g. drozit; ORu. droZati ‘tremble,
shiver’
W OCz. drzéti ‘tremble, shiver’; dreZeti ‘tremble, shiver’; Pl. drze¢é ‘tremble,
shiver’
A stative verb in *-éti.
See also: *drbgati; *drbzp
*drbZp m. jo? ‘shivering, tremor’ ESSJa V 144
E Ru. droz’ f.(i) ‘shivering, tremor’; dros¢ (Psk.) m.(jo??) ‘shivering, tremor
WwW Pl. dreszcz m.(jo) ‘shivering, tremor, shudder’; dreszcz (dial.) f.(i) ‘shivering,
tremor, shudder’ {1}
BSI. *drugios
B Lith. drugys m.(io) 4 ‘fever, malaria, butterfly, moth’; Latv. drudzis m.(io)
‘fever, ague’; drudzi Npl. m.(io) ‘moths’
BSI. *drug- may in principle reflect *drug'- or *d*rug'-, but to my knowledge there
are no cognates outside Balto-Slavic.
{1} In the 18th century, we find forms such as dresz, dres, drez and dres¢ (Stawski SEJP I: 163).
According to Barikowski (2000: 297), dreszcz may be based on a plural dreszcze from *drezca
< *drvz-vca.
See also: *drbgati; *drbzati
*drpkols; *drpkolsje m. i; n. io ‘stick, club’ ESSJa V 139-140
CS OCS drvkolo m.(i) ‘stick, club’; drokolv m.(i) ‘stick, club’
E Ru. drekol’ (dial.) m.(jo?) ‘pole’; drekdl’e n.(io) ‘staves’
W Cz. drkoli (Jg.) n.(io) ‘wooden rattle, club’ {1}
S SCr. drkol (arch.) m.(o) ‘truncheon, baton’; Sln. dfkot m.(o) ‘truncheon,
baton’; drkalj m.(jo) ‘truncheon, baton’
In all likelihood a compound of dro ‘wood’ (> *dérvo) and *kol- ‘stab’ (> *kolti).
Unlike the ESSJa, I have reconstructed *drokolv, *drokolvje because the evidence
points to v. I admit, however, that the form originally may have had * (cf. Vaillant
1928).
124 *daxati
{1} Also drkolna, OCz. drkolna, strkolna.
See also: *dérvo; *drpvo; *sbdorvb
*daxati v. (b) ‘breathe, blow ESSJa V 151
CS OCS duxati ‘breathe’ 18g. duso
WwW Cz. douchati (Kott) ‘blow’; duchati (dial.) ‘breathe’; Slk. duchat ‘blow; Pl.
duchaé (dial.) ‘blow
S SCr. duhati ‘blow, 1sg. diihdm, 1sg. disém; Sln. dihati ‘smell, breathe’, 1sg.
ditham; Bulg. duxam ‘blow
B Lith. dvésti ‘breathe, blow; diséti ‘breathe heavily’; Latv. dvést ‘breathe
heavily’
Denominative verb based on > *diixo.
See also: *dusa; *dvoxati; *dpxnoti; *dbx; *dyxati
*diixp m. 0 (c) breath, spirit’ ESSJa V 153-154
CS OCS duxo ‘breath, spirit’
E Ru. dux ‘spirit, breath, smell’
Ww Cz. duch ‘spirit’; Slk. duch ‘spirit’; Pl. duch ‘spirit, breath’
S SCr. dih ‘spirit, breath, smell, Gsg. diha; dith (Vuk) ‘spirit, breath, smell,
Gsg. ditha; Cak. diih (Vrg.) ‘spirit Gsg. daha; dith (Novi) ‘spirit’; dah (Orb.)
‘ghost’; Sln. dah ‘spirit, breath, smell’; Bulg. dux ‘spirit’
BSI. *dousos
B Lith. datisos Npl. f. ‘air, breath’
Cogn. Go. dius n. ‘wild animal’ (*d'eus-)
The root shape *d'ous- is peculiar to Balto-Slavic. Elsewhere in and Indo-European -
and in Balto-Slavic as well - we find full grades of the type *d'ue/ous- (cf. >
*dvoxati).
See also: *dtixati; *dusa; *dvoxati; *dpxnoti; *dpx; *dyxati
*dunoti v. ‘blow ESSJa V 137
CS OCS dunoti ‘blow; 1sg. dung
E Ru. diinut’ ‘blow
W OCz. duntiti blow
S SCr. dunuti ‘blow’; Sln. duniti ‘strike, swoop down on; 1sg. diinem
Cogn. Skt. dhiinoti ‘shake’; Olc. dyja ‘blow’
Perfective in *-noti, cf. > *duti.
*dupa; *dupe f. 4; n. nt ‘hole’ ESSJa V 157-158
E Ru. dupa (dial.) f. ‘buttocks’; Ukr. dupa f. ‘arse’
*duplb 125
WwW Cz. doupa (arch.) f. ‘hollow, burrow’; doupé n. ‘hollow, burrow’; dupa (dial.)
f. ‘hind quarters’; Slk. dupa f. ‘hollow, burrow dupa n. ‘burrow, den’; dupa
(dial.) f. ‘hind quarters’; Pl. dupa f. ‘arse, vagina
S SCr. ditpe n. ‘arse’; SIn. dupa f. f. ‘hole, burrow’; Bulg. dupe n. ‘arse’
BSI. *doub/p-
B Lith. dauba 4 ‘ravine, hole, burrow’
PIE *d*oup-
Cogn. Go. diups adj. ‘deep’
The Slavic root *dup- has a variant *dob- (> *dono).
See also: *dupina; *duplo; *duplp; *dupla; *dbbrp; *dpno
*dupina f. 4 ‘hole’ ESSJa V 158
CS OCS duping (Supr.) Asg. ‘opening’; RuCS dupina ‘hole, grove, ditch’
E ORu. dupina ‘hole, grove, ditch’
S SIn. dupina ‘hole, hollow, cavity’
Derivative of > *dupa.
See also: *dupe; *duplo; *dupls; *dupla; *dpbrp; *dpno
*dupla f. ja ‘hollow ESSJa V 159
E Ru. duplja (dial.) ‘hollow (of a tree)’; duplja (dial.) ‘hollow (of a tree)’
Ww Pl. dziupla ‘hollow
S SCr. duplja ‘hollow (of a tree), orifice, hole, den, cave’; Sln. diplja ‘hollow (of
a tree), cave’
PIE *d*oup-
Derivative of > *dupa.
See also: *dupe; *dupina; *duplo; *dupls; *dbbrs; *dbno
*duplo n. o (b) ‘hole, hollow, cavity’ ESSJa V 159
E Ru. duplo ‘hollow (of a tree), cavity’
Ww Pl. dziupto (agth c.) ‘hole, cavity, burrow (of a weasel)’; dupto (dial.) ‘hole,
cavity, burrow (of a weasel)’
S SCr. duplo ‘hole, hollow, cavity’; Sln. diplo ‘hole, hollow (of a tree), cavity’;
Bulg. duiplo ‘hole, cavity’
Derivative of > *dupa.
See also: *dupe; *dupina; *dupls; *dupla; *dbbrp; *dbno
*duplb adj. jo ‘hollow ESSJa V 160
CS RuCS duplii ‘hollow, light
S Bulg. dupli (arch., dial.) ‘hollow’
Derivative of > *duplo.
126 *dura
See also: *dupa; *dupe; *dupina; *dupla; *dpbrp; *dpno
*dura f. a ‘hole’ ESSJa V 160
E Bel. dzjura ‘hole’; Ukr. djtira ‘hole’
WwW Cz. d’oura (Jg.) ‘hole’; dra (E. Mor. dial.) ‘hole’; dZura (Sil. ‘hole’; Pl.
dziura ‘hole’; dura (dial.) ‘hole’; OPI. dura ‘hole’; dzidéra <dziora> ‘hole’; SInc.
gura ‘hole
West Slavic cognate of *dyra (the Ukr. and Bel. forms are borrowings from Polish).
According to Slawski (SEJP I: 208-209), there is evidence for a Polish form dziéra.
This form may derive from OPI. drac, isg. dziore, or may continue an older noun
*dora from the same root, which was then influenced by the Polish verb (similarly
Baudouin de Courtenay apud Berneker 1899: 150 fn.).
See also: *dyra
*duriti v. (c) ESSJa V 161
E Ru. durit’ ‘be naughty, be obstinate; isg. durju, 38g. durit; durit’ (dial.) ‘go
crazy, do smth. forbidden or unnecessary, deceive’
WwW Cz. durit sa (dial.) ‘be angry’; Slk. durit’ (dial.) ‘chase, hurry’; durit' sa (dial.)
‘be angry’; Pl. durzyé ‘deceive, fool
S SCr. duriti se ‘be angry, fill with disgust, be disgusted; 1sg. diirim se; duriti se
(RSA) ‘be angry, fill with disgust, be disgusted’; Cak. darit (Orb, ‘sulk, pout’
38g. diri; Sln. duriti ‘make hateful, despise’, 1sg. durim
Derivative of > *duro.
See also: *durpn; *durp
*durb adj. o ESSJa V 162
S SIn. dir ‘shy, wild’
BSI. *d(o)uros
B OPr. dirai Npl. ‘shy’
Perhaps to be analyzed as *d'ou-ro-, cf. Skt. dhavati, Gk. @éw ‘run. There is no
connection with Gk. 8obpos ‘rushing, impetuous, furious’ (pace Trautmann 1910: 325,
Vasmer s.v. durnoj and others), which derives from *d"rhs-.
See also: *duriti; *durpn; *durp
*durp f. i ‘stupidity, madness’ ESSJa V 162-163
E Ru. dur’ f.(i) ‘stupidity’; dur’ (dial.) f.(i) ‘pus, fumes causing faintness,
faintness’; dur (dial.) f.(i) ‘stupidity, madness’; Ukr. dur’ f.(i) ‘stupidity, wild
behaviour’; dur (dial.) m.(0) ‘henbane’
WwW Pl. dur m.(o) ‘typhus, mental derangement (from fever)’
See the previous lemma.
*duzp 127
*durpn> adj. o ‘stupid, crazy’ ESSJa V 162-163
E Ru. durndj ‘bad, evil, nasty, stupid’
WwW Cz. durny (Kott) ‘stupid, crazy’; Slk. durny ‘scary, rude’; Pl. durny (E. dial.)
‘crazy’; SInc. dérni ‘crazy’
S SCr. dian ‘hot-tempered, malicious’
Adjective in *-ono, cf. > *duro
* dua f. ja (c) ‘soul’ ESSJa V 153-154
CS OCS dusSa ‘breath, soul’
E Ru. dusd ‘soul, spirit, Asg. dusu
WwW Cz. duse ‘soul, spirit’; Slk. duSa ‘soul, spirit’; Pl. dusza ‘soul, spirit’
S SCr. diiga ‘soul, spirit? Asg. disu; Cak. dasa (Vrg.) ‘soul, spirit’; dasa (Novi)
‘soul, spirit’; dasa (Orb.) ‘soul, spirit, Asg. dio; SIn. dusa ‘soul’; Bulg. dusa
‘soul, character, breath, Npl. dusi, Npl. dusi
BSI. *dousjar
B Lith. datisios Npl. ‘air’
PIE *dhous-i-ehy
Cogn. Go. dius n. ‘wild animal’
See also: *duxati; *diixs; *dvoxati; *dpxnoti; *dpxs; *dyxati
*duti v. ‘blow ESSJa V 166
WwW Cz. douti ‘blow; 1sg. duji; Slk. dut ‘blow; 18g. duji
S SIn. duti ‘blow’ 1sg. dujem; Bulg. duja se ‘be angry, grumble’
B Lith. duja f.(ja) 4‘(Zem.) drizzle, mist, (Dzik.) loose, ashy earth’
Cogn. Skt. dhiinoti ‘shake’; Olc. dyja ‘blow’
Ru. dut’, isg. duju may also belong here, but cf. ORu. duti, sg. domo.
See also: *dunoti
*duzZp adj. jo ‘strong’ ESSJa V 167-168
E Ru. djuzij ‘sturdy, hefty, robust, healthy’; duzij (dial. ‘strong, healthy’; ORu.
djuzij ‘strong’; Bel. duZy ‘strong, vigorous’; Ukr. diy; ‘strong, healthy’
WwW Cz. dud (rare) ‘firm, strong’; Slk. dui ‘strong, big, healthy’; Pl. duzy ‘big,
(16th-18th c., dial.) strong’; duzo adv. ‘much, many, (16th-18th c.) very’ {1}
BSI. *doug-jo-
B Lith. datig, daugi (OLith.); datigia (dial.) adv. ‘much, many’; Latv. datidz(i)
adv. ‘much, many’
If the Polish forms are “Ruthenianisms’, there is no objection against positing a root
containing a nasal, cf. *dega, *deglo, *nedogv. On the other hand, the parallelism
between Pl. duzo and Lith. datigia is suggestive. Possibly, the roots *dog- and *dug-
128 *dvoxati
were confused (cf. Shevelov 1964: 321-322, ESSJa 25: 126). The latter root may reflect
*dhoug*-, cf. Go. daug ‘is useful’
{1} According to Barikowski (2000a: 312), duzy ‘strong’ and duzo (duze) ‘very; which are
attested since the 16th century, originate from Ukrainian. DuZy ‘big’ is recorded sporadically
from 1600 onwards and more frequently since the 18th century, while duzo ‘much, many’
occurs only since the 18th century.
*dvoxati v. ESSJa V 169
E Ru. dvoxat’ (dial.) ‘breathe heavily, gasp, cough loudly’
BSI. *dwos-
B Lith. dvésti ‘breathe, blow; diséti ‘breathe heavily’; Latv. dvést ‘breathe
heavily’
The *x is analogical after formations to which the ruki-rule applied. See > *diixe.
*dvorb m. 0 (b) ‘court, courtyard’ ESSJa V 169-170
CS OCS dvore
E Ru. dvor, Gsg. dvord; dvér (dial.), Gsg. dvord
Ww Cz. dvir, Gsg. dvora, Gsg. dvoru; Slk. dvor; Pl. dwor, Gsg. dworu; Slnc. dvér,
Gsg. dvueru; USrb. dwor, Gsg. dwora
S SCr. dvor, Gsg. dvéra; Cak. dvér (Vrg.); dvér (Novi), Gsg. dvord; d“ér (Orb.)
‘stable(‘s complex); Gsg. dvord; SIn. dvor, Gsg. dvéra; Bulg. dvor
BSI. *dworum
B Lith. dvaras ‘estate’
OPr. dauris (EV) ‘big gate’
PIE *d*uor-
Cogn. Av. duuar- m. ‘door, court’
See also: *dvprb
*dvprp f. i (b) ‘door ESSJa V 171-172
CS OCS dvoro; dvori Npl.
E Ru. dver’
Ww Cz. dvere Npl.; dvére Npl.; OCz. divi Npl; Pl. drzwi Npl.; USrb. dwérja Npl.
S SCr. dvari (16th/17th c.) Npl. ‘gate’; dvéri Npl. ‘doors of the altar’; Sln. diri
Npl. ‘door, gate’; dvéri Npl. ‘door, gate’; davri (16th c.) Npl. ‘door, gate’
BSL. *dvir-; *dur-
B Lith. durys Npl. f.(i) 2; dures (dial.) Npl. f.7); Latv. durvis Npl. £7); duris
Npl. f.@)
PIE *dhur-
Cogn. Gk. Odpat Npl. f. ‘door’; Lat. forés Npl. f. ‘zweifliigelige Tir’; OHG turi Npl. f.
‘door’
See also: *dvorb
*délgp 129
*dpxnoti v. ‘breathe, blow ESSJa V 177
CS OCS doxnoti ‘breathe, blow
E Ru. doxnut’ ‘breathe, blow
WwW Cz. d(e)chnouti ‘breathe, blow; tchnouti ‘breathe, blow’; Slk. dochnut
‘breathe, blow’; Pl. tchng¢ ‘breathe’
S SCr. dahnuti ‘breathe, blow’; Cak. dahniti (Vrg.) ‘breathe, blow’; SIn. dahniti
‘breathe, blow’ 1sg. dahnem; dahniti breathe, blow, 1sg. dahnem
BSI. *dus-
B Lith. dusti ‘suffocate’; Latv. dust ‘gasp’
PIE *dhus-
See also: *duxati; *dux; *dusa; *dvoxati; *dbx; *dyxati
*dbxb m. 0 ‘breathing, breath’ ESSJa V 178
CS OCS doxo ‘breathing, breath, smell’
E Ru. dox (dial.) ‘rest’
WwW Cz. dech; Slk. dech (dial.); Pl. dech
S SCr. dah; Cak. dah (Vrg.), Gsg. daha; dah (Orb.), Gsg. daha; Sln. dah; dah
(both forms are absent from Pletersnik’s dictionary); Bulg. dax
BSI. *dusos
B Lith. dusas ‘short breath, asthma’
Cogn. Go. dius n. ‘wild animal’ (*d'eus-)
See also: *duxati; *dixs; *dusa; *dvoxati; *dpxnoti; *dyxati
*dpkti f. r (c) ‘daughter’ ESSJa V 178-179
CS OCS dosti, Gsg. dostere
E Ru. doe’, Gsg. déceri
WwW OCz. dci, Gsg. dceve
S SCr. kéi, Gsg. kééri; 84, Gsg. scéra; Cak. cér (Vrg.) £.(i), Gsg. ceri, Gsg. ceré;
hd (Novi), Gsg. hééri, Gsg. héeré; hci (Orb.), Gsg. héeri, Gsg. hééri; Sln. héi,
Gsg. hé@re; héér f.(i), Gsg. héeri
BSI. *dukté
B Lith. dukté, Gsg. dukte?s
OPr. duckti
PIE *d'ughs-tér-
Cogn. Skt. duhitar-; Gk. 8vyatnp
*délgp m. 0 (c) ‘debt’ ESSJa V 179-180
CS OCS dolgo
E Ru. dolg
W Cz. dluh; Sik. dlh; Pl. diug
S SCr. diig; SIn. détg, Gsg. dolgd; Bulg. dalg
130 *dpnod
Cogn. Go. dulgs m. ‘debt
Possibly a borrowing from Gothic. Within Germanic the noun is isolated. A plausible
cognate is Olr. dligid ‘be entitled to, deserve.
*dbno n. 0 (b) ‘bottom’ ESSJa V 174-175
CS CS dono
E Ru. dno
Ww Cz. dno; Pl. dno
S SCr. dnd; Cak. dnd (Vrg., Orb.); SIn. dnd; Bulg. dano ‘bottom, floor’
BSI. *dubno
B Lith. dugnas m. 4
PIE *d'ub-no-
The Slavic vacillation between root-final *b and *p (cf. > *dupa) does not have a
Baltic counterpart. In East Baltic, however, the full grade *daub- occurs both with
acute and circumflex tone, e.g. Latv. dudbjs ‘deep. The acute variant could be
attributed to Winter’s law (note that PGmce. *deupa- ‘deep’ < *d*eub'-n- by Kluge’s
law), but this would leave us without an explanation for the other forms. The many
formal problems connected with this root have made it a prime example of a
borrowing from a substratum language (cf. Kuiper 1995).
See also: *dupe; *dupina; *duplo; *dupls; *dupla; *dpbr
*d()va num. ‘two’ ESSJa V 185-186
CS OCS dova, f. dove, n. dové
E Ru. dva, f. dve, n. dva
Ww Cz. dva, f. dvé, n. dvé; Pl. dwa, f. dwie, n. dwa ‘two’; Slnc. dvd, f. dvjie, n. dvjie
S SCr. dvd, f. dvije, n. dvd ‘two’; Cak. dvd (Vrg.), f. dvi, n. dvd; dvd (Orb.); SIn.
dvd; Bulg. dva ‘two’
BSI. *duo?; *duoi?
B Lith. du, f. dvi
PIE *duo-h,; *duo-ih,
Cogn. Skt. dva; Gk. 50w
See also: *d(‘b)vé; *d(‘b)vogub; *d(b)vogubpns; *d()vojp
*d(»)vogubp; *d(b)vogubpn® adj. 0 ‘double, twofold’ ESSJa V 190
CS OCS d(@)vogubone; RuCS dvogubyj
E ORu. dvogubyj
S SCr. dvogub; SIn. dvogub
BSI. *duo-goubos; *dui-gubos
B Lith. dvigubas ‘double, twofold, bipartite’
OPr. dwigubbus
See also: *d(‘b)va; *d(b)vé; *d(b)vojp
*dyxati 131
*d(»)vojp num. ESSJa V 192
CS OCS dovoi ‘two, double, twofold’
E Ru. dvée ‘two, two pairs’
Ww Cz. dvoji ‘double, twofold’; Pl. dwoje ‘two, double, twofold’
S SCr. dvdji ‘two, double, twofold’; SIn. dv6j ‘two, double, twofold’
BSI. *duoids
B Lith. dveji ‘two’
PIE *duo-io-
Cogn. Skt. dvayd- ‘double’; Gk. Sotoi ‘both, two’; dotdc ‘double’
See also: *d(‘b)va; *d(‘)vé; *d(»)vogubs; *d(b)vogubpns
*dizdjp m. jo (b) ‘rainstorm, rain’ ESSJa V 195-197
CS OCS doZzdbo ‘rain, rainstorm’
E Ru. dozd’ rain, Gsg. doZdja ‘rain’
W Cz. dést ‘rain’; dest ‘rain’; OCz. dés¢ ‘rain, Gsg. dsce; Slk. ddzd’ ‘rain, Gsg.
dazd’a; Pl. deszcz ‘rain’; OPI. dezdz ‘rain, Gsg. dzdzu; Slnc. déis¢ ‘rain’; USrb.
desé‘rain’
S SCr. déZd (Vuk: SW dial.) ‘rain, Gsg. dazda; dazd (Dubr.) m.(0) ‘rain, dazda;
dizd (Préanj) ‘rain, Gsg. dazdd; Cak. daz (Vrg.) ‘rain’, Gsg. daza; das (Orb.)
‘rain, Gsg. dajzd ‘rain, Gsg. dazlja; Sln. dag ‘rain, Gsg. dazja ‘rain’; Bulg. dazd
‘rain’
PIE *dus-diu-(s)
Cogn. Skt. durdina- n. ‘rain, shower, rainy weather’; Gk. eddia f. ‘fair weather’
Watkins (1991: 175-176) argues that the basic meaning ‘rainstorm, which is still
attested in OCS, explains why the compound contains the element *dus- ‘bad} cf. Skt.
durdina- < *dus-di-n(-o)-. In this way he challenges the view that Trubetzkoy’s and
Vaillant’s etymology (see Trubetzkoy 1927, Vaillant 1927) cannot be correct because to
the farmer rain is beneficial. I assume that the long vowel attested in several
languages results from the retraction of the ictus from final jers (Derksen forthe. a.,
forthe. d).
*dyxati ‘breathe’ ESSJa V 199
CS OCS dyxati ‘breathe, blow
E Ru. dyxat’ (dial.) ‘rest, breathe’
WwW Cz. dychati ‘breathe’; Slk. dychat ‘breathe’; Pl. dychaé (arch., coll.) ‘breathe’
S SCr. dihati ‘breathe, blow’ 1sg. disém, 1sg. diham; Cak. dihati (Vrg.) ‘breathe,
blow, 2sg. dises {1}; dihat (Orb.) ‘breathe, isg. disen; Sln. dihati ‘breathe,
blow; 1sg. diham; Bulg. disam ‘breathe’
B Lith. disuoti ‘breathe, heavily’
Intensive verb with secondary length of the root. Cf. > *diixo.
132 *dymp
{1} According to Juri8i¢’s dictionary, the form in the Vrgada dialect is a “rije¢ nova’.
*dymp m. 0 (a) ‘smoke’ ESSJa V 203
CS OCS dymo ‘smoke’
E Ru. dym ‘smoke’
WwW Cz. dym ‘smoke, steam’; Slk. dym ‘smoke’; Pl. dym ‘smoke, steam’; SInc. dim
‘smoke’, Gsg. damu
S SCr. dim ‘smoke’; Cak. dim (Vrg., Orb.) ‘smoke’ Gsg. dima; dim (Novi)
‘smoke’, Gsg. dima; Sln. dim ‘smoke’, Gsg. dima; Bulg. dim ‘smoke’
BSI. *durmos
B Lith. dimai Npl. m. 1 ‘smoke’; Latv. diimi Npl. m. ‘smoke’
OPr. dumis (EV) ‘smoke’
PIE *d'uH-mo-
Cogn. Skt. dhiimd- m. ‘smoke, vapour’; Gk. 8dpd¢ m. ‘heart, passion, courage’; Lat.
fumus m. ‘smoke, vapour’
The fixed root stress results from Hirt’s law.
*dyra; *dyra f. 4; f. ja ‘hole’ ESSJa V 205
E Ru. dyra ‘hole, gap’; ORu. dyrja ‘hole’
WwW Plb. dara ‘hole, prison’
PIE —*dr(H)-
In the ESSJa, it is argued that Ru. dyra, which occurs alongside dira (> *dira), results
from secondary ablaut (starting from *dor- instead of of *dor- ‘tear’). The same is
suggested for > *dura. It seems to me that such a scenario requires that there existed
a formally and semantically similar root. In this particular case the root of Lith. durti
‘stab, push’ has often been mentioned, but more often than not (e.g. Vasmer s.v. dyrd,
Fraenkel I: 113, Slawski SEJP I: 208) the latter root is considered etymologically
identical. This implies that already in Balto-Slavic both *dir- and *dur- functioned as
the zero grade of *der- ‘tear. Here I would like to adopt a more agnostic attitude, ie.
I prefer to provisionally separate forms belonging to the “u” ablaut series from *der-
‘tear’. Note that Baltic *dur- is firmly acute, while in the case of the verb ‘tear’ there
are many indications for an old circumflex.
See also: *dyra
*dpbrp f. i ‘valley, ravine’ ESSJa V 176-177
CS OCS dobro ‘valley, gorge’
E Ru. débri Npl. ‘jungle, thickets, dense forest’
W OCz. deby ‘valley’; OPI. debrz ‘valley, hollow’
S SCr. debri (1302) ‘hollow, ravine’; Sln. debar ‘ravine’
BSI. *dubr-
B Latv. dubra f. ‘puddle, marshy spot’
* dpliti 133
PIE *dhubh-r-
Cogn. Go. diups adj. ‘deep’
I have reconstructed *dobrv on the strength of the Old Church Slavic and East Slavic
evidence, but it is plausible that the original form was *dobrv (> *dono), cf. OPI.
debrz. Secondary forms with *i also occur in Baltic, e.g. Latv. dibens ‘bottom’
alongside dubens.
*dplbiti v. ‘hollow, chisel’ ESSJa V 206
E Ru. dolbiti ‘hollow, chisel; 1sg. dolblju, 38g. dolbit
S SCr. dubiti ‘hollow, chisel’
PIE *dh]bh-
Verb in *-iti containing the zero grade of *d*elbh- ‘dig’, cf. OE delfan ‘dig. Like Adams
(1999: 738), I consider the etymological relationship with Toch. B tsdlp- ‘free (from)’
doubtful.
See also: *deltd; *detels; *doltd; *dalti
*dplgota f. 4 ‘length’ ESSJa V 208
CS OCS dlogota (Ps. Sin, En., Supr.) ‘length, duration’
E Ru. dolgota
W SInc. dldgueta
S SCr. dugota; Sln. dolgéta
Abstract noun in *-ota, cf. *vysota ‘height, *sirota ‘width.
See also: *dilgp
*diblgp adj. 0 (a) ‘long’ ESSJa V 208-209
CS OCS dlugo
E Ru. délgij
W __ Cz.dlouhy Sik. dihy; Pl. dlugi
S SCr. diig; Cak. diig (Vrg.); Sn. délg, f. délga; Bulg. dalag
BSI. *dil?gos
B Lith. ilgas ‘long’; Latv. ilgs ‘long (of time)’
PIE —*dilng'-6-
Cogn. Skt. dirghd- ‘long’; Gk. SoAtydc ‘long’
See also: *dplgota
*dpliti v. ‘last’ ESSJa V 210
CS OCS prodbljo (Supr.) 1sg. ‘prolong’
E Ru. dlit’sja ‘ast’
W Cz. dliti last
Verb containing the unextended root *dlh;- ‘long’ cf. > *délge.
134 *dolti
See also: *dplp
*dolti v. ‘hollow, chisel’ ESSJa V 206
CS RuCS dolbsti; dlobsti
E Ru. dolbiti, sg. dolblju, 3g. dolbit; ORu. dolbsti; dlobsti
Ww Cz. dlbsti (Kott); Slk. dibst (dial.)
S SCr. dupsti, sg. dubém; Sln. dotbsti, 1sg. ddtbem
BSI. *dilb-
B Lith. dilbti ‘be lowered (eyes), loiter’
PIE *dhlb"-tei
Cogn. OE delfan ‘dig’
See also: *deltd; *detels; *doltd; *dalbiti
*dply f. a ‘cask’ ESSJa V 210
CS MBulg. doly f.(a) ‘clay cask, Gsg. dolove (the Nsg. is attested as dlovi); RuCS
doly f.(a1) ‘cask’; doly f.(a) ‘cask’; delva f.(a) ‘cask’; delovo f.(i) ‘cask’
S Bulg. délva f.(a) ‘big jug with handles’
Cogn. Lat. délium n. ‘pot, drinking vessel (of stone)’
The closest cognate of this etymon seems to be Lat. délium. Olr. delb f. ‘form, image’
and W delw f. ‘form, image, idol’ are semantically more abstract.
*dolp f. i length ESSJa V 210
Ww Cz. dél (poet.) f.(); OCz. dél f.(i); dle’ £.(ja)
PIE *dlhy-
The unextended root *dlh,- ‘long’ also occurs in Ru. dlind ‘length.
See also: *dpliti
*déinb m. n (c) ‘day’ ESSJa V 213-214
CS OCS donb m.(n/jo), Gsg. done
E Ru. den’ m.(jo), Gsg. dnja
Ww Cz. den m.(jo), Gsg. dne; Slk. det m.(jo), Gsg. dria; Pl. dzien m.(jo), Gsg.
dnia; USrb. dZen m.(jo), Gsg. dnja
S SCr. ddan m.(o), Gsg. dana; Cak. dan (Vrg.) m.(o); dan (Novi) m.(o), Gsg.
dana, Gsg. dnéva; dan (Orb.) m.(0), Gsg. dana; SIn. dan m., Gsg. dné, Gsg.
dnéva; Bulg. den m.(0)
BSI. *dein-/*din-
B Lith. diena f. 4; Latv. diena f.
OPr. deinan Asg.
PIE *d(e)i-n-
Cogn. Skt. madhydm-dina- m. ‘midday, noon’; Lat. diés f. ‘day’
*dprgati 135
Originally a hysterodynamic n-stem. The Balto-Slavic paradigm must still have
shown ablaut.
*dpnpsb adv. ‘today’ ESSJa V 215
CS OCS donvsp ‘today’
E Ru. dnes’ (dial.) ‘today’
Ww Cz. dnes ‘today, nowadays’; Slk. dnes ‘today’
S SCr. danas ‘today’; Cak. dands (Vrg., Orb.) ‘today, nowadays’; SIn. danas
‘today’; dnés ‘today’; danas ‘today’; Bulg. dnes ‘today’
Adverb consisting of > *donv ‘day’ and enclitic *so ‘this.
*dprati v. ‘tear, flay’ ESSJa V 218-219
CS OCS dorati ‘flay’, isg. dero
E Ru. drat’ ‘tear’, sg. derti, 38g. derét
Ww Cz. drati ‘tear’, isg. deru; Slk. drat’‘tear’; OPI. drac ‘tear’, sg. dziore
S SCr. drdti ‘flay’; derati ‘flay, 1sg. dérém; Cak. derdti (Vrg.) ‘flay, 28g. déres;
derdt (Orb.) ‘flay; 3pl. déro; SIn. dérati ‘flay, 1sg. dérem; Bulg. derd ‘flay’
BSI. * dir-
B Lith. dirti ‘tear, peel’, 1sg. diriu; di?ti ‘tear, peel’, sg. deru; Latv. dirat ‘flay’
Cogn. Gk. dépw ‘flay’; Go. distairan ‘tear apart’
Verb in *-ati with zero grade of the root *der-.
See also: *derti; *déra; *dira; *dira; *dprvpna; *udariti
*dprba f. 4 ESSJa V 219
E Ru. derba (dial.) ‘new ploughed field, of which the hardened top layer has
been removed; virgin land, fallow land which has been ploughed up anew,
overgrown fallow land’; Ukr. dérba ‘turf’
PIE *drb'-eh,
Cogn. Ole. torfa f. ‘turf’; OE turf f. ‘turf’; OHG zurba f. ‘turf’
See also: *dprbati
*doprbati v. ESSJa V 219
E Ukr. dérbaty ‘remove turf’
W Cz. drbati ‘scratch, scrape’; Slk. drbat ‘shake, pull
PIE *drbh-
See also: *dprba
*dprgati v. ESSJa V 221
E Ru. dérgat’ ‘pull, tug’; Ukr. dérhaty ‘pull, tug’
136 *dprnoti
WwW Cz. drhati (rare) ‘tear, pluck; Pl. dzierga¢ ‘stitch, make bobbin lace, comb
(flax)’; dzierzga¢ (obs., dial.) ‘stitch, make bobbin lace, comb (flax)’
S SIn. dfgati ‘rub, whet, sweep, strangle, isg. d?gam; drzati ‘scrape, scratch,
comb (flax), graze; isg. dfzam, 18g. dfzem
BSI. *dir?g-
B Lith. dirginti ‘irritate’ 3pres. dirgina, 3pret. dirgino
PIE —*drH¢"-
Cogn. OE tiergan ‘irritate, annoy; MoHG zergen (dial.) ‘tease’; MoDu. tergen
‘provoke’
See also: *dorga; *dprnoti
*dprnoti v. ESSJa V 221
E Ru. dérnut’ ‘pull, tug’
WwW Cz. drhnouti ‘rub, scour, make bobbin lace, comb (flax)’; Slk. drhnut’ ‘clean,
tear, comb (flax)’; Pl. zadzierzgngé ‘tie (a knot)’; Slnc. ziernéyc ‘rub, clean’
S SIn. dfgniti ‘rub, whet, scratch, isg. dfgnem
BSI. *dir?g-
B Lith. dirgti ‘become weak; 3pres. dirgsta, 3pret. dirgo
See > *dorgati. Lith. dirgti ‘become irritated, get wet, become bad (weather), be
retted, (J.); 3pres. dirgsta, 3pret. dirgo, belongs together with > *sodorga.
*dprpati v. ESSJa V 225
WwW Cz. drpati (Kott) ‘pick, scratch, crumble’; drpac’ (Sil.) ‘tear off?
S SCr. dfpati ‘tear’; SIn. dfpati ‘scratch’, isg. dfpam, 1sg. d?pliem; Bulg. ddrpam
‘pull, drag’
See > *drapati.
*dprvpna f. ja ‘field’
E Ru. derévnija ‘village, (dial.) field, wasteland, ploughed field’; ORu. derévnja
‘village, field’ (the meaning ‘field’ is attested in the Domostroj)
BSI. *dir(?)w-
B Lith. dirva f. 2/4 ‘(arable) land, field’; Latv. dirva’ f. ‘(arable) land, field’
PIE *dr(H )-u-
Cogn. Skt. darva- f. ‘panic grass’
The reconstruction of a zero grade implies that the sequence ere in the Russian forms
originates from the so-called vtoroe polnoglasie.
See also: *derti; *déra; *dira; *dira; *dprati; *udariti
*dprzati v. ‘dare ESSJa V 227
CS OCS drvzati, sg. drozajo
*dprzati 137
E Ru. derzdt’, isg. derzaju
WwW OCz. drzati
BS
B
1. *dirs-
Lith. drjsti
PIE *dhrs-
Cogn. Go. ga-daursan ‘venture’
The z of the Proto-Slavic form must be secondary.
See also: *dprzp; *dprzpkb
*dprznoti v. ESSJa V 227-228
CS OCS droznoti
E Ru. derznut’
Ww OCz. drznuti; Pl. darzngé
S SCr. drznuti; Sln. drzniti, sg. d-znem
See > *dorzati.
*dprzpb adj. o ‘daring, bold’ ESSJa V 228-229
CS OCS drvzo ‘daring, bold’
E Ru. dérzyj (dial.) ‘daring, bold, impudent, rude’
Ww Cz. drzy ‘daring, bold, impudent’; Slk. drzy ‘daring, bold, impudent’; Slnc.
jirzi ‘daring, bold’
S SIn. dfz ‘bold, impudent’
BSI. *dirs-
B Lith. drgsus 4 ‘courageous’ (AP 2 is attested in DaukSa’s writings); Latv.
druoss ‘courageous’; drioss ‘courageous’
OPr. dirsos (GrG) ‘good’; dyrsos (GrAF) ‘good, brave’
PIE *d'rs-u-
Cogn. Skt. dhysnu- (RV) ‘bold, courageous, strong’; Gk. Opaoic ‘bold’
The z of the Proto-Slavic form must be secondary.
See also: *dprznoti; *dprzpkp
*dprzbkp adj. 0 ‘bold’ ESSJa V 229
E Ru. dérzkij ‘impertinent, daring’
W OCz. drzky ‘unruly’; Slk. derski (dial.) ‘dexterous, agile’; Pl. dziarski ‘lively,
bold’; OPI. darzki ‘daring, bold’
S SCr. drzak ‘impertinent, daring’; Bulg. darzak ‘impertinent, daring’
See > *dorzo.
*dprZati v. (c) ‘hold’ ESSJa V 230
CS OCS drvzati ‘hold, possess’ {1}
138
tH
Nn
Cogn.
*dzélo
Ru. derzat’ ‘hold, keep’ 1sg. derZu, 38g. dérzit {2}
Cz. drzeti ‘hold, keep’; Slk. drzat' ‘hold, keep’; Pl. dzierze¢ ‘hold, possess’
SCr. drZati ‘hold, keep’ 1sg. drZim; Cak. drzati (Vrg.) ‘hold, keep’, 2sg. drZis;
drzati, drzat (Orb.) ‘hold, hold on, support, keep’ 1sg. drZin; SIn. drzati ‘hold,
keep, isg. drzim {3}; Bulg. ddrZd ‘hold, keep’
Av. draZaite ‘hold, lead’
The root may be an extension of *d'er-, cf. Skt. dhdrdyati ‘hold, unless we assume
that Gk. Spaooouat ‘seize, grab’ also belongs here.
{1} Spellings with » are predominant. In the SJS, the lemma is actually droZati. {2} AP (c) in
Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 139). {3} The form drzati (Pleter$nik I: 182) is a printing error.
*dzélo adv. ‘very’
CS OCS dzélo ‘very’; zélo ‘very’
E Ru. zelé (arch.) ‘very’
W OCz. zielo ‘very’
S SIn. zelé ‘very’
BSI. *goil-
B Lith. gailus 4 ‘sharp, lamentable’
PIE *ghoil-o-
Cogn. OHG geil ‘reckless, frolic, strong’
*E
*edinaks; *edpnak> adj. o ‘similar, identical’ ESSJa VI 9-10
CS OCS jedinako (Ril.) adv. ‘at the same time’; jedonako (Supr.) adv. ‘at the same
time’
E Ru. odindkij (obs.) ‘identical’ (cf. odinokij ‘solitary’); odndko adv. ‘however’
Ww Cz. jedinaky ‘only’; jednaky ‘identical’; Slk. jednaky ‘identical’; Pl. jedynak
‘only’; OPI. jedzinak ‘only’
S SCr. jedindk ‘identical, similar’; jédnak ‘id?; endk ‘identical, similar’; Sln.
ednak ‘of the same kind, identical’; endk ‘identical’; Bulg. edindk ‘solitary
man or wolf’
A derivation in *-ake of the numeral ‘one’ (> *edins).
*edin; *edbnb num. o ‘one ESSJa VI 11-13
CS OCS jedino; jedone (the form with is less common than jedino)
E Ru. odin, Gsg. odnogé, f. odnd
W Cz. jeden; Pl. jeden; jedyny ‘only’; OPI. jedziny ‘only’; Slnc. jadén
*ed(b)va; *ledva 139
S SCr. jédan, f. jédna; Cak. jedan (Vrg.), f. jedna, n. jednd; jedan (Orb.) ‘one,
some, a certain, a, f. jend, n. jend; Sln. edin ‘only, lonesome’; jedin ‘only,
lonesome’; édan; jédan; én; Bulg. edin
PIE *h,ed'-(H )iH-no-
In view of Ru. odin, Gsg. odnogé, etc., the form *edenv must be due to analogy. The
vowel of the second syllable behaves similarly to a so-called “tense jer”: in strong
postion we find i (sometimes e), in weak position the vowel is lost. This behaviour
might be linked to the j of > *jonv. Though the j, which before words beginning with
a front vowel had arisen as an automatic Hiatustilger, is absent in *edina/*edonz, it is
conceivable that it conformed to the pattern of *jonv. The problem with this hypo-
thesis is that forms with *jn- < *jon appear to be lacking. Andersen’s reconstruction
*edeino- alongside *edino- (1996: 116) is, in my opinion, an unsatisfactory
explanation for the alternation mentioned above. The origin of the element *ed- <
*(hi)ed*- is unclear. Pokorny’s reconstruction *ed- is in conflict with Winter’s law.
See also: *jpn; *edinaks; *edpbnaks; edbva
*édlp; *edla f. i; f. 4 (c) ‘spruce, fir’ ESSJa VI 14-15
E Ru. el’ f.(i) ‘spruce, fir, Gsg. éli {1}
WwW Cz. jedle f.(ja) ‘fir’; OCz. jedl f.(i) “spruce, fir’; Slk. jedla f.(ja) ‘fir’; Pl. jodta
f.(a) ‘fir’; Pl. jedla f.(a) ‘fir’ {2}; OPI. jedl f.(i) ‘spruce, fir’; jedla f.(a)
S SCr. jéla f.(a) ‘fir’; jéla f.(a) ‘fir’; Cak. jéla (Vrg.) f.(a) ‘tree-trunk’; SIn. jél f.(3)
‘spruce, fir, Gsg. jeli; jéla f.(4) ‘spruce, fir’; Bulg. jeld f.(a) ‘fir’
BSI. *edli-
B Lith. églé f.(€) 2 ‘spruce, fir’; Latv. egle f.(€) ‘spruce, fir’
OPr. addle (EV) f. ‘spruce, fir’
PIE *hyed"-l-i
Cogn. Lat. ebulum n., ebulus f. ‘dwarf-elder, danewort (sambucus ebulus)’; Gaul.
odocos ‘dwarf-elder, danewort (sambucus ebulus)’; OHG attuh, attah ‘dwarf-
elder, danewort (sambucus ebulusy’
Connecting the name of the ‘spruce’ or ‘fir-tree’ with Lith. ddata ‘needle’ and adyti ‘to
darn; as advocated by Fraenkel (I: 117-118) and Pokorny, is semantically attractive but
does not make much sense in relation to Lat. ebulum (cf. Andersen 1996: 119).
{1} Alongside élka. A different reflex of the sequence “dl is attested in the dialect form égla.
*ed(b)va; *ledva adv./conj. ‘hardly, only just’ ESSJa VI 16
CS OCS jedova; (j)edva (Supr.)
E Ru. edva; odva (dial.); lédva; lédvé (dial.); ORu. odova; odva
W Cz. jedva; ledva (dial.); Slk. ledva; ledvo (dial.); Pl. ledwo; ledwie; OPI. jedwo;
jedwa; UStrb. lédma (dial.)
S SCr. jédva; Cak. jedva (Vrg.); Sln. jédva; jédvaj; odvaj; odvo; Bulg. edvd(m) ;
odva(j) (dial.)
140 *elenb; *elenb
BSI. *edvaHs
B Lith. vés ‘hardly’ {1}
PIE *h,ed*-uehp-s
{1} Lith. adva (a.o. Bretke, Sirvydas) is considered a borrowing from Belorussian. I have not
been able to find a form with o- in the latter language but we do have ORu., Ru. (dial.) odvd.
The dialect form advés is probably a blend of vés and a Slavic adverb *odva.
See also: *edinb
*elenn; *elend m. jo; m. 0 ‘deer’ ESSJa VI 20
CS OCS jelenv (Ps. Sin., Supr.) ‘deer’
E Ru. olén’ ‘deer, stag-beetle’; elén’ (dial.) ‘deer, stag-beetle’; Ukr. dlen’ ‘deer’;
jélen’ (dial.) ‘deer’
WwW Cz. jelen ‘deer, stag-beetle’; Slk. jelen “deer, stag-beetle’; Pl. jeleni ‘deer’
S SCr. jélen ‘deer, stag-beetle’; Cak. jélen ‘deer, stag-beetle’; Sln. jélen ‘deer, stag-
beetle; Gsg. jeléna; Bulg. jelén ‘deer’
BSI. *elenios
B Lith. elenis (Bretk.) m.(io) ‘deer’
PIE *hjel-hyen-i
Cogn. Gk. évedoc (Hsch.) m. ‘young of the deer, fawn’ (if a metathesized form of
éevoc < *h,elhieno-)
The reconstruction of a medial laryngeal is based on > *oini.
See also: *olsb
*elpks; *jplbk adj. o ‘bitter, rancid’ ESSJa VI 22
E Ru. élkij ‘bitter, rancid’ (cf. also él(o)¢’ (Psk.) f.(i) ‘bile’); Bel. élkij ‘bitter,
rancid’; Ukr. ylkyj ‘rancid’
WwW PL. jetkij (E. dial.) ‘rancid’; itkij (E. dial.) ‘rancid’
S Sln. jérak ‘sharp, astingent’; Zérak ‘sharp, astingent’
B Lith. alts m.(u) ‘beer’; Latv. alus m.(u) ‘beer’
OPr. alu ‘mead’ {2}
PIE *hzel-uko-
Cogn. Gk. ddvdowov n. ‘sharp, pungent’; Lat. alimen n. ‘alum’; Olc. 9! n. ‘beer, ale’;
OE ealu(p) n. ‘beer, ale’
The sometimes advocated connection with dAvdoipov (Hes.) ‘sharp, pungent’ and
Lat. alimen ‘alum’ must be qualified as dubious. The Baltic words are probably
borrowings from Germanic.
*elbcb m. jo ‘dace’ ESSJa VI 22-23
E Ru. eléc ‘dace’, Gsg. el’cd; Ukr. jaléc’ ‘bleak’
Ww Cz. jelec ‘dace, chub’; Slk. jalec ‘dace, chub’; Pl. jelec ‘dace’; Kash. jel ‘a fish’;
LSrb. jalc ‘dace’
*emesb; *emezb 141
S SCr. jalac ‘dace’; jal (dial.) ‘ide’
As the ESSJa observes (VI: 305), the semantics of Pokorny’s root *el- are capacious
and complex. In my opinion, there is little evidence for a root *el- ‘light-coloured’ It
is tempting to seek a connection between *elocv and OHG alunt ‘ide. Pokorny
identifies what is presumedly the root of the latter word with the first element of
*alb*o- ‘white’ and links it to *el-. Since the fish-names under discussion refer to
shining, whitish species, this is semantically unproblematic. Nevertheless, it seems
quite possible that the root *al/el (Slavic *el as a result of Rozwadowski’s change?)
originates from a substratum language.
*emexb m. 0 ‘ploughshare’ ESSJa -
E Ru. 6mex (dial.) ‘ploughshare’
See > *emesb, *emezZv.
*emela; *emelo; *jpmela; *jpmelo f. 4; n. 0 ‘mistletoe’ ESSJa VI 26-27
E Ru. omeéla f. ‘mistletoe’; ORu. omela f. ‘lure (for birds)’; imela f. ‘lure (for
birds)’
WwW Cz. jmeli n.(io); meli (dial.) n.(io); omela (dial.) f.; omelo (dial.) n.; OCz.
jmelé n.(io); Slk. jemelo (dial.), hemelo (dial.) n.; imelo, jmelo (dial.) n.; Pl.
jemiota f. jamiota (dial.) f£; imiota dial.) f£; OPI. jemiola f.; jemiot m.(o);
jemioto n.; USrb. jemjel m.(o); LSrb. jemjot, hemjot m.(o)
S SCr. imela f.; méla f.; omela (dial.) f.; Sln. oméla f.; iméla f.; méla f.; meljé n.
BSI. *emel-
B Lith. dmalas m., malas m. 3° ‘mistletoe’; Latv. amuols m.; gmuols (BW) m.;
amuls m.; dmals m.; dmuls m. ‘mistletoe, clover’ (the forms with d- may
show the influence of abu6ls ‘apple, clover’)
OPr. emelno (EV) ‘mistletoe’
This plant name is probably a borrowing from a non-Indo-European substratum
language. The Slavic forms with *jom- may be due to popular etymology (the
mistletoe’s sap is used to produce bird-lime), cf. OCS imati ‘to take. An etymological
connection with PIE *h,m- ‘to take’ is doubtful, as is the connection with *h3eHm-
raw.
*emesp; *emeZb m. jo ‘ploughshare, plough’ ESSJa -
E Ru. omés‘ploughshare’; oméz ‘ploughshare’; 6mez ‘ploughshare’
W Pl. jemiesz (dial.) ‘ploughshare’
Ss SCr. jémes (dial.) ‘plough’; jémljes (dial.) ‘plough’; Bulg. émes ‘ploughshare’;
émez ‘ploughshare’; eméz ‘ploughshare’; imez ‘ploughshare’; Mcd. émes
(dial.) ‘plough’
In order to explain the variation between initial - and initial j-/o- Popowska-
Taborska (1984) has proposed a change /- > j-. This seems unlikely.
See also: *emex; *lemex; *leme’p; *lemezZp; *lams; *lomiti
142 *erebica
*erebica f. ja ‘partridge’ ESSJa 1 73
W Slk. jarabica ‘partridge’
S SCr. jerébica (dial.) ‘partridge’; jarébica (dial.) ‘partridge’; Cak. jarebica
(Vrg.) ‘partridge’; orebica (Novi) ‘partridge’; Sln. jerebica ‘partridge, (snezna
j. or j. bjelica) ptarmigan, (rdeca j. or gozdna j.) hazel-grouse’; jarebica
‘partridge’; Bulg. érebica ‘partridge’; érembica ‘partridge’; jdrebica ‘partridge’
BSI. *erimeb-; *erum?b-
B Lith. jerubé f.(é) 3° ‘hazel-grouse’; jerumbé (dial.) f.(€) 3° ‘hazel-grouse’; Latv.
ierube (BW) f.(é) ‘partridge’
PIE *ermb-o-
See > *erebo.
Cogn. Ole. jarpi m.‘hazel-grouse’ jarpr adj. ‘brown’
*erebina f. 4 ‘rowan-tree’ ESSJa I 73
E Bel. jarabina (dial.) ‘rowan-tree’
WwW Cz. jatabina (dial.) ‘rowan-tree’; Slk. jerabina ‘rowan-tree’; Pl. jarzebina
‘rowan-tree’; jerzebina (dial.) ‘rowan-tree’; orzebina (dial.) ‘rowan-tree’;
UStrb. jerjabina (dial.) ‘rowan-tree’
S SIn. jerebina ‘rowan-berry’ (cf. jerebika, rebika ‘rowan-tree’ )
BSI. *erimb-
B Lith. jerubé, jerumbé (dial.) f.(@) 3 ‘hazel-grouse’; Latv. ierube (BW) f.(2)
‘partridge’
PIE *ermb-o-
See > *erebo.
*erebp; *erebs; *erebnkb ESSJa I 73-76
CS RuCS jarebo m. ‘partridge’
E ORu. erjabo, orjabv m. ‘partridge’
WwW Cz. jerab ‘rowan-tree, crane, (arch.) ‘partridge’; je’dbek “‘hazel-grouse’; Slk.
jerab ‘rowan-tree’; Pl. jarzgb (arch., dial.) ‘rowan-tree (dial.), hazel-grouse
(OPL)’; jarzgbek, jerzgbek (dial.) ‘hazel-grouse’; USrb. jerjab ‘hazel-grouse’
S SCr. jdaréb (dial.) ‘partridge’; Cak. dreb (Vrg.) ‘partridge’; Sln. jeréb
‘partridge’; jaréb ‘partridge’
BSI. *erimb-
B Lith. jerubé, jerumbé (dial.) f.(é) 3° ‘hazel-grouse’; Latv. ierube (BW) f.(é)
‘partridge’
PIE *ermb-o-
Cogn. Ole. jarpi m. ‘hazel-grouse’; Olc. jarpr adj. ‘brown’
Rather than reconstructing *(j)arebo, etc. (ESSJa I: 73), I assume that *ja- arose
secondarily from *je- (cf. Andersen 1996: 136 ff.). We seem to be dealing with a root
*ertb 143
*(e)r(m)b- (with a variant *(e)ru(m)b-) of undoubtedly non-Indo-European origin
(Derksen 2000).
See also: *erebica; *erebina; *jprbica; *jprbina; *jprbika; *rebika; *rebina; *rebs; *rebs; *rebpkb
*erxbkb m. 0 ESSJa -
S SIn. résak ‘sow thistle (sanchus asper)’
BSI. *ertks-
B Lith. erSkétis m.(jo) 2 ‘thorn-bush’ {1}, ér(k)skis, érkSis m.(jo) ‘thorn-bush;;
Latv. ér(k)skis m.(jo) ‘thorn-bush’; érksis m.(jo) ‘thorn-bush’
PIE *HerH(k)s-
The § of Sln. résak may have originated in a form *ers-vcv < *erx-iko- (cf. Andersen
1996: 140). Bezlaj (1977: 17) has proposed to link the Slovene word to SCr. rékes
‘eryngo’ (Dubrovnik), with metathesis. The etymological connection with Skt.
anrksard- ‘thornless (path)’ - if reliable - is attractive, but the fact that Baltic forms
require a laryngeal is problematic.
{1} There are many variants, e.g. erskétis, érsketis, ersketjs 3°*/3° (cf. Derksen 1996: 51, 149).
*ernb f.i ESSJa -
E ORu. renv ‘hatred, malice, spite’
BSI. *er-n-i-
B Lith. e7nis m.(io) 2 ‘wolverine’
Young (2001: 163-164) links Lith. e7nis ‘wolverine’ to ORu. reno ‘hatred, malice, spite’
and derives these words from Pokorny’s root *er- ‘sich in Bewegung setzen, erregen
(auch seelisch argern, reizen’ (IEW 326-327). LIV distinguishes between *h,er- ‘wohin
gelangen, geraten’ (238, 303) and *h3er- (299) ‘sich in (Fort-)bewegung setzen; cf.
Kiimmel 2000. Formally *erty may only belong to the former root, which is
semantically less attractive, but it should be noted that the distinction between the
roots is not always clear.
See also: *ertp; *ortb
*ertp f. i ‘strife’ ESSJa -
CS OCS reto (Zogr.’, Supr.) ‘strife, contest’
E ORu. reto ‘diligence, strife, contest’
PIE *hyer-ti-
If the anlaut of OCS retv does indeed originate from *er- (cf. > *ernv), we would
expect réto in view of the regular development of *oRC- in South Slavic, cf. rato ‘war,
battle’ (— *ortv). Nevertheless, the etymology advocated here seems the best option
(cf. Toporov 1981: 154).
See also: *ernn; *ortb
144 *ese
*ese interj. ESSJa VI 8
CS OCS ese ‘behold!’; jese ‘behold!’
E Ru. vosé (dial.), vdse (dial.), vos’ (dial.) ‘look!’; ORu. ese, ose ‘look!’; Ukr. osé
‘look!’; esé (dial.) ‘here!’
S Sn. esej m. ‘that one’ f. esa, n. eso; Bulg. esé ‘there!’
PIE *hye-se
This interjection is based on the PIE particle *(h,)e, cf. Gk. éxeivoc.
See also: *eto
*ésenb f. i (c) ‘autumn’ ESSJa VI 28-29
CS CS esenv (Const.) Asg.
E Ru. dsen’?; ésen’ (Rjaz.); Ukr. dsin’
W Slk. jesen; Pl. jesien
S SCr. jésén; Cak. jésén (Vrg.); jésén (Novi)’; jésen (Orb,); SIn. jesén; Bulg. jésen
BSI. *es-eni-
B OPr. assanis
Cogn. Gk. onwpa, ondpa (Lak.) f. ‘late summer, early autumn’; Go. asans f. ‘harvest
time, summer’; OHG ar(a)n m. ‘harvest’; Fi. kesé m. ‘summer’ (see
Koivulehto 1991: 36-38)
If the root is indeed PIE *hy,es ‘to be, which would lead to a reconstruction *h,os-en-,
the e- of the Slavic forms as opposed to the *o- elsewhere (Old Prussian being
inconclusive) may be an instance of ablaut or a result of “Rozwadowski’s change”.
The Greek forms may reflect *ooapa, which would point to an r/n-stem.
*esera f. a ‘fishbone, awn’ ESSJa VI 29-30
Ww Pl. jesiory (OPL, dial.) Npl. ‘fishbone’; osiory (NE. dial.) Npl. ‘awn, beard (on
ears of grain), hulls’; Slnc. jiezora ‘fishbone’; Plb. jeserdi ‘awn, beard (on ears
of grain)’
BSI. *es-er-a?
B Lith. eserys m.(io) 3° ‘perch (perca fluvialis), fin’; aserjs (dial.) m.(io) 3°
‘perch (perca fluvialis), fin’; Latv. asaris m.(io) ‘perch (perca fluvialis)’; aseris
m.(io) ‘perch (perca fluvialisy
PIE *haek-er-
It seems obvious that this Balto-Slavic etymon is cognate with Germanic *ah-s-/*ah-
iz- ‘ear’, cf. Go. ahs n., Olc. ax n., OHG ahir, ehir n., and with such forms as OHG ahil
‘Ahrenspitze, MoE (arch.) ail ‘beard on wheat and barley’ (Kluge-Seebold 1999: 21,
Falk-Torp: 1326). A nice parallel for the meaning ‘perch’ is Olc. ggr ‘bass’ < *agura- <
*hnek-. Since the root is probably *hzek- ‘sharp’ the forms with *e- must be considered
instances of Rozwadowski’s change. Note that we find a- in the Latvian forms but
also in Lith. asaka ‘fishbone’ and as(f)rus ‘sharp’
*esétrb; *esétra 145
See also: *ostrb; *eseth; *esetbka; *esetrb; *esetra
*esetb f. i ‘rack for drying grain’ ESSJa -
E Ru. osét’ ‘granary, rack for drying grain’; Bel. (v)dse¢ (W.), asé¢ (W.) ‘granary,
drying shed’; osétka (dial.) ‘granary, asétka (dial.) ‘spot in granary for drying
sheafs’; Ukr. dsit’ (dial.) ‘granary’
WwW Pl. jesieé (dial.) ‘grain sieve’; osie¢ (E. dial.) ‘granary’; jesidtka (dial.) ‘grain
sieve’; osidtka (W dial.) ‘granary’
BSI. *es-et-i-
B Lith. akécios Npl. f.(ja) 1 ‘harrow’; ekécios (dial.) Npl. f.(ja) 1 ‘harrow’ {1};
Latv. ecé(k)Sas Npl. f.(ja) ‘harrow
OPr. aketes ‘harrow
PIE —*hok-et-i-
Cogn. Gk. d&iva (Hes.) f. ‘an agricultural implement with iron teeth, drawn by
oxen’; Lat. occa f. ‘harrow; OHG egida f. ‘harrow; OE eg(e)pe f. ‘harrow’;
OW ocet f. ‘harrow’; Fi. dés ‘harrow’
This is another case where we find Balto-Slavic evidence for *e- corresponding to *a-
or *o- in other branches of Indo-European (Rozwadowski’s change). Toporov (PJ I:
67) regards the k of the Baltic forms as evidence for a western technological
borrowing. Since the Baltic and Germanic forms mean exactly the same, while the
Slavic forms are semantically more remote, this is a serious option.
{1} The Standard Lithuanian form with a- may stem from the territory where the development
e- > a- occurred. In any case, the attestations of the form with e- (see the LKZ, s.v.) indicate
that there are Lithuanian forms completely matching Latv. ecésas.
See also: *ostrb; *esera; *esetrb; *esetra
*esétr; *esétra m. 0; f. a ‘sturgeon’ ESSJa VI 30-31
E Ru. osétr m., Gsg. osetrd; osetér (dial.) m.; ORu. jesetro m.; osetro m.
WwW Cz. jeseter m.; Slk. jeseter m.; Pl. jesiotr m.; OPI. jesiotr m.; jasiotr m.; USrb.
jesetr (arch.) m.; jasotr (arch.) m.; LSrb. jesotr m.
S SCr. jésetra f.; SIn. jesétar m.; Bulg. esétra f.
BSI. *esetros
B Lith. erskétas; erskétras (dial.) 1 {1}
OPr. esketres
It seems highly plausible that *esétra is cognate with > *esera ‘awn, fishbone; Lith.
eserys ‘perch’ and that both etyma belong to PIE *hek- ‘sharp’, cf. Lat. acipenser
‘sturgeon’ < *h,eku-. The Baltic forms are not without problems, however. Forms like
erskétas and erskétras were probably influenced by erskétis ‘thorn’ (thus Biga RR I:
328), though it must be admitted that a development erskétas < eskétras is plausible
in itself (cf. Toporov II: 89). It is clear, however, that the original form contained a k,
cf. OPr. esketres, which is absent in Lith. eserjs ‘perch’. This may be the familiar
146 *esmb
intrusive velar which in Baltic frequently arose before s or z. In that case we would
have to start from a Baltic protoform *eksetras.
{1} OLith. esketras ‘whale’ (Bretkinas) is probably a Prussianism.
See also: *ostr; *eseth; *esetpka
*esmb sg. ‘am’ ESSJa VI 32
CS OCS jesmo
E ORu. esmpb
Ww Cz. jsem; OPI. jesm
S SCr. jésam; sam.; Sln. sam
BSI. *esmi
B Lith. esmi (OLith.)
OPr. asmai
PIE *hyes-mi
Cogn. Skt. dsmi; Gk. eiui
See also: *byti; *estb
*estb 389. ‘is’ ESSJa VI 32
CS OCS jest
E Ru. est’
Ww Cz. jest; je; Pl. jest
S SCr. jést; je; Sln. jé; Bulg. e
BSI. *esti
B Lith. ésti
OPr. ast; est
PIE *hies-ti
Cogn. Skt. dsti; Gk. got
See also: *byti; *esmb
*eSce adv. ‘still, yet’ ESSJa VI 32-33
CS OCS jeste
E Ru. escé; ose (dial.) {1}
Ww Cz. jesté; OCz. jesce; Slk. este; Pl. jeszcze; oszczo (dial.)
S SCr. jdst(e) ; jesée (dial.); Cak. joséé (Vrg.); jd (Orb.); Sln. $8; Ce; josce; jos;
esce; isce; Bulg. este; oste
PIE *hyesk™e(hy)
Cogn. Skt. dcha prep., preverb ‘to; Arm. c- prep. ‘to, till’ {2}
See Lubotsky 2001.
{1} In Russian dialects forms with e- occur alongside forms with o-. This variation is already
found in Old Russian. {2} Forms such as SCr. joste, Bulg. jéste (dial.) and SIn. isce (dial.) result
from the accretion of *i ‘and’ (cf. Meillet 1934: 124). The *o-variants in this word are attested in
*evbja; *evpna 147
a remarkably large area. The alternative etymologies contain a deictic element *ed*- or *et-
(see ESSJa s.v.).
*eterb prn. ESSjJa VIII 187
CS OCS eterv ‘some, someone’; RuCS (eters ‘some, someone’
Ww USrb. wot(e)ry ‘another’; LSrb. wétery, wotary, wotory ‘some’
PIE *io-tero-
Cogn. Skt. yatard- m. ‘which of the two’
It cannot be decided whether this pronoun continues PIE *io-tero- or *h,e-tero-, cf.
Skt. yatard- ‘which of the two’ vs. Av. atdra- ‘this one of the two. The Sorbian forms
may have been influenced by *vatoro ‘second.
See also: *jp
*eti; *ebati; *ébati v. (c) ‘copulate’ ESSJa VIII 188
E Ru. eti, isg. ebui, 38g. ebét; ebat’, sg. ebu, 38g. ebét; Ukr. jibaty
W Cz. jebati ‘copulate, curse, beat’; Slk. jebat’ ‘copulate’; Pl. jebad ‘copulate,
scold, beat’; SInc. jdbac ‘destroy, tear up, spoil’; USrb. jebad ‘deceive’; LSrb.
jebas ‘beat, push, deceive’
S SCr. jébati; Cak. jebdti (Vrg.); Sln. jébati, 1sg. jébam; Bulg. jebd
PIE *h3ieb'-e/o-
Cogn. Skt. yabhati; Gk. cig, oipéw
The variant with *é is unexpected. The ESSja, which only has *jébati as an entry,
suggests that *é has the same vocalism as Gk. ofgw, but I consider it more likely that
we are dealing with an iterative formation.
*eto ptcl. ESSJa VI 8
E Ru. éto ‘here (is), this is’
S SCr. éto ‘here (is)’; Bulg. éto ‘here (is)’
A combination of the particle *h,e and the neuter pronoun “to.
See also: *ese
*evinb m. 0 ‘granary, drying shed’ ESSJa VIII 187-188
E Ru. ovin ‘drying shed’; ORu. ovino ‘drying shed’; Bel. avin ‘drying shed’; Ukr.
ovin (dial.) ‘small granary’
Unlike > *evoja, this etymon is not generally considered a borrowing from Baltic.
See also: *evpna
*evbja; *evpna f. ia; f. ja ‘granary, drying shed’ ESSJa -
E Ru. évnja (W. dial.); évnja (Psk.); evnjd (dial.) ‘drying shed without a
z] a] iy ying
ceiling’; Bel. étinja; étinja; jatija (dial.) {1}; Ukr. jevja; jévnja
WwW Pl. jawia {2}; jewnia (arch.); jownia (arch.)
148 *ézero; *ézerb
BSI. *iouiaH
B Lith. jduja 1 ‘granary, drying shed, threshing shed’ {3}; Latv. jaija ‘threshing
floor’
OPr. jauge ‘drying shed, barn for braking flax’ {4}
PIE *ieu-iH-eh,
Cogn. MoHG jauge (dial.) ‘barn’
It is evident that *evoja is a borrowing from Baltic. The Baltic word is a derivative of
the word for ‘grain’ Lith. javai, which lacks a Slavic counterpart. The resyllabification
of *iay-id to *iau-id may account for the metatonical acute tone of both the
Lithuanian and the Latvian form, if we assume that the original form was *iay-id.
The East Slavic word ‘ovine apparently underwent the e- > o- shift (I do not share
Andersen's objections to the ESSJa’s Proto-Slavic reconstruction *evins, theoretical
though it is).
{1} The form without -n- has been recorded from 1540 onwards in many different shapes, e.g.
ev ja, jav ja, evga and javga. According to Anikin (2005: 143), only the form jatija is known in
the living language. The other forms are limited to areas that were inhabited by
Lithuanians.{2} Since 1554 many variants have been recorded, e.g. jawia, jawgia, jewia, jowia.
{3} There are many variants, viz. jdujé, jdujis, jdujas, jdujus. {4} The oldest source (1604) has
the spelling jawyge (Toporov PJ II: 21).
See also: *evinb
*ézero; *ézerb n. 0; m.0 (c) ‘lake’ ESSJa VI 33-34
CS OCS jezero n.; jezero (Zogr., Ass.) Asg. m.
E Ru. 6zero n.
Ww Cz. jezero n.; Slk. jazero n.; jezer (E. dial.); Pl. jezioro n.; USrb. jézer n.
S SCr. jézero n., Npl. jezéra; Cak. jézero (Vrg.) n., Npl. jezera; jézero (Novi) n.,
Npl. jézera; jézér m.; Sln. jézero n.; jézer m.; jezer f.(i); Bulg. ézero n.
BSI. *éZero
B Lith. éZeras 3; Latv. ezers; ezars
OPr. assaran n.
PIE *h,egh-(e)r-o-
Cogn. Arm. ezr‘edge, border, bank’
In view of “Rozwadowski’s change’, the reconstruction of the anlaut offers a number
of alternatives (*hze-, *hse-, *Ho-), but not if the etymon under discussion belongs to
*ézo ‘balk, weir, which in my opinion is the case. A cognate from outside Balto-Slavic
is Arm. ezr ‘bank, border, limit’ < *h,(e)g'- (> *ézo for the semantic aspects of the
etymology). Note that the short initial vowel of *jézero requires the reconstruction of
an aspirated velar anyhow (Winter’s law). The connection with the Greek
mythological river Axyépwv is dubious.
See also: *jézb ; *jéZb; *jéZa; *ezb
*eZb 149
*ezevica; *ezevika f. ja; f. a ESSJa VI 35
E Ru. eZevika ‘blackberry’
S SCr. jéZevica ‘meadow grass, quill, blackberry’; Sln. jeZevica ‘prickly husk’
BSI. *eZ-
See > *eZp.
*ezica; *ezika f. ja; f. a ESSJa VI 35-36
E Ru. oZika ‘rush’
WwW Cz. jezice ‘female hedgehog’
S SCr. jéZica “sea-hedgehog, she-hedgehog, husk’; jezika ‘Jew’s myrtle’; SIn.
jezica ‘prickly husk’
BSI. *eZ-
See > *eZp.
*ezina f. 4 ‘blackberry’ ESSJa VI 35
E Ru. oZina (S dial.) ‘blackberry’
WwW Slk. ozina (dial.) ‘blackberry’; Pl. jezyna ‘blackberry’; ozyna (dial.)
‘blackberry’; OPI. jezyny Npl. ‘strawberries’
S SCr. jézina (dial.) ‘edible marine molluse’
BSI. *eZ-
See > *eZp.
*eZp m. jo ‘hedgehog’ ESSJa VI 36
E Ru. éZ, Gsg. eZd; oz (dial.); ORu. eZ; oZo; Ukr. jiz (dial.); oz (dial.)
Ww Cz. jez (dial.); Slk. jez; Pl. jez; USrb. jéz
S SCr. jé2, Gsg. jéZa; jéz ‘hedgehog’, Gsg. jéZa; Cak. jéz (Vrg.) ‘sea-urchin, kind
of plant, Gsg. jéZa; ‘é5 (Orb.) ‘hedgehog, sea-urchin, Gsg. ‘éZa; Sln. jéz
‘hedgehog, jimsonweed (datura stramonium), prickly husk; Bulg. ez
‘hedgehog’
BSI. *eZios
B Lith. ezjs m.(io) 4 (variants are éZis 2, éZjs 4); Latv. ezis m.(io)
PIE *hieg'-io-
Cogn. Gk. éyivoc m. ‘hedgehog, sea-urchin’; OHG igil m.; OE ig(i)] m. ‘hedgehog’;
Arm. ozni m. ‘hedgehog’
In Greek, where éyivoc ‘hedgehog, sea-urchin’ looks like a derivative of &ytc ‘viper’,
there seems to be a connection between ‘hedgehog’ and ‘snake’. In Balto-Slavic, the
words for ‘hedgehog’ and ‘snake’ do not match formally (> $2»).
See also: *eZina; *eZica; *ezika; *eZevica; *ezevika
150 *édro
*E
*édro n. 0 ‘bosom’ ESSJa VI 43
CS OCS jadra Npl. ‘embrace, bosom’; CS jadro Npl. ‘depth, womb, bosom’
Ww Cz. nadro ‘breast, bosom’; nradra Npl. ‘breast, bosom’; OCz. nadra Npl.
‘breast, bosom’; iddra ‘breast, bosom’; Pl. jadro ‘net’
S SCr. jédro ‘sail; Npl. jédra; jédro (Vuk) ‘sail’ (according to the RJA, the
accentuation of jédro is wrong); Cak. idro ‘sail’, Npl. idra; jadro (Novi) ‘sail’;
SIn. jadro ‘sail, “bosom” of a net’; nédro ‘bosom’; nédrje n.(jo) ‘bosom, Npl.
nédrja ‘bosom’
The forms with n- originate from the syntagms *von édra and *von édréxo, cf. vo
nédréxe (Supr. 244, 26). The ESSJa identifies the root as *hzeid- ‘swell.
*&ds m. 0 (c) ‘poison’ ESSJa VI 45-47
CS OCS jad ‘poisor
E Ru. jad ‘poison’; Ukr. jid ‘poison’
Ww Cz. jed ‘poison, (dial.) malice’; Slk. jed ‘poison, (coll.) malice, anger’; Pl. jad
‘poison, something harmful or contagious, anger, malice’; USrb. jéd ‘poison
S SCr. ijed ‘gall, poison, anger’; jéd ‘gall, poison, anger’; jad ‘grief, sorrow’; Cak.
id (Vrg.) ‘gall, poison, anger’; jad (Vrg.) ‘grief, sorrow’; jat (Orb.) ‘anger; Gsg.
jada; S\n. jad ‘poison, anger’; Bulg. jad ‘poison, anger
PIE *h,ed-o-
Cogn. Olc. dt n. ‘food’; OHG. az n. ‘food’
I prefer this etymology to the one deriving *éde from *hzeid- ‘swell’. As to the
semantics, we may compare the euphemisms MoHG Gift ‘poison’ (from MoHG
geben) and MoFr. poison < *potion(em) (Vasmer s.v. jad).
See also: *édp; *ésti
*édp f. i (c) ‘food’ ESSJa VI 53-54
CS OCS jadb ‘food’; CS jad ‘food’
E Ru. jad’ (dial.) ‘food, dish’; ed’ (dial.) ‘meal, dinner-time’
Ww UStb. jédz ‘food’; LSrb. jez ‘food, meal, dish’
S SCr. jad (arch., lit.) ‘food’; Sln. jéd ‘food, meal’
BSI. *e?di(o)s
B Lith. édis m.(io) ‘food, fodder’
OPr. idis m. ‘food’
PIE *hyed-i-
See also: *éds; *ésti
*éro; *éra; *érb I 151
*éxati v. ‘go, ride’ ESSJa VHI 169-171
CS OCS jaxati ‘go, ride’, 1sg. jado, 1sg. jaxajo
E Ru. éxat’ ‘go, ride, drive’ isg. édu, 38g. édet
W Cz. jechati ‘run; Slk. jachat‘run, move, ride’; Pl. jechac ‘go, ride’
S SCr. jahati ‘ride’; Cak. jahati (Vrg.) ‘ride’; Sln. jahati ‘ride’, 18g. jaham, 18¢.
jasem; Bulg. jaxam ‘ride’
BSI. *jar-
The *-x-, which the ESSjJa calls an intensive suffix, is a Slavic innovation, cf. Lith. joti,
Latv. jdt ‘ride’ and > *éti. It is possible that it originates from the s-aorist.
See also: *éto; *ézda
*ére n. nt ESSJa VIII 172
CS RuCS jare ‘lamb’
E ORu. jare ‘lamb’
Ww Cz. jetatko n.(o) ‘one and a half year-old sheep’
S SCr. jdre ‘kid, young goat’, Gsg. jdreta; SIn. jaré ‘lamb; Gsg. jaréta; Bulg. jare
‘kid’
Derivative in *-e, which is frequent in designations of young animals. See > *éro,
*éra, *éro I, for the etymology of the root.
*érina f.a ESSJa VIII 173-174
CS CS jarina ‘wool’; RuCS jarina ‘wool’
E ORu. jarina ‘wool’; Ukr. jarynd ‘spring corn, spring sowings, spring field’;
jaryna (dial.) ‘vegetables’
WwW Cz. jarina ‘spring corn; Slk. jarina ‘spring corn Pl. jarzyna ‘vegetables,
spring corm
S SCr. jdrina amb’s wool’; jarina ‘spring crop’; Cak. jdrina (Vrg.) ‘lamb’s
(first) wool’; jarina (Orb.) ‘late crop (grapes, wheat etc.)’; Sln. jarina ‘spring
seed, summer fruit’; Bulg. jdrina ‘lamb’s wool’
Derivative in *-ina. See > *éro, *éra, *éro I, for the etymology of the root.
*éro; *éra; *érb I n. 0; f. 4; m.o ESSJa VIII 175-176
CS RuCS jara f. ‘spring’
E Ru. jar (dial.) m. ‘heat, fire’; ORu. jara f. ‘spring’; Ukr. jar m. ‘spring’
WwW Cz. jaro n. ‘spring’; Pl. jar (dial.) m. ‘spring, spring corn jaro (16th c.) n.
‘spring, spring corm’ {1}
S SCr. jara f. ‘great heat, mirage, spirit’; jar m. ‘spring’
BSI. *jerro-
B Lith. éras m. 3 ‘lamb’; jéras (dial.) m. 3 ‘lamb’; Latv. jérs m. ‘lamb’; jére f.(é)
‘one year old sheep, mother lamb’
OPr. eristian (EV) n. ‘lamb’
152 *érostb
PIE *Hieh,-r-
Cogn. Skt. parydrini- (Kath.+) f. ‘cow which has its first calf after a year’; Gk. dpa f.
‘time, season’; YAv. yar- n. ‘year’; Go. jer n. ‘year’; OHG jar n. ‘year’
There is a possibility that the root is identical with *Hieh,- ‘send.’
{1} According to Bankowski (2000a: 574), the form jaro was made up by W. Pola.
See also: *ére; *érina; *érpka; *érb II; *érp; *érpcb
*érostp f. i ‘fury’ ESSJa VIII 177
CS OCS jarosto ‘wrath’
E Ru. jdrost’ ‘fury, rage’
WwW Cz. jarost ‘abundance in strength, unruly conduct’
S SCr. jdrost ‘fury, anger’; Sn. jarést ‘fury, anger’; Bulg. jdrost ‘fury, anger’
Abstract noun in *-oste (> *ére IIT).
*érb I adj.o ESSJa VIII 175-176
E ORu. jaryj ‘spring-’ {1}; Ukr. jaryj ‘spring-, young’
WwW Cz. jary (dial.) ‘spring-’; OCz. jary ‘spring-’; Pl. jary (dial.) ‘spring-, of the
first shearing (wool)’
Ss SCr. jara f. ‘great heat, mirage, spirit’; jar m. ‘spring’; Sln. jar ‘spring-} f. jara
BSI. *jerro-
{1} Also jarovyi. Now only jarov6j, dial. jérovyj.
See also: *ére; *érina; *éro; *éra; ; *érb II *érpka; *érp; *érpcb
*érp II adj. 0 (©) ESSJa VIII 178-179
CS OCS jaro (Zogr., Mar. Ass.) ‘austere’
E Ru. jaryj ‘furious, violent, vehement’ {1}
WwW Cz. jary ‘young, fresh, wild’; Slk. jary ‘energetic, fresh, cheerful’; Pl. jary
(arch.) ‘clear, strong, hot’
Ss SCr. jar (RJA) ‘heated, steep, cruel’; SIn. jar ‘furious, savage’
The connection with Gk. Cwpdc ‘pure, sheer (of wine)’ is, of course, merely a
possibility. Note that a reconstructed form *ioH-ro- or *ieh3-ro- would be affected by
Hirt’s law, which seems to be in conflict with the attested accentuation.
{1} AP (c) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 138).
See also: *érostb
*érpka fa ESSJa VIII 179-180
Ww Cz. jarka ‘spring wheat, sheep born in spring’; jarka (dial.) ‘spring rye, ewe
that had young in spring’; Slk. jarka ‘one year old sheep’; Pl. jarka ‘increase
or harvest of this or last year’s spring, barren sheep’
*asnb 153
Ss SCr. jarka ‘spring corn, hen that has laid eggs for the first time’; jarka ‘spring
maize’; Cak. jarka (Orb, ‘species of grain’; SIn. jarka ‘summer fruit (e.g. of
spring rye or wheat), young hen’; Bulg. jarka ‘young chicken’
Derivative in *-oka. See > *éro, *éra, *éro.
*érp fi ESSJa VIII 180-181
E Ru. jar’ (dial.) ‘spring, spring field, spring wheat’; ORu. jar’ ‘spring corn’;;
Uk. jar ‘spring, spring corn’
Ww Cz. jar ‘spring corn jar (dial.) ‘spring’; Slk. jar ‘spring’; Pl. jarz (asth-17th c.)
‘spring, spring corm
S SCr. jar f.(i) ‘spring barley (Hordeum distichum); jar m.(o) ‘spring barley
(Hordeum distichum)’; Sin. jar f.(i) ‘spring corn, Gsg. jari {1}
See > *€ro, *éra, *€ro.
{1} Pleter8nik actually has ‘Sommergetreide, which means ‘corn that is sown in spring and
harvested in summer’ I assume that jdr may be identified with jaro Zito ‘corn sown in spring,
cf. jdrica ‘id’.
*ێrbcb m. jo ESSJa VIII 180-181
E Ru. jaréc (dial.) ‘one year old beaver’, Gsg. jarcd; Ukr. jaréc’ (dial.) ‘barley’
WwW Slk. jarec ‘barley’; Pl. jarzec (dial.) ‘spring barley’
S SCr. jarac ‘he-goat’, Gsg. jarca; Cak. jdrac (Vrg.) ‘he-goat’, Gsg. jarca; SIn.
jarac ‘kid born in spring, (uncastrated) ram, spring wheat’; Bulg. jdrec ‘kid’
Derivative in *-ocv. See > *éro, *éra, *éro.
*ésnb adj. o (a) ‘clear’ ESSJa VI 51-52
CS OCS jasno (Supr.)
E Ru. jdsny
W Cz. jasny; Slk. jasny; Pl. jasny
S SCr. jasan; Sln. jdsan; Bulg. jdsen
BSI. *aitsk-(n)-
B Lith. diskus
The root of this adjective can be identified with *h,eid"- ‘kindle’ if we assume that the
acute originates from the suffix *-Hsk- << *-sk-, cf. Olc. eiskra ‘rage with heated
excitement. Here the laryngeal of the suffix must have arisen through reanalysis of
sta-presents containing a root ending in *-RH (Derksen 1996: 291-294, 337). This
development can easily be pointed out in East Baltic, where it spread to roots of
other structures, but is not so clear if it can be traced back to Proto-Balto-Slavic. My
explanation of the acute in the etymon under discussion implies that it can.
See also: *jéskra; *jpstb
154 *€sti
*ésti v. ‘eat’ ESSJa VI 53-54
CS OCS jasti, 1sg. jamb, 38g. jasto
E Ru. est’, sg. em, 38g. est
WwW Cz. jisti; Slk. jest Pl. jesé; Slnc. jiesc
S SCr. jésti, sg. jédem; Cak. isti or isti (Vrg.), 38g. idé; jes (Orb.), 38g. (j)é Sln.
jeésti, sg. jém; Bulg. jam
BSI. *ePsti
B Lith. ésti; Latv. ést
OPr. ist; istwei
PIE *h,ed-mi, etc.
Cogn. — Skt. atti; Hitt. ed-*'/ad-; Gk. é5uevau; Lat. edd; Go. itan
See also: *édb; *édp
*éti v. ‘go, ride’ ESSJa VIII 183
W Cz. jeti ‘ride, drive’ 1sg. jedu; OPI. jat 38g. pret. ‘rode’; USrb. jéc ‘ride’; LSrb.
jes ride’
BSI. *jar-
B Lith. joti ‘ride’; Latv. jat ‘ride’
PIE *ieh2-
Cogn. Skt. yati ‘drive, travel’
See also: *éxati; *éto; *ézda
*&to n. o (a) ‘herd, flock’ ESSJa VIII 182-183
CS CS jato n. ‘flock’
E Ru. jat (dial.) m. ‘shoal of fish’
Ww Pl. jato (obs.) n. ‘herd, flock’
S SCr. jdto n. ‘flock (of birds), swarm, herd’; Cak. jdto (Vrg.) n. ‘flock (of
birds), swarm, herd’; Sln. jato n. ‘herd, flock’; jata f. ‘herd, flock’; Bulg. jato n.
‘flock (of birds)’
PIE *ieha-tom
Cogn. Skt. ydtd- n. ‘progress, course’
The fixed root stress of this etymon must be due to Hirt’s law.
See also: *éxati; *éti; *ézda
*ézda f. a ‘ride’ ESSJa VIII 184-185
CS CS jazda ‘ride’
E Ru. ezdd ‘ride, drive’
WwW Cz. jizda ‘ride, cavalry’; Slk. jazda ‘ride, cavalry’; Pl. jazda ‘ride, cavalry’
S SCr. jezda ‘what one rides in/on, ride’; Sln. jézda ‘riding’; Bulg. jazda ‘riding,
ride’; jezda ‘riding, ride’
*ézdip; *ézdzikn; *ézgarp; *ézgarp; *éskarb 155
Formation not entirely clear. The sequence *-zd- may have originated from *-dd- if
we assume that a suffix *-da was added to the present stem *éd- of *éxati.
See also: *éti; *éto; *éxati
*ézb; *éZb; *éZa; *ezb mM. 0; m. jo; f. ja; m. 0 ‘weir’ ESSJa VI 59
CS RuCS ézo m., (j)ezo m. ‘fish weir’
E Ru. iZ (dial.) m.(jo) ‘fishing tackle made of willow-twigs or a net’; éz m. ‘fish
weir’; ORu. ézo m. ‘fish weir’; (j)ezo m. ‘fish weir’; Bel. jaz m. ‘fishing tackle;
ez (dial.) m. ‘fish weir’; Ukr. jiz m. ‘fish weir’; jaz m. ‘fish weir’
Ww Cz. jez m. ‘mill-pond, dam, weir, dike’; Pl. jaz m. ‘mill-pond, fish weir’
S SCr. jaz m. “drain (at a dam or weir), mill-pond, dike’; jéz m. ‘mill-pond,
dam, weir’; jaz (dial.) m.(jo) ‘canal’; jaZa (dial.) f.(ja) ‘brook streaming from
a spring’; SIn. jéz m. ‘dike, dam, weir, Gsg. jéza, Gsg. jezi; jéZa f.(ja) ‘dike,
dam, weir, mill-pond’; Bulg. jaz m. ‘dam, weir, dike’
BSL. *éZ-; *ezZ-o-
B Lith. eZia f.(ja) 2 ‘boundary(-strip), balk’; Latv. eZa f.(ja) ‘boundary(-strip),
balk
OPr. asy (EV) ‘boundary(-strip), balk’
Cogn. Arm. ezr ‘bank, border, limit’
Meanings such as ‘mill-pond? ‘drain, canal’ and ‘brook’ form a semantic link between
*éz-/ez- ‘dam, weir’ and > *ézero ‘lake’, cf. MoE dike ‘thick bank or wall built to
control water’ vs. MoHG Teich ‘pond’. The original meaning in Balto-Slavic is best
covered by the word balk, meaning both ‘boundary-strip, dividing ridge’, ‘wooden
beam’ and (dial.) ‘fishing-weir. Arm. ezr (> *ézero), which basically means ‘edge’,
agrees semantically very well with the Balto-Slavic etymon under discussion. We
must reconstruct *h,é¢'-o/d-, with an obscure lengthened grade, alongside *h,eg"-
0/a-.
*ézva f. a (a) ‘wound’ ESSJa VI 56-57
CS OCS jazva ‘wound, injury, scar’
E Ru. jazva ‘ulcer, sore, (dial.) damage, injury’
Ww Cz. jizva ‘scar, scratch’; OCz. jiezva ‘scar, scratch’; Slk. jazva ‘scar, scratch’
S Bulg. jazva ‘ulcer’
BSI. *oiréwar
B Lith. diZa 1 ‘crack’; Latv. aiza ‘crack’
OPr. eyswo ‘wound’
There seem to be no reliable cognates outside Balto-Slavic.
*éidZp; *ézdzikn; *ézgarp; *ézgarp; *éskarb m. jo; m. o ‘ruff’ ESSJa VI 60
E Bel. jadzgdr; Ukr. jazgar (dial.) {1}
156 *ecati
W Cz. jeédik; Pl. jazdz (arch., N. dial.) m.(jo); jaszcz (arch., N. dial.) m.(jo) {2};
jazgar (dial.); jazgier (dial.); jazgarz m.(jo); jazgierz (arch.) m.(jo); OPI.
jezdzyk; Kash. iwZ3; iwsé m.(jo)
BSI. *egt-io-; *éég-io-
B Lith. eZgjs m.(io) 4; egzlps (arch.) m.(io) 4; ezZegjs (Pruss.) m.(io) 3° {3}
OPr. assegis (EV) ‘perch’
It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with > *eZv ‘hedgehog’
(thus Baga RR II: 217). Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf.
MoHG Barsch ‘perch, Borste ‘bristle’, Lith. eSerjs ‘perch, which presumably derives
from *hzek- ‘sharp’). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar.
In that case, archaic Lith. egéljs would have preserved the original constellation. The
Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their
distribution is not unlikely.
{1} Other dialect forms are jaskar and jazgar. {2} In this case the term “northern dialects”
probably refers to Kashubian. {3} The Standard Lithuanian word is pigZzljs.
*E
*eati v. ‘wail, moar’ ESSJa VI 61-62
CS RuCS jacati ‘cry out, wail, moar’
E Ru. jaca?’ (dial.) ‘wail, moan’; ORu. jacati ‘cry out, wail, moan’
Ww Cz. jeceti ‘shriek’; OCz. jécéti ‘scream, moan’; Slk. jacat ‘weep loudly, moan’;
Pl. jecze¢ ‘moan’
S SCr. jécati ‘resound, moan’; SIn. jécati ‘whine, moan, jecim; Bulg. ecd ‘sound,
buzz’
BSI. *ink-
B Lith. inkstéeti (dial.) ‘stammer’ (cf. also ifiksti ‘whine, whimper’)
Cogn. Lat. uncdre ‘make the sound of a bear’; MLG anken ‘moan, sigh; MoDu.
janken ‘howl, cry
See also: *ekati, *ecati
*ecpmy m. n ‘barley’ ESSJa VI 63-64
E Ru. jacmén’ m.(jo) ‘barley, sty (in the eye), Gsg. jacmenjd; ORu. jacomy
‘barley’; jacomenb m.(jo) ‘barley’
WwW Cz. jeémen m.(0) ‘barley’; Slk. jacmen m.(jo) ‘barley, sty (in the eye)’; Pl.
jeczmien m.(jo) ‘barley’
S SCr. jécmén m.(0) ‘barley, sty (in the eye)’; jac¢men m.(o) ‘sty (in the eye)’;
Cak. jacmer (Vrg.) m.(o) ‘sty (in the eye)’; jaémik (Orb.) m.(o) ‘sty (in the
eye)’; Sln. jéémen m.(0) ‘barley, sty (in the eye), Gsg. jecména
*ekati; *ecati 157
In OCS, only the adjectives jecono (Mar.) and jeconéno (Zogr., Ass.) are attested, e.g.
pet xlébo jecone (Mar.), (oto) peti xlébo jeconényxo (Zogr.) ‘five barley loaves.
The root of this etymon is usually linked to *gk- ‘bend’ (cf. > *gkote), which must
be reconstructed as *h,e/onk-. Consequently, forms with *e- must continue a zero
grade. The ESSJa reconstructs an attested verb *ekt’i ‘bend; which is considered to be
a Slavic creation.
*édro n. o (b) ‘kernel, core’ ESSJa VI 65-66
E Ru. jadro ‘kernel, core’, Npl. jadra
WwW Cz. jadro ‘kernel, core’; Slk. jadro ‘kernel, core’; Pl. jgdro ‘grain, kernel, core’
S SCr. jédro ‘kernel, core’; Kajk. jddré ‘kernel, core, Npl. jadro; Sln. jédro
‘kernel, pit’; Bulg. jedro ‘kernel’
PIE *hen-d(")r-6-m?
The connection with Skt. adndd- (RV, AV+) n. ‘egg, testicle’ has generally been
abandoned.
See also: *étro; *Otra; *Otroba
*edrb adj. o ESSJa VI 66-67
CS OCS edri (Supr.) Npl. m ‘quick’; jedro adv. ‘quickly’; CS jadryi ‘quick, eager’
S SCr. jédar ‘firm, solid, abundant’; Cak. jédar (Vrg,) ‘large’; Bulg. édar ‘big,
strong’
Etymologically identical with the preceding entry.
*ega; *edza f. a; f. ja ‘disease, terror’ ESSJa VI 68-69
CS OCS jedza ‘disease’
E Ru. jagd ‘Baba- Yaga’; jagd-bdba ‘Baba-Yaga’
Ww Cz. jaza (dial.) ‘evil old woman’; OCz. jézé ‘witch’; Pl. jedza ‘witch’
S SCr. jéza ‘horror, terror’; Sln. jéza ‘anger’; Bulg. enzd (Gerov) ‘wound, ulcer’;
enzé (dial.) ‘illness’
BSI. *inrg-
B Lith. éngti ‘press, strangle, torture’
Latv. igt ‘pine’
PIE *Hng-eho
Cogn. Olc. ekki m. ‘pain, anguish’; OE inca f. ‘pain, suspicion, fight’
Nepokupnyj (1989: 81-90) prefers the old hypothesis that *ega/*edza is cognate with
> *§Z0 ‘snake’.
*ekati; *ecati v. ‘moan’ ESSJa VI 69-70
WwW Cz. jekati ‘shriek’; OPI. jgkac ‘moan’; SInc. jgkdc ‘sigh, moan’
S SCr. jékati ‘resound, moan; jékati ‘scold, urge on’; jécati ‘sob, stammer’ 1sg.
jéecam; Sln. jékati ‘hit with a lot of noise, bump into} 1sg. j@kam; jécati
158 *eti
‘stammer, prattle, 1sg. jécam; Bulg. écam (dial.) ‘eat, dangle’; jécam (dial.)
‘stammer’
BSI. *ink-
B Lith. inkstéeti (dial.) ‘stammer’
Cogn. Lat. uncdre ‘make the sound of a bear’; MLG anken ‘moan, sigh; MoDu.
janken ‘howl, cry
The form ecati shows the regular reflex of the progressive palatalization.
See also: *ecati
*eti v. ‘take’ ESSJa VI 71
CS OCS jeti ‘take; 1sg. img (if preceded by a prefix -eti, -»mg); RuCS jati ‘take’,
1sg. imu
E Ru. jat’ (dial.) ‘take, begin’; ORu. jati ‘take’ 1sg. imu; Ukr. jaty ‘take; isg. jmu
WwW OCz. jieti ‘take; isg. jmu; PI. jac ‘begin, (arch.) seize, 38g. imie; Plb. jémé 35g.
‘seizes’
S SCr. jéti ‘take’ sg. imém also jamém; Sin. jéti ‘begin; 18g. jamem
BSI. *im-
B Lith. irnti ‘take’; Latv. jernt (dial.) ‘take’
OPr. imt ‘take’
PIE *him-
Cogn. Lat. emere ‘take (in derivatives), buy’
See also: *jpmati; *jpméti
*€tro n. o (b) ‘liver’ ESSJa VI 72-73
CS RuCS jatro ‘liver, (pl.) entrails’
E Ru. jatro ‘entrails, eggs’; jatro ‘entrails, eggs’; jatrda Npl. ‘entrails, eggs’; ORu.
jatro ‘liver, (pl.) entrails’
Cz. jatra Npl. ‘liver’; Plb. jotra Npl. ‘liver’
SCr. jétra Npl. ‘liver’; jétra (Dubr.) f. ‘liver’; Cak. Npl. j‘étra (Orb, ‘liver’; SIn.
jétra Npl. ‘liver’; Bulg. jatré ‘liver’
BSI. *intro
B OPr. instran ‘fat’
PIE *hien-tr-om
Cogn. dntra- (RV, AV+) n. ‘intestine’; Gk. évtepa Npl. n. ‘entrails’
os
See also: *édro; *6tra; *Otroba
*etry f. a ‘husband’s brother’s wife’ ESSJa VIII 188-190
CS CS jetry f.(a) ‘husband’s brother’s wife’, Gsg. jetrove
E Ru. jdtrov’ dial.) f.(i) ‘husband’s brother’s wife, brother’s wife’; ORu. jatry
f(a) ‘husband’s brother’s wife’, Gsg. jatrove
*gabati 159
WwW OCz. jatrev f.(i) ‘husband’s brother’s wife’; Pl. jgtrew (arch.) f.(i) ‘husband’s
brother’s wife, Gsg. jgtrwi
S SCr. jétrva f.(a) ‘husband’s brother’s wife’; jétrva f.(a) ‘husband’s brother’s
wife’; jétrva f.(a) ‘husband’s brother’s wife’; Cak. jétrva (Vrg.) f.(a)
‘husband’s brother’s wife’; jetrva (Novi) f.(a) ‘husband’s brother’s wife’; Sln.
jétrva £.(a) ‘husband’s brother’s wife’
BSI. *ien?ter-
B Lith. jenté (17th c.) f.(é/r) ‘husband’s brother's wife’; inté (Sirv., Ness.) f.(€)
‘husband’s brother’s wife, wife’s sister, daughter-in-law’; Latv. ietere (BW)
f.(8) ‘husband’s brother’s wife’; iétala f.(ja) ‘husband’s brother’s wife’
PIE * Hienhy-ter-
Cogn. Skt. ydtar- (AVP+) f. ‘husband’s brother’s wife’; Gk. eivatépes (Hom.) f.
‘wives of brothers or of husbands’ brothers, sisters-in-law’; Lat. ianitricés f.
‘brothers’ wives’; Arm. nér ‘husband’s brother’s wife’
*ezykp m. 0 (a) ‘tongue, language’ ESSJa VI 74-75
CS OCS jezyko ‘tongue, language, nation’
E Ru. jazyk
W Cz. jazyk; Slk. jazyk; Pl. jezyk
S SCr. jézik; Cak. jazik (Vrg.); zajik (Novi, Orb.); Sn. jézik, Gsg. jezika; Bulg.
ezik
BSI. *ingur-
B Lith. lieZttvis m.(io) 2
OPr. insuwis
PIE *dng"-uho-
Cogn. Skt. jihvd- f.; OLat. dingua f.; Go. tuggo f.
Apparently, the Balto-Slavic noun *inZu?- (with loss of initial *d) acquired the suffix
*-ko in Slavic. The nasal vowel of the root is reflected as short in the languages where
quantitative differences can be observed, which points to original suffixal stress. The
Lithuanian form was influenced by liéZti ‘lick.
*G
*gabati v. ESSJa VI 76-77
E Bel. habdé ‘seize’; Ukr. habaty ‘seize’
WwW Cz. habati (Kott) ‘seize’; habat (dial.) ‘seize, appropriate’; Slk. habat' ‘seize,
take, grab’; OPI. gaba¢ ‘attack, pursue’
S Sln. gabati ‘be in need, starve, be lost, die; 1sg. gibam; Bulg. gdbam ‘grieve’
LIV classifies *gabati under *g'eb*- ‘fassen, nehmen; geben, from which it also
derives Skt. gabhasti- ‘hand; Go. giban ‘give; Lith. gebéti ‘be able’ gabénti ‘transport,
160 *gadati
remove. LIV also has a root *g'eHb- ‘ergreifen, nehmen, which is claimed to be
represented in Italo-Celtic only, e.g. Lat. habére, Olr. gaibid ‘take seize’. To a certain
extent this classification seems abitrary. Many forms could be derived from a root
*ghabh- (the Germanic verb may contain the prefix *ga- and therefore be unrelated)
instead.
*gadati v. ‘guess’ ESSJa VI 77-78
CS CS gadati ‘tell fortunes, guess’
E Ru. gadat’ ‘tell fortunes, guess, 1sg. gaddju
WwW Cz. hadati ‘guess’; Slk. hddat‘guess’; Pl. gadac ‘talk, chatter’
S Sln. gadati ‘guess, chatter’, 1sg. gdidam; Bulg. gaddja ‘guess’
Cogn. Gk. xavddvw ‘contain’; Lat. prehendo ‘take, seize’; Olc. geta ‘get, learn, guess’
The root of *gadati, which seems to have lengthened grade, could be regarded as a
variant of *g”et, cf. the synonymous > *gatati, Go. qipan ‘say, speak. Late Vedic
gddati ‘say, speak’ may have originated from *gat- as a “Reimbildung” after vddati
(Mayrhofer KEWA: 318), which renders a direct comparison with *gadati doubtful
(pace ESSJa s.v.). More convincing than the suggested connection with *gvet- is the
etymology that links *gadati to Olc. gata ‘get, learn, guess, Gk. yavdavw ‘contain, Lat.
prehend6 ‘take, seize’ < *ghed-. Finally, a connection with > *goditi ‘please’ < *ghed-
cannot be ruled out, cf. Latv. gadit ‘happen to find’
See also: *gatati
*gaditi v. (a) ESSJa VI 79-80
CS gaditi ‘blame’
Ru. gadit’ ‘defecate (of animals), defile’
Cz. haditi ‘scold’
SCr. gdditi ‘fill with aversion, soil’; Cak. gdditi se (Vrg.) ‘be repulsive’; SIn.
gaditi ‘make loathsome, scold, slander’, 1sg. gdadim
nemo
Denominative verb. See > *gado.
*gadb m. 0 (a) ESSJa VI 81-82
CS OCS gad ‘creeping animal’
E Ru. gad ‘reptile, amphibian, vermin’
W Cz. had ‘reptile, snake’; Slk. had ‘snake’; Pl. gad ‘reptile, scoundrel, (arch.)
insects, livestock, poultry’
S SCr. gdd ‘loathing, nausea’; Cak. gdd (Vrg.) ‘repulsion, repulsive person’; SIn.
gad ‘adder’; Bulg. gad ‘animal, scoundrel, loathing’
B Lith. géda f. ‘shame, disgrace’
OPr. gidan Asg. ‘shame, disgrace’
PIE *gwohd'-o-
Cogn. MoDu. kwaad adj. ‘angry, evil’
*gatati 161
The comparative evidence points to *g”oh,d"-o-.
See also: *gaditi
*gajati v. (a?) ESSJa VI 84
E Ru. gdjat’ (dial.) ‘yawn, talk, scream, curse’; ORu. gajati ‘caw, croak’
BSI. *gari-
B Lith. giedoti ‘sing’; Latv. dziédat ‘sing’
PIE —*geHi-
Cogn. Skt. gdyati ‘sing’
*gasiti v. (b/c) ‘extinguish’ ESSJa VI 104
CS OCS ugasiti, sg. ugaso
E Ru. gasit’, 1sg. gast, 38g. gdsit {1}
Ww Cz. hasiti; Pl. gasi¢
S SCr. gasiti, sg. gasim; Cak. gasiti, 28g. gasi8; gasit (Orb.), 38g. gasi; Sln. gasiti,
isg. gasim; Bulg. gasjd
B Lith. gesyti
Cogn. Skt. jdsdyati ‘extinguish, exhaust’; Gk. oBévvbu ‘extinguish’
Causative formation with lengthened o-grade of the root *(s)g”es-.
{1} AP (c) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 139).
See also: *gasnoti
*gasnoti v. (a) ‘be extinguished, go out’ ESSJa VI 104-105
E Ru. gdsnut?
W Cz. hasnouti; Slk. hasniut; Pl. gasngé
S SCr. gdsnuti; Sln. gasniti, isg. gasnem; Bulg. gdsna
Perfective of > *gasiti. The acute tone of the root is productive in this formation.
*gatati v. ESSJa V1 105
CS CS gatati ‘tell fortunes, guess’
Ww OPI. gataé ‘talk, chatter’
S SCr. gatati ‘tell fortunes, guess, await, talk’; Sln. gdtati ‘guess, tell fortunes;
1sg. gdtam (possibly of Serbo-Croatian origin); Bulg. gatam ‘tell fortunes,
guess’
Cogn. Go. qipan ‘say, speak’
The etymological relationship with Go. qipan etc. is plausible, but the fact that there
is a synonymous verb > *gadati presents a problem. Unless we wish to assume that
the latter verb, which may contain a root *g'6d-, originates from a variant of *g”et-,
we may consider the possibility that we are dealing with two etymologically distinct
roots that became mixed up.
162 *gatb; *gatb
*gatb; *gatb m. 0; f.i ESSJa VI 108-109
E Ru. gat’ f.(i) ‘road of brushwood, (dial.) weir’
WwW OCz. hat f.(i) ‘road of brushwood, road in a marshy area’; Slk. hat f.(i) ‘weir,
fence from twigs’; Pl. gad f.(i) ‘road of brushwood, weir from brushwood or
twigs’; OPI. gat m. ‘belt, girdle’; USrb. hat m. ‘pond, weir’
S SCr. gat m. ‘drain next to a weir (Vuk), weir’; Sln. gat m. ‘weir, drain’
Derivative with a t-suffix from *g”eh- ‘go.
PIE *gveh2-to-/-ti-
Cogn. Skt. gatu- m. ‘way, course, progress’; LAv. gdtu- m. ‘way, place’
*gaziti v. (a) ESSJa VI 113
CS RuCS izgaziti ‘ruin’
S SCr. gaziti ‘trample, wade’; Cak. gaziti (Vrg.) ‘trample, wade’; SIn. gdziti
‘wade; 1sg. gdzim; Bulg. gazja ‘wade, trample’
BSI. *garé-
B Lith. gé2ti ‘overthrow, overturn, pour out’; Latv. gdzt ‘overthrow, overturn,
pour (out)’
PIE *9(")eHsh-
Cogn. Skt. gahate (RV+) ‘penetrate, step into the water, wade’
The Baltic forms appear semantically distant, but cf. RuCS izgaziti.
*glabati v. ESSJa VI 114
E Bel. hlabac ‘rake together, gather, rob’
Ww Pl. glabaé (dial.) ‘seize, rake together, appropriate’
S SCr. glabati ‘gnaw’; Bulg. glabam ‘eat while picking out the best bits’
See > *globati. The Belorussian and Polish forms are apparently alterations of *grab-.
*glabiti v. ESSJa VI 114
S SIn. glabiti ‘snatch, grab, rob’ (cf. grabiti ‘snatch, grab, rake’)
See also: *glabati; *globati
*gladpks adj. o (a) ‘smooth, plain’ ESSJa VI 115-116
CS OCS gladoko
E Ru. gladkij
W Cz. hladky; Slk. hladky; Pl. gtadki
S SCr. glidak, f. glitka; Cak. glidak (Vrg,), f. glatka, n. glatko; gladak (Orb.), f.
glatka, n. glitko; Sin. gladak; Bulg. gladak
BSI. *gla?dus
B Lith. glodus 4; Latv. glitoss
PIE *ghlehod'-
*gléve; *gléve; *gléva 163
Cogn. Lat. glaber ‘smooth, hairless’; OHG glat ‘shining’
*glazb m. 0 ESSJa VI 117-118
E Ru. glaz ‘eye’
WwW Cz. hlaz (Kott) ‘eye’ (probably a borrowing from Russian); Pl. gtaz ‘rock,
cobble-stone’
Etymology unclear. If we accept that here the *z arose from *s as a result of Zupitza’s
law (cf. Shevelov 1964: 147-148), it is possible to establish a connection with OHG
glas ‘glass, amber, MoE glare, etc. The correctness of the law is doubtful, however.
*glezna; *glezno; *glezn» f. 4; n. 0; m. o ‘ankle(-bone)’ ESSJa VI 118
CS OCS glezné (Hilf:) Ndu. f. ‘ankles’; CS glezna f. ‘ankle-bone, heel’
WwW Cz. hlezen m. ‘ankle’; hlezno n. ‘ankle’; Pl. glozna (obs., W. dial.) f. ‘elbow,
ankle, shir’
S SCr. glézZanj m.(jo) ‘ankle(-bone)’; glézan m. ‘ankle(-bone)’; Sln. glézanj
m.(jo) ‘ankle, wrist’; glézan m. ‘ankle, wrist’; glézno n. ‘ankle, wrist’; Bulg.
glézen m. ‘ankle-bone’; glézna f. ‘ankle-bone’
PIE *glegh-n-
Cogn. Ole. klakkr m. ‘lump, blot’
Slavic *glezn- and Germanic forms such as Ole. klakkr, with a geminate arising from
Kluge’s law, point to a reconstruction *gleg'-n- for the Slavic form.
*glénb; *glén» f. i; m. o ESSJa VI 120-121
CS RuCS gléno m. ‘moisture, juice’
E Ru. glen’ f.(i) ‘moisture, juice’; ORu. gléno m. ‘moisture, juice’
W Cz. hlen m. ‘mucus, moisture, sediment’; Slk. hlien m. ‘slime, mud’; Pl. glon
m. ‘alga’; glan (dial.) m. ‘alga, mud, dung’; OPI. glan m. ‘sediment, dregs’
S SIn. glén m. ‘mucus, sediment, silt, clay, waterplant’; Bulg. glen (dial.) f.(i)
‘waterplant, duckweed’
PIE *glohyi-n-
Cf. > *glévo, *glina. The root is *glohyi-.
See also: *glists; *glista; *gliva; *glbjp
*gléva; *glévs; *gléva f. i; m. 0; f. 4 ‘slime’ ESSJa VI 121
E Ru. glév (dial.) m. ‘slime, mould, (sticky slime on) fish scales’; glev’ (dial.)
f.(i) ‘slime on fish scales’; glevd (dial.) f. ‘slime on fish scales’; gleva (dial.) f.
‘slime on fish scales’
PIE *glohji-uo-
Cogn. Gk. yAotdc m. ‘any glutinous substance’
For Baltic cognates meaning ‘slime; see > *gliva.
164 *gledati
*gledati v. (a) ‘look at’ ESSJa VI 122-123
CS OCS gledati ‘look at, see, isg. gledajo
E Ru. gljddat’ (dial.) ‘look at’
WwW Slk. hladat look for, try’; OPI. gledac ‘look at’
S SCr. glédati ‘look at, see’; Cak. glédati (Vrg.) ‘look at, see, watch, expect’;
glédat (Orb.) ‘look, see smth’; SIn. glédati ‘look at, see, isg. glédam; Bulg.
glédam ‘look at’
BSI. *glen?d-
B Latv. glerist?‘(scarcely) perceive’; nioglefist ‘notice’
PIE *ghlend-
Cogn. Or. as-gleinn ‘investigate, examine’; MHG glinzen ‘shine’
LIV (200) reconstructs *g'lend*- because a proto-form with root-final *d would
trigger Winter’s law, which is not in agreement with the circumflex of the Balto-
Slavic forms. It is unclear to me, however, what exactly is the evidence for a Balto-
Slavic circumflex. The mobile accentuation of Ru. gljadét’ (> *gledéti) is
inconclusive, while there is ample evidence for *glédati, with fixed stress on an
originally acute syllable. To my knowledge, there is no Baltic evidence for an original
circumflex, the Latvian forms being ambiguous. I therefore prefer the reconstruction
*ghlend-, which has the additional advantage of corresponding with the Germanic
forms.
*gledéti v. ‘look at’ ESSJa VI 123
E Ru. gljadét’ (dial.) ‘look at; 1sg. gljazu, 38g. gliadit
WwW Cz. hledéti ‘look at’; OPI. gledziec ‘look at’
See > *gledati.
*glina f. a (a) ‘clay’ ESSJa VI 125-126
E Ru. glina
W Cz. hlina; Slk. hlina; P1. glina; SInc. gland
S SCr. gnjila; Cak. gnila (Vrg.); Sln. glina; Bulg. glina
BSI. *glé?ina?
B Lith. gléiné f.(8) 1 ‘moist clay’
PIE *glehji-n-
Cogn. Gk. yhia f. ‘loam’; Gk. yAivn f. ‘loam’
See also: *glénp; *gléns; *glévn; *glévp; *gléva; *glistp; *glista; *glpjp
*glistb; *glista m. 0; f. 4 (b) ‘worm’ ESSJa VI 128-129
E Ru. glist m. ‘intestinal worm, Gsg. glistd; Bel. hlist m. ‘intestinal worm; Gsg.
hlista; Ukr. hlyst m. ‘intestinal worm, Gsg. hlysta
W Cz. hlist m. ‘intestinal worm’; hlista f. ‘intestinal worm’; Slk. hlista f.
‘intestinal worm’; Pl. glista f. ‘intestinal worm, earth-worm’
*globati 165
Ss SCr. glista f.(a) ‘intestinal worm, earth-worm’; Cak. glista (Orb.) f.(a) ‘worm’;
glis (Orb.) f.(i) ‘worm, glisti f.(i); Sln. glista f. ‘intestinal worm, earth-worm;
Bulg. glist m. ‘intestinal worm, earth-worm’
B Lith. glaistas m. 2/4 ‘layer of clay, plaster’
Though masculine o-stems belonging to AP (b) in principle continue old neuters, I
am uncertain if this holds for original oxytona, i.e. words that were already oxytone
before Dybo’s law. Here the reconstruction of an old oxytonon may account for the
unexpected absence of a laryngeal in the root, which can now be attributed to the
Early Slavic loss of laryngeals in pretonic position. In view of Hirt’s law, which would
have generated root stress, a reconstruction with a zero grade (*glhjit-t6) is
preferable. The semantically different Lith. glaistas probably continues an old neuter,
in which case métatonie douce is plausible.
See also: *glénp; *gléns; *glévn; *glévp; *gléva; *glina; *glpjp
*gliva f. a (a) ‘fungus’ ESSJa VI 129-130
E Ru. gliva (dial.) ‘bergamot (kind of pear)’; Ukr. hliva ‘bergamot (kind of
pear), tree-fungus’
W Cz. hliva ‘kind of mushroom, tumour’; Slk. hliva ‘kind of mushroom,
tumour’; Pl. gliwa (dial.) ‘kind of mushroom’
S SCr. gljiva ‘tree-fungus’; gljiva ‘gland, tonsil’; Sln. gliva ‘mushroom, tree-
fungus’; Bulg. gliva (dial.) ‘small edible mushroom’
BSI. *gléfiwar
B Lith. gléivés Npl. f. 1 ‘slime’; gléivos (dial.) Npl. f. ‘slime’; Latv. glive f. ‘green
slime on water, mire’
See also: *glénp; *gléns; *glévn; *glévp; *gléva; *glina; *glist; *glista; *glbjp
*globa f. a ESSJa VI 131-133
E Ru. globd (Psk.) ‘cross-beam, pole’; gléba (dial.) ‘path’; Ukr. hlobd ‘curved
tree, iron wedge, trouble, worry, burden’; hldba (dial.) ‘fine, misfortune’
WwW OPI. gtoba ‘malice, anger’; LSrb. gfoba ‘value’
S SCr. globa ‘fine’; Sln. globa ‘fine’; Bulg. gléba ‘fine’
The etymology of *glob- is unclear and so is the issue if we must distinguish more
than one root.
See also: *globiti
*globati v. ESSJa VI 133-134
S SCr. globati ‘gnaw’; Sln. glébati ‘excavate, gnaw, 1sg. gl6bam, 1sg. glébljem
The root *glob- has been connected with Gk. yAagupdc ‘hollow, hollowed, yAdgw
(Hes.) ‘scrape up, dig up, hollow; but this etymology seems doubtful to me. Note that
for the meaning ‘excavate’ we must reckon with influence of globok ‘deep; cf. globiti
‘excavate’, gldbsti ‘excavate, carve’.
166 *globiti
See also: *glabati; *glabiti
*globiti v. ESSJa VI 134
E Ru. globit’sja (dial.) ‘be greedy, (?) worry’; Ukr. hlobyty ‘strengthen a shaft in
a mill with wedges, caulk, insult’
Ww Cz. hlobiti (Jg., Kott) ‘strengthen, wedge’; htobit' (dial.) ‘beat, eat, ask’; Slk.
hlobit ‘beat, knock down’; hlobic (dial.) ‘wedge’; Pl. gtobié (arch.) ‘squeeze,
oppress’; globi¢ (dial.) ‘wedge, hoop’; OPI. globié ‘beg of, ask persistently’;
gtobié sie ‘be concerned for’; LSrb. globis (arch.) ‘give, offer’
S SCr. globiti ‘impose a fine’; Cak. globiti (Vrg.) ‘impose a fine’; SIn. globiti
‘impose a fine, pillage’ 1sg. globim; Bulg. globja ‘impose a fine’
See also: *globa
*glogp m. o (b) ‘hawthorr’ ESSJa VI 136-137
E Ru. glog ‘cornel’; Ukr. hlih ‘hawthorn, Gsg. hlohu
WwW Cz. hloh ‘hawthorn’; Slk. hloh ‘hawthorn’; Pl. glég ‘hawthorn, Gsg. gtogu
Ss SCr. glég ‘hawthorn’; Sn. glog‘hawthorn, Gsg. gléga; Bulg. glog ‘hawthorn’
PIE *glogh-
Cogn. Gk. yA@yec Npl. f. ‘beard of corn’
For the Greek form, which is cognate with yA@ooa ‘tongue, language’, cf. Beekes 1969:
246.
*glota f. a ESSJa VI 138-139
E ORu. glota ‘crowd’; Ukr. hlota ‘narrowness, throng’; hidta ‘narrowness,
throng, family’
S SCr. gléta ‘the poor, family, crowd, weed (in corn), dust, litter’; Sln. gléta
‘weed, darnel, Brachypodium, riff-raff’; glota (arch.) ‘crowd, Brachypodium’
(the latter form occurs in the Slovar slovenskega knjiznega jezika); Bulg.
glota ‘dust, litter’; gldta (dial.) ‘flock, crowd’
Etymology unclear. It seems completely unlikely that *glota derives from *gel- ‘swell’
and has anything to to with Go. kilbei ‘womb’ (pace Pokorny IEW: 358)
*globok» adj. 0 ‘deep’ ESSJa VI 141-142
CS OCS globoke
E Ru. glubokij; glubok, f. gluboka, n. gluboké
Ww Cz. hluboky; Slk. hlboky; P|. gteboki
S SIn. globok
It is often assumed that the root of this adjective is connected with *gleub"-, cf. Gk.
yAvew ‘cut out, engrave, but the presence of *9 < *oN (not *uN) can hardly be
accounted for. Note that Slk. hlboky seems to derive from globoko.
*glupb 167
*gliix adj. 0 (c) ‘deaf’
CS
E
WwW
S
BSI.
B
OCS gluxe ‘deaf’
Ru. glux6j ‘deaf’
Cz. hluchy ‘deaf, (dial.) empty’; Slk. hluchy ‘deaf, empty, barren’; Pl. gluchy
‘deaf’
SCr. gliih ‘deaf? f. gliha; Cak. gliih (Vrg.) ‘deaf? f. glahd, n. glitho; gljtih (Orb.)
‘deaf, f. gljuhd, f. gljtiha; Sin. glith ‘deaf, muted, quiet, empty’; Bulg. glux
‘deaf’
*gl(o)usos
Lith. gliisas ‘dumb’
The Slavic and Baltic forms do not agree as far as the ablaut grade of the root is
concerned. In Slavic, we find zero grade in > *gloxnoti.
*glumiti v. ESSJa VI 148-149
CS OCS glumiti se (Ril., Supr.) ‘be distracted, talk idly, 1sg. glumljo se; RuCS
glumiti ‘amuse’
E Ru. glumit’sja ‘mock, desecrate’; ORu. glumiti ‘amuse’
WwW Pl. glumic (dial.) ‘spoil, mock’
S SCr. glumiti ‘play (on stage)’; Sln. glumiti se ‘joke’ 1sg. glumim se
Cogn. Olc. gleyma ‘forget, make a merry noise’
Derivative of > *glumo, *gluma.
*glums; *gluma m. 0; f. 4 ESSJa VI 147-148
CS OCS glume (Ril. Supr.) m. ‘idle talk, mockery’; RuCS glumo m. ‘noise,
amusement’
E Ru. glum (dial.) m. ‘stupidity, mockery, joke, noise’; ORu. glume m. ‘noise,
amusement’; Ukr. hlum m. ‘mockery’
WwW OCz. hluma f. ‘actor, comedian’; Pl. glum f. ‘mockery, torture, misfortune’
S SCr. gluima f. joke, gaiety’; Sln. glima f. ‘joke, foolishness’; Bulg. glima f.
‘joke’
PIE *ghlou-m-
Cogn. Olc. glaumr m. ‘jubilation, OE gléam m. ‘jubilation, joy’
See also: *glumiti
*glup’b adj. o ‘foolish, stupid’ ESSJa VI 151-152
CS CS glupo
E Ru. glupyj; glup, f. glupd, n. glipo {1}
WwW Cz. hloupy; Sik. hlupy; Pl. glupi; OP. glupy; Slnc. glupi
S SCr. gliip; Cak. gliip (Orb.); SIn. glip
The connection with Olc. glépr m. ‘fool’ is uncertain.
{1} AP (b) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 136).
168 *glpxnoti
*glpxnoti v. ‘become deaf’ ESSJa VI 145
E Ru. gléxnut’ (Dal’) ‘become deaf, (sounds) subside’; ORu. glaxnuti ‘become
deaf’
W OCz. hlechnuti ‘become deaf’
S Bulg. glaxna ‘fall silent’
Verb in -noti containing the zero grade of > *glixo. A variant with full grade also
exists, e.g. Slk. hluchnut, Pl. gluchngc¢ ‘become deaf, (sounds) subside’.
*glptati v. ‘swallow, devour’ ESSJa VI 157-158
E Ru. glotat’ ‘swallow, 1sg. glotdju; ORu. glotati ‘swallow
WwW Cz. hitati ‘swallow, devour’; Slk. hitat ‘swallow, devour’; Pl. glutaé (dial.)
‘drink noisily’
S SCr. gutati ‘devour’, 1sg. gutam; Sln. goltdti ‘swallow, devour, belch, 1s¢.
gottam; Bulg. gdltam ‘swallow, devour’
PIE *glut-
Cogn. Lat. gluttio, glitid ‘devour’
*glbjb m. jo ‘clay, loam’ ESSJa VI 162
E Ru. glej dial.) ‘clay, loam’; Ukr. hlej ‘moist clay’
W Cz. glej (dial.) ‘clay, resin’; SIk. glej ‘clay’; Pl. glej ‘loam’
S SCr. gléj ‘kind of clay’
To be analyzed as *glhji-o-, cf. MLG klei ‘clay’ < *klaija- (see also > *glénp, *glina).
*gnesti v. (c) ‘knead, press’ ESSJa VI 165-166
CS OCS gnesti ‘oppress, press, constrict’ 1sg. gneto
E Ru. gnesti ‘oppress, weigh down; 1sg. gnett, 38g. gnetét
W Cz. hnisti ‘press, knead, constrict, 1sg. gnétu; Slk. hniest ‘press, knead’; Pl.
gniesé ‘press, squeeze, 1sg. gniote
Ss SCr. gnjésti ‘knead, beat; isg. gnjétém; Sln. gnésti ‘knead, press, 1sg. gnétem;
Bulg. gnetd ‘press, oppress’
PIE *gnet-
Cogn. Olc. knoda ‘knead’; OHG knetan ‘knead’; OE cnedan ‘knead’
*gnévp m. 0 (a) ‘anger, wrath’ ESSJa VI 169-170
CS OCS gnévo
E Ru. gnev, Gsg. gnéva {1}
WwW Cz. hnév; Slk. hnev; Pl. gniew; USrb. gnéw
S SCr. gnjeév; SIn. gnév, Gsg. gnéva; Bulg. gnjav
{1} AP (c) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 137).
Prabably a derivative of > *gniti. The root has o-grade.
*eniti 169
*gnézdo n. 0 (b) ‘nest’ ESSJa VI 171-173
CS OCS gnézdo
E Ru. gnezdo, Npl. gnézda; Ukr. hnizdo, Npl. hnizda
Ww Cz. hnizdo; OCz. hniezdo; Slk. hniezdo; Pl. gniazdo; gnidzdo (dial.); Slnc.
gniuzde
S SCr. gnijézdo, Npl. gnijézda; Cak. gnizdd (Vrg.), Npl. grizda; gnjizlé (Orb.),
Npl. gnjizla; Kajk. gniézdé (Bednja), Npl. gnjiézdo; Sln. gnézdo; Bulg. gnezdé
BSI. *nizdd
B Lith. lizdas m. 4; Latv. ligzds m.
PIE *ni-sd-6m
Cogn. Skt. nidd- m./n. ‘resting-place abode, abode, (esp.) nest’; Lat. nidus m. ‘nest’;
OE nest n. ‘nest’
The Slavic and Baltic forms show different alterations of the anlaut. For Slavic,
various words beginning with *gn- have been designated as a model, e.g. > *gndjv
‘manure’ None of these suggestions carries immediate conviction.
*gnida f. a (a) ‘nit’ ESSJa VI 173-174
E Ru. gnida
W Cz. hnida; Sk. hnida; Pl. gnida
S SCr. gnjida; Cak. gnida (Vrg.); Sln. gnida; Bulg. gnida
BSI. *gnitdar
B Lith. glinda; Latv. gnida
PIE _—_*k/g/Hnid-
Cogn. Gk. kovic f.; OE hnitu f£; OHG (h)niz f. Arm. anic ‘louse’
The PIE form of the word for ‘nit’ cannot easily be reconstructed, as we seem to be
dealing with distortion of the anlaut for taboo reasons.
*gnils adj. o ‘rotten’ ESSJa VI 175-176
E Ru. gnil6j ‘rotten, damp’; gnil ‘rotten, f. gnild, n. gnilo
Ww Cz. hnily; Sik. hnily; Pl. gnity (obs.)
S SCr. gnio; Cak. gni(l) (Vrg.); gnjil (Orb,); Sln. gnit, f. gnila; Bulg. gnil
See > *gniti. If the original accent paradigm was (c), the full grade *g*neiH-lo- is
preferable because this shape of the root would not have triggered Hirt’s law.
*gniti v. (a) ‘rot’ ESSJa VI 176-177
CS OCS gnijostii (Euch.) Dsg. f. ptc. pres. act. ‘suppurating’
E Ru. gnit’, 1sg. gniju, 38g. gniét
WwW Cz. hniti; Sl. hnit Pl. gni¢
Ss SCr. gnijiti, 1sg. gnjijém; Cak. gnijati (Vrg.), 28g. gnijas; ghit (Vrg.), 3sg.
gnijen; Cak. gnjit (Orb.), 38g. gniijé; SIn. gniti, 1sg. gnijem; Bulg. gnija
170 *gndjp
PIE *ghn(e)iH-
Cogn. OHG gnitan ‘grind’; OE gnidan ‘grind’
See also: *gniln; *gndjp
*gndéjb m. jo (c) ‘pus, manure’ ESSJa VI 175-176
CS OCS gnoi ‘manure, mould, ulcer, suppurating wound’
E Ru. gnoj ‘pus; Gsg. gnoja
WwW Cz. hnij ‘manure; Gsg. hnoje; Slk. hnoj ‘manure’; Pl. gndj ‘manure, Gsg.
gnoju
S SCr. gnd6j ‘pus, manure’, Gsg. gndja; Cak. gidj (Vrg.) ‘pus, manure’, Gsg.
gndja; gn"6j (Orb.) ‘dung, Gsg. gndja; Sln. gndj ‘pus, manure’, Gsg. gnoja;
Bulg. gnoj ‘pus’
PIE *s'noiH-
See also: *gnils; *gniti
*gnosbnb adj. o ESSJa VI 184-185
CS OCS gnosone (Supr.) ‘vile, repulsive’
See also: *gnoSati; *gnusiti; *gnuspn; *gnusati; *gnbsb
*gnosati v. ESSJa VI 182
CS OCS gnosati se (Supr.) ‘be filled with aversion, abhor; 1sg. gnoso {1}
{1} The form gnosaase se 35g. impf. ‘were filled with aversion’ could also belong to a verb
gnositi se.
See also: *gngspnp; *gnusiti; *gnuspn; *gnusati; *gnbsb
*gnusiti v. ESSJa VI 182
E Ru. gnusit’ (dial.) ‘abhor’
Ww Cz. hnusiti ‘oppress, fill with disgust’; Slk. hnusit ‘make dirty, repulsive’; Pl.
gnusic sie (dial.) ‘dawdle, loiter’; OPI. gnusi¢ ‘be slow’
S SCr. gnusiti ‘make dirty, repulsive’; Sln. gnusiti ‘make repulsive, defile, loathe’,
1sg. gnusim; Bulg. gnusja se ‘loathe’
See also: *gngspn5; *gnoSati; *gnuspn»; *gnusati; *gnbsb
*gniisb m. 0 (c) ESSJa VI 183-184
E Ru. gnus ‘vermin’
W Cz. hnus ‘aversion, filth’; OCz. hnus ‘pus, manure, filth’; Slk. hnus ‘aversion’;
OPI. gnus ‘weak, slow person’
S SCr. gniis ‘filth’; Cak. gnjtis (Orb.) ‘dirty fellow, swindler’; SIn. gniis ‘aversion,
disgust, abomination, stain, vermin’
*gobino 171
Etymology unclear. The comparison with Olc. gnuia ‘rub’ and Gk. yvdvw ‘nibble’
seems chiefly based on the formal resemblance. There are Old Church Slavic forms
that seem to have secondary nasalization. See also > *gnosv.
*gnusbnb adj. o ‘vile, repulsive’ ESSJa VI 184-185
CS OCS gnusono (Supr.) ‘vile, repulsive’
E Ru. gniuisnyj ‘vile’
W Cz. hnusny ‘vile, repulsive’; Slk. hnusny ‘vile, repulsive’; Pl. gnusny ‘slow,
inert’
S SCr. gniisan ‘loathsome, filthy’; gniisan ‘loathsome, filthy’; Cak. gnjisan
(Orb.) ‘filthy, squalid, f. gnjdisna, f. gnjiisnd, n. gnijtiisno; Sln. gntisan
‘disgusting’; Bulg. gnusdn ‘disgusting, repulsive’
See also: *gnospnp; *gnosati; *gnusiti; *gnuSati; *gnbsp
*gnusati v. ESSJa VI 182
CS OCS gnusati se (Supr.) ‘be filled with aversion, abhor; 1sg. gnuso
See also: *gngspnp; *gnosati; *gnusiti; *gnuspns; *gnbsb
*gnpsb f. i ESSJa VI 183-184
CS OCS gnesv (Euch.) Asg. f.(i) ‘dirt, pus’; RuCS gnosv f.(i) ‘vileness, crime’;
gnesp f.(i) ‘vileness, crime’
E ORu. gnoso f.(i) ‘vileness, crime’; gneso f.(i) ‘vileness, crime’
B Lith. gniiisas m. ‘parasite’
The ESSJa holds that the forms mentioned above reflect a late variant *gn’uso rather
an original e-grade *gneus. In neither case would I expect a development *u > *v. In
order to get the desired reflex we must posit a comparatively early form *gnjus-. Here
the *j could have been adopted from *gnjous- < *gneus-, but there is no evidence for
variants with an e-grade. Lith. gnitisas is probably a borrowing from Belorussian
(thus SkardZius 1931: 76), though one may call it suspect that this is precisely the
language that has forms containing a sequence hnju, e.g. hnjus ‘bastard, miser’.
See also: *gngspnp; *gnosati; *gnusiti; *gnuspns; *gnuSati
*gobino n. 0 ‘abundance’ ESSJa VI 185
CS OCS gobiné (Supr.) Lsg. ‘abundance’; RuCS gobino ‘abundance’
E ORu. gobino ‘abundance’
S SCr. gobino ‘spelt’
This word is generally considered a borrowing from Germanic, cf. Go. gabei f.
‘wealth; gabeigs ‘wealthy.
See also: *gobpzb
172 *gobpzb
*gobpzp adj. o ‘abundant’ ESSJa VI 186
CS RuCS goboze ‘abundant, productive’; gobvzyi ‘abundant, wealthy’ {1}
E ORu. gobvzv ‘abundant, productive’; gobuzyi ‘abundant, wealthy’
See > *goboze.
{1} Cf. OCS gobedzie (Euch.) Asg. n. ‘abundance; gobozjestié (Ps. Sin.) Nsg. f. ptc. pres. act.
‘fruitful’
*godina f. 4 ESSJa VI 187-188
OCS godina ‘time, suitable time, hour’
Ru. godina ‘time, period, (arch.) year’
Cz. hodina ‘hour’; Slk. hodina ‘hour’; Pl. godzina ‘hour’
SCr. godina ‘year, (Dubr.) weather, (Cr.) rain’; Cak. gddina (Vrg.) ‘year’;
gddina (Novi) ‘year’; Sln. gédina ‘year, name-day, rain’; Bulg. godina ‘year,
age
nemo
Derivative of > *godo.
*goditi v. (c) ‘please’ ESSJa VI 188-190
CS OCS gode (Supr.) Nsg. m. pte. pres. act. ‘pleasing’; CS goditi ‘please, satisfy’
E Ru. godit’ ‘wait, loiter’, 1sg. goZui, 38g. godit; godit’sja ‘be suited, 18g. goZus’,
38g. goditsja
WwW Cz. hoditi ‘throw’; hoditi se ‘throw at one another, suit, agree’; Pl. godzic¢
‘reconcile, unite, heal’; godzic sie ‘agree, succeed’
S SCr. goditi ‘please’, 1sg. godim; Cak. godit (Orb.) ‘please’; Sln. goditi ‘rear,
please’, godim; goditi se ‘succeed, take place’
BSI. *gad-
B Latv. gaditiés ‘happer’
PIE *ghodh-
See > *godo.
*godb m. o Tight time’ ESSJa VI 191-192
CS OCS gods ‘time, suitable time, holiday, year’
E Ru. god ‘year, Gsg. goda
W Cz. hod ‘religious holiday’; hody Npl. ‘feast’; Pl. gody Npl. ‘feast’
S SCr. géd ‘important holiday, year, right time’; Cak. géd (Vrg.) ‘name day,
memorial day, anniversary’; g“6t (Orb.) ‘holiday, special event (?)’; Sln. géd
‘right time, moment, maturity, Gsg. gda, Gsg. godit
BSI. *godos; *godos
B Lith. guédas ‘honour, worship, hospitality’; Latv. guods ‘honour, banquet,
wedding’
PIE *ghodh-o-
Cogn. Go. gops ‘good’; OHG guot ‘good’ (with *6)
*gdldp 173
See also: *godina; *goditi; *godpns; *negodovati
*godpnb adj. o ‘suitable’ ESSJa VI 191-192
CS CS godono ‘convenient, suitable, timely
E Ru. gédnyj ‘suitable, valid’; géden ‘suitable, valid’ f. godnd, n. godno
WwW Cz. hodny ‘suitable, worthy, quiet, obedient (child)’; Slk. hodny ‘big enough,
good, suitable, worthy, quiet, obedient (child)’; Pl. godny ‘worthy, suitable,
(arch.) big’
S SCr. gddan ‘suitable, able’; SIn. godan ‘ripe, early’; Bulg. gdden ‘suitable, able’
See also: *godina; *goditi; *gods; *negodovati
* gojiti v. ‘treat, heal’ ESSJa VI 195-197
E Ru. goit’ (dial.) ‘clean thoroughly, take care of, feed well, heal’; goit’sja
(Smol.) ‘heal’; ORu. goiti ‘give live to, animate’; Ukr. hdjity ‘heal’
WwW Cz. hojiti ‘treat, heal’; OCz. hojiti sé ‘breed’; Pl. goic ‘treat, heal’; Slnc. guejic
‘treat, heal’; USrb. hdji¢ ‘heal’; LSrb. gdjs ‘heal’
S SCr. gojiti ‘fatten, foster, raise’, 1sg. gojim; Cak. gojiti (Vrg.) ‘fatten, foster,
raise, 1sg. gojim; Sln. gojiti ‘foster, feed’ isg. gojim; Bulg. gojd ‘fatter’
PIE *gwh3oi-eie- (g”oihs-eie-?)
Apparently, we are dealing with a causative of the PIE root for ‘live, which in this
framework is reconstructed as *g”eh3i-. A root *g”oh3i- would not yield the attested
forms, however. The causative may have been based on the metathesized root *g”ihs-,
in which case we must reconstruct *g”oihs;-eie-. Another possibility is *g”h3oi-eie-
See also: *gdjb; *Ziti; *Zito; *Zivica ; *Zivotb; *Zivb
*gdjb m. jo (Cc) ESSJa VI 197
E ORu. goi ‘peace, friendship’
Ww Cz. hoj (obs.) ‘(1599) medicine, (Kott) abundance, wealth’; OCz. hoj
‘abundance’; Slk. hoj (poet.) ‘abundance’
S SCr. g6j ‘peace’, Gsg. gdja; Sln. goj m.(jo) ‘care, cultivation, Gsg. gdja; gdja
f.(ja) ‘care, cultivation’
BSI. *goj-o-
B Lith. gajus 4 ‘vigorous’
PIE *gwh3oi-0-?
Cogn. Skt. gdya- m. ‘house, household, family, property’
See also: *gojiti; *Ziti; *Zito; *Zivica; *Zivotb; *Zivb
*g6ldb m. 0 (c) ‘hunger’ ESSJa VI 199-200
CS OCS glado
E Ru. gélod
WwW Cz. hlad; Sik. hlad; P|. gtéd, Gsg. glodu; USrb. htod, Gsg. htodu, Gsg. htoda
174 *golémb
S SCr. glad f.(i) ‘hunger, craving’; glad (NW dial.) ‘hunger, craving’; Cak. glad
(Vrg.) ‘hunger, craving, Gsg. gldda; glad (Novi) ‘hunger, craving’; glat
(Orb.), Gsg. glada; Sin. glad, Gsg. glada, Gsg. gladii; Bulg. glad
Cogn. Skt. gfdhyati ‘be greedy’
A masculine o-stem *g”old*-o- from the verbal root attested in > *Zoldéti.
*golémp adj. 0 ‘big’ ESSJa VI 202-204
CS CS golémo adv. ‘much’; RuCS golémyi ‘big, high’
E Ru. goljdmyj tall and thin’; ORu. golémyi ‘big, high
WwW OCz. holemy ‘big’; Pl. golemy ‘huge’
S SCr. golem ‘big, huge’; Bulg. goljam ‘big, strong’; Mcd. golem ‘big’
The root of this adjective may be identified with the root of Lith. galéti ‘be able’ and
W gallu ‘id:, which is best reconstructed as *gal(H), with a “European” a.
*golénp f. i ‘shin’ ESSJa VI 201-202
CS OCS golénv ‘shin’
E Ru. gélen’ ‘shir’
W Cz. holen ‘shin; OCz. holen ‘shin’; Slk. holen ‘shin (of animals), leg (of a
boot)’; Pl. golen ‘shir’
S SCr. golijen ‘shin’; Sln. golén ‘shi’
See > *golo.
*golgolati v. ‘speak’ ESSJa VI 204
CS OCS glagolati ‘speak, 1sg. glagoljo
WwW Cz. hlaholati (Kott) ‘make a noise, talk’ (Modern Standard Czech hlaholiti)
S SCr. glagolati ‘speak, tell’
Denominative verb. See > *golgols.
*golgolb m. o ‘speech, word’ ESSJa VI 205
CS OCS glagols ‘word, speech, event’
WwW Cz. hlahol ‘noise, singing, (arch.) speech’
S SCr. gldgolj (arch.) m.(jo) ‘speech’; glagolj (arch.) m.(jo) ‘speech; Sln. glagol
‘verb’
Cogn. W galw ‘call’
Noun with intensive reduplication of the root *gol- < *gal- (— *gélss).
*golota f. 4 ‘nakedness’ ESSJa VI 213-214
E Ru. golotd (dial.) ‘the poor’
W Cz. holota ‘the poor, nakedness’; Slk. holota ‘emptiness, poverty, nakedness’;
Pl. gotota (obs.) ‘nakedness’
*gdlobp 175
S SCr. golota ‘nakedness’; SIn. goléta ‘nakedness’; Bulg. golotd ‘nakedness’
PIE *golH-
Abstract noun in *-ota. See > *gole.
*golotp f. i ‘thin layer of ice’ ESSJa VI 214-215
CS MBulg. goloto ‘ice, ice-crystal(s), hail’; CroatCS goloto ‘id’; RuCS goloto ‘ice’;
golote ‘ice’
E Ru. golot’ ‘thin layer of ice on frozen earth’; ORu. goloto ‘ice’; goloto ‘ice’
W Cz. holot, holot (Jg.) ‘ice-covered ground’; holet’ (dial.) ‘hoar-frost, ice-
covered ground; Gsg. holti; OCz. holet ‘hoar-frost, Gsg. holti
Sln. golot m.(o) ‘crystal’
Nn
B Latv. gale f.(é) ‘thin crust of ice, remnants of ice on the road after the snow
has gone’
The ESSJa adheres to the view that *golote is cognate with > *golo ‘naked’ (cf.
Berneker SEW I: 322). Seemingly more straightforward from a semantic point of
view is the link with forms such as Lat. geli ‘ice’? which derives from *gel- or *¢gel-
‘freeze. On the other hand, it is a fact that there are compounds referring to ‘ice’ that
contain the adjective *golv, e.g. Ru. gololédica, Pl. golomréz. Furthermore, the
etymology that starts from the root ‘freeze’ would give rise to the question of the
relationship between the initial velars of *golote and > *xélde.
*golobp adj. 0 ‘blue’ ESSJa VI 217
E Ru. golubdj ‘pale blue’
WwW OPI. goleby ‘greyish, ashy, blue-grey, dove-coloured (of horses)’
S SCr. golibiji ‘dove-(coloured), blue-grey’; Sln. golébji ‘dove-’
B Lith. gelumbé f.(€) ‘blue cloth’
OPr. golimban ‘blue’
Colour adjective deriving from the word for ‘dove’ (> *gélobo).
*gdlobp m. i (c) ‘pigeon, dove’ ESSJa VI 215-217
CS OCS golobo m.(i) ‘pigeon, dove’
E Ru. gélub’ m.(jo) ‘pigeon, dove’
Ww Cz. holub m.(o) ‘pigeon, dove’; Slk. holub m.(o) ‘pigeon, dove’; Pl. golgb
m.(jo) ‘pigeon, dove’, Gsg. golebia
S SCr. gdlib m.(o) ‘pigeon, dove’; Cak. gélib (Vrg.) m.(o) ‘pigeon, dove’; glib
(Novi) m.(0) ‘pigeon, dove’; gdlop (Orb.) m.(o) ‘pigeon’; Sln. goléb m.(0)
‘(male) pigeon, dove’
The suffix *-(V)mb"- is frequent in bird-names, but the origin of the root is unclear.
The well-nigh inescapable connection with Lat. columba is impossible within an
Indo-European frame-work.
176 *gdlsb
See also: *golobp
*g6lsb m. 0 (c) ‘voice’ ESSJa VI 219-220
CS OCS glase ‘voice’
E Ru. gélos ‘voice’
Ww Cz. hlas ‘voice’; Slk. hlas ‘voice’; Pl. gtos ‘voice’; USrb. hids ‘voice’, Gsg. htosa
S SCr. glas ‘voice’, Gsg. glasa; Cak. glas (Vrg.) ‘voice’, Gsg. glasa; glas (Novi,
Orb.) ‘voice’, Gsg. glisa; Sln. glds ‘voice, news, knowledge’, Gsg. gldsa, Gsg.
glasii; Bulg. glas ‘voice’
BSI. *golsos
B Lith. galsas (Mik.) “sound, echo’
The root is probably best reconstructed with “European” *a. PSI. *gélso may reflect
*gal-so-.
Cogn. Lat. gallus m. ‘cock’; Olc. kalls n. ‘demand’; W galw ‘call’
See also: *golgolati; *golgolb
*golva f. 4 (c) ‘head’ ESSJa VI 221-222
CS OCS glava ‘head, chapter’
E Ru. golovd, Asg. gdlovu
WwW Cz. hlava; Pl. glowa; USrb. htowa
Ss SCr. gléva, Asg. glavu; Cak. glava (Vrg.), Asg. glavu; glava (Orb.) ‘head (also
head of cattle, head of cabbage); Asg. glévo; Sln. glava; Bulg. glava
BSI. *gol?wd?
B Lith. galva 3; Latv. galva
OPr. gallu (Ench.); galwo (EV)
PIE *golH-u-eh2
Cogn. Lat. calva f. ‘skull’
I consider it plausible that *golva is cognate with > *golv ‘bald where the *g- seems
to have replaced *k-.
*golb adj. 0 (b) ‘naked’ ESSJa VII 14-15
CS OCS gol (Supr.)
E Ru. goly;; gol, f. gold, n. gélo {1}
WwW Cz. holy; Slk. holy; Pl. goty
S SCr. g6(1), f. gola; Cak. g6 (Vrg.), f. gold, n. gold; g6l (Orb.), f. gold, n. gold;
SIn. got, f. géla; Bulg. gol
PIE *golH-o-
Cogn. OHG kalo ‘bald; Gsg. kal(a)wes; OE calu ‘bald’, Gsg. calwes
In spite of the incompatibility of the initial consonants (*g : *k), it is tempting to
connect the (Balto-)Slavic and the Germanic forms with Lat. calvus ‘bald’ and Skt.
kulva- ‘bald, thin-haired.
*gora 177
{1} AP (b) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 136).
See also: *golénp; *golota; *golots; *golva
*gomola; *gomola; *gomula f. 4; f. ja; f. ‘lump’ ESSJa VII 18-19
CS RuCS gomola; gomula
E ORu. gomola; gomula
W Cz. homole ‘cone’; Pl. gométa
S SCr. gomolja ‘pile (of cheese)’; Sln. goméla ‘barren ground, waste ground, fat
clay’; gomélja lump’
BSI. *gomolos; *gomulos
B Lith. gamalas m. ‘lump, chunk’; gémulas m. ‘lump, chunk’
Etymology unclear.
See also: *Zeti
*gonéti v. ‘suffice’ ESSJa VI 22
CS OCS gonéti ‘suffice, isg. gonéjo; RuCS gonéti ‘suffice’
BSI. *gon-er-
B Lith. ganéti ‘suffice’
PIE *gwhon-
Cogn. Gk. edv0evij¢ adj. ‘in abundance’
*goniti v. (b) ‘chase, persecute’ ESSJa VII 23
CS OCS goniti ‘chase, persecute’ 1sg. gonjo
E Ru. gonit’ (dial.) ‘persecute’; ORu. goniti ‘chase, hunt, persecute’ {1}
WwW Cz. honiti ‘chase, hunt, persecute’; Slk. honitchase, hunt, persecute’; Pl. goni¢
‘chase, hunt, persecute’
S SCr. goniti ‘chase, persecute’ 1sg. gdnim; Cak. goniti (Vrg.) ‘chase, persecute,
asg. gonis; gonit (Orb.) ‘drive, chase} 1sg. gonin; Sln. goniti ‘drive repeatedly,
isg. génim; Bulg. gonja ‘chase, hunt, persecute’
BSI. *gon-ei/i-
B Lith. ganyti ‘graze, pasture’
PIE *gwhon-
Cogn. Skt. hanti ‘strike, slay’; Gk. Oeivw ‘kill
{1} AP (b) according to Zaliznjak (1985: 137).
See also: *gpnati
*gora f. 4 (c) ‘mountain ESSJa VII 29-31
CS OCS gora ‘mountain’
E Ru. gorda ‘mountain, Asg. goru
WwW Cz. hora ‘mountain’; hiira (dial.) ‘mountain’; Slk. hora ‘(wooded) mountain’;
Pl. géra ‘mountain’; USrb. hora ‘mountair
178
BSI.
B
Cogn.
*gdrdjp; *gordja
SCr. gora ‘mountain, (dial.) wood; Asg. goru; Cak. gord (Vrg.) ‘mountain;
Asg. gdru; gord (Novi) ‘mountain, Asg. gdru; gord (Orb.) ‘mountain, Asg.
gord, Asg. gdro; SIn. géra ‘mountain, woods (on a mountain)’; Bulg. gord
‘woods’
*gor-/*gir-
Lith. giria f.(ja) ‘woods’
Skt. giri- m. ‘mountain, hil?
Derivative with o-grade of the root *g”rH-.
g &
*gdordj; *gordja m. jo; f. ja (b) ‘fence’ ESSJa VII 36-37
CS OCS grazdo (Supr.) Asg. m.(jo) ‘stable’
E Ru. gordZa f.(ja) ‘fence, palisade’
WwW Cz. hraz f.(ja) ‘dike, dam’; OCz. hrdzé f.(ja) ‘pisé wall, garden fence, dam’;
Cogn.
Slk. hradza f.(ja) ‘dam, weir, embankment, ditch’; Pl. grodza f. ‘pisé wall,
enclosure’
SCr. grada f.(ja) ‘building material, (dial.) fence’; Cak. graja (Orb.) f.(ja)
‘thornbush (at the roadside), thorny branches (used by way of fence)’; Sln.
grdja f.(ja) ‘fence, weir, building’
Skt. grhd- m. ‘house, residence’; Go. gards m. ‘house’
A derivative of > *gérdo.
*gordb m. 0 (c) ‘fortification, town’ ESSJa VII 37-38
CS OCS grado ‘wall, town, city, garden’
E Ru. gérod ‘town, city, Gsg. goroda; Bel. hérad ‘town, city, Gsg. hérada; Ukr.
hérod ‘town, city, Gsg. héroda
Ww Cz. hrad ‘fortress, castle’; Slk. hrad ‘castle’; Pl. gréd ‘fortress, castle, (arch.)
city, Gsg. grodu; UStrb. hréd ‘castle, Gsg. hrodu, Gsg. hroda
S SCr. grad ‘city, fortress, castle, Gsg. grada; Cak. grad (Vrg.) ‘city’, Gsg. grada;
Sln. grdd ‘city, fortress, castle, Gsg. graida, Gsg. gradii; Bulg. grad ‘city,
fortress’
BSI. *gordos
B Lith. ga7das ‘fence, enclosure, stall’
PIE * ghordh-o-
Cogn. Skt. grhd- m. ‘house, residence’; Go. gards m. ‘house’
See also: *gordjs; *gordja
*goréti v. ‘burn’ ESSJa VII 42-43
CS OCS goréti, 1sg. gorjo, 28g. gorisi
E Ru. gorét’, 1sg. gorju, 38g. gorit
WwW Cz. horéti; Slk. horiet; Pl. gorzec
PIE
Cogn.
*gornp; *gorno 179
SCr. gorjeti, sg. gorim; Cak. goriti (Vrg.), 28g. goris; gorét (Orb.), 38g. gori;
SIn. goréti, 1sg. gorim; Bulg. gorja
*gor-ei/i-
Lith. garéti ‘evaporate, breathe out’
*gwhor-
Skt. ghynd- m. ‘heat, glow’; Gk. Bepudc adj. ‘warm’
See also: *gorpjp; *gorpks; *gore; *gré(ja)ti; *gprnidlo; *gprns; *gprno; *Zarb; *Zeravb
*gorxb m. 0 (a) ‘pea, peas’ ESSJa VII 45
E Ru. gorox
WwW Cz. hrach; Slk. hrach; Pl. groch; SInc. gretey; USrb. hroch; hréch (dial.); LSrb.
groch
S SCr. grah ‘pea, bean’; SIn. grah ‘pea, bean’; Bulg. grax
BSL. *gors-
B Lith. garsva f; gavsas m. ‘Aegopodium podagraria’; Latv. gdarsa f.
‘Aegopodium podagraria’
*gore n. jo (c) ‘grief, woe’ ESSJa VII 40-41
CS OCS gorje ‘woe’
E Ru. gore ‘grief, woe, misfortune’
Ww Cz. hove ‘grief, woe’; Pl. gorze (arch.) ‘grief, woe, misfortune’; LSrb. gore ‘grief,
woe, irritation, anger’
S Sln. gorjé ‘woe’
For the etymology, see > goréti.
* gorbjb adj. jo ‘worse’ ESSJa VII 54-55
CS OCS gorii ‘worse, worst; f. gorosi, n. gorje
W Cz. horsi ‘worse’; hie adv. ‘worse’; OCz. ho#i ‘worse’; héfe adv. ‘worse’; Pl.
gorszy adj. ‘worse’; gorzej adv. ‘worse’
S SCr. gor? ‘worse, worst’; Cak. gér7 (Vrg.) ‘worse, worst’; SIn. gérji ‘worse,
more impressive’; g(rsi ‘worse, more impressive, nicer’
Vaillant (1929: 6) has compared *gorvjv to Skt. gdriyas-, the comparative of gurti-
‘heavy’ < *g”rh2-u-. I see no formal objections to deriving *gorvjv from *g”orhz-, but
consider it more likely that we have to seek a connection with > *gdre, etc.
*gornt; *gorno m. 0;no ESSJa VII 49
CS OCS grano (Euch.) Asg. m. ‘verse, line’ (spelled granno); CS grand m. ‘verse,
line’; grano n.(s) ‘verse, line’
Ww Cz. hrany ‘death bell’ Npl. m.; Sl. hrana Npl. n. ‘death bell’; USrb. hrono n.
‘phrase, pause, pulse’; LSrb. grono n. ‘speech, talk, story’
PIE *g"’orH-no-
180 *sorpkb
Cogn. Skt. grnati ‘praise, honour’
A derivative in *-no- from the root of > *Zorti.
*gorpks adj. 0 (c) ‘bitter ESSJa VII 55-56
CS OCS gorvko
E Ru. gor'kyj; gorek, f. gor’ka, n. gor’ko
W Cz. horky; Sik. horky; Pl. gorzki
S SCr. gorak, f. gérka; Cak. gorak (Vrg.), f. gorkd, n. gérko; Sln. gorak ‘warm,
bitter’, f. gorka; Bulg. gorak
For the etymology, see > *goréti.
*gospodin® m. o ‘lord, master’ ESSJa VII 61-63
CS OCS gospodino ‘lord, master’
E Ru. gospodin ‘master, gentlemar’
Ww OCz. hospodin ‘the Lord’; Slk. hospodin ‘the Lord’; Pl. gospodzin (arch.)
‘master’
S SCr. gospodin ‘master’; Cak. gospodin (Vrg.) ‘master’; gospodin (Novi)
‘master’; gospodin (Orb.) ‘sir (in particular when addressing a priest)’; Sln.
gospodin ‘master’; Bulg. gospodin ‘master’
See > *gospodb.
*gospodb m. i ‘lord, master’ ESSJa VII 61-63
CS OCS gospod» m.(i) ‘lord, master’
E Ru. gospéd’ m.(o) ‘the Lord, God, Gsg. géspoda; Ukr. hospéd’ m.(o) ‘the
Lord, God’ Gsg. héspoda; hdéspid’ m.(o) ‘the Lord, God; Gsg. héspoda
W OCz. hospod m.(i) ‘the Lord, god’; Pl. gospéd (dial.) m.(o) ‘lord, master’
S SCr. gdspéd m.(i) ‘the Lord’; SIn. gospéd m.(o) ‘lord, master’; Bulg. gdspod
m.(i) ‘the Lord’
PIE *ghost(i)-pot-
Cogn. Lat. hospes m. ‘host’
To my knowledge, there is no convincing explanation for the problem that the Proto-
Slavic etymon has a *d. According to Ernout-Meillet (529), the variation between
*pot- and *pod- is old, cf. Gk. deondCw ‘be master, but in view of Winter's law this
explanation does not work for Slavic.
See also: *gospodins; *gdstp
*gdstb m. i (c) ‘guest’ ESSJa VII 67-68
CS OCS gostems (Supr.) Dpl. m.(i)
E Ru. gost’ m.(i); Ukr. hist m.(jo), Gsg. héstja
Ww Cz. host m.(0); Slk. host m.(jo); Pl. gosé m.(jo)
S SCr. gést m.(0), Gsg. gdsta; SIn. gést, Gsg. gostii, Gsg. gdsta; Bulg. gost m.(i)
*gdvorb 181
PIE *ghost-i-
Cogn. Lat. hostis m. ‘enemy, (OLat.) stranger’; Go. gasts m. ‘guest’
See also: *gospodins; *gospodb
*govéti Vv. ESSJa VII 72-73
CS OCS govéti (Supr.) ‘live a God-fearing life’
E Ru. govét’ ‘fast’
W Cz. hovéti ‘satisfy, show indulgence’ Slk. hoviet’ ‘favour, satisfy, show
indulgence’
S SCr. govjeti ‘attend to, respect, please’; Bulg. govéja ‘fast, be silent
(respectfully)
PIE *gwhou-
Cogn. Lat. favére ‘favour’
Lith. govéti and Latv. gavét ‘fast’ are borrowings from East Slavic.
*govedo n. 0 (a) ‘head of cattle’ ESSJa VI 74-75
E Ru. govjddo (dial.) ‘head of cattle’
WwW Cz. hovado ‘head of cattle, cattle’; Slk. hovddo ‘head of cattle, cattle’
S SCr. govedo ‘head of cattle’; Cak. govédo (Orb.) ‘head of cattle (cow, ox,
bull)’; Sln. govédo ‘head of cattle’; Bulg. govédo ‘head of cattle’
B Latv. guovs f.(i) ‘cow’
PIE *g"h3-eu-
The root *gov- reflects *g”h3-eu-. The suffix is reminiscent of > *agne, -et-, but it is
unclear why we find *-do- instead of *-t-.
*govoriti v. ‘speak, talk’ ESSJa VII 75-76
CS OCS govoriti (Supr.) ‘make noise, chatter’ (only govori imper. and
govorestem Dpl. m. pte. pres. act.)
E Ru. govorit’ ‘speak, talk, 1sg. govorju, 38g. govorit
WwW Cz. hovofiti ‘speak, talk’; Slk. hovorit'speak, talk’; OPI. goworzyé ‘speak, talk’
S SCr. govoriti ‘speak, talk’ 1sg. govorim; Cak. govoriti (Vrg.) ‘speak, talk’, 2s¢.
>
govoris; govorit (Orb.) ‘speak, talk, say; 1sg. govérin; Sln. govoriti ‘speak, talk,
1sg. govorim; Bulg. govorja ‘speak, talk, say’
See > * govore.
*gdvorb m. 0 ‘talk’ ESSJa VII 76-77
CS OCS govore ‘noise, shout, rumour, murmur’
E Ru. gévor ‘sound of voices, talk’
W Cz. hovor ‘conversation, talk’; Slk. hovor ‘conversation, talk’; Pl. gowor (arch.)
‘speech, conversation, tall’
182 *govpnod
S SCr. gdvér ‘speech, dialect’; Cak. govor (Vrg., Orb.) ‘speech, dialect’; SIn.
gévor ‘speech, talk’; Bulg. govor ‘speech, talk, dialect’
PIE *gou(H )-
Cogn. Skt. joguve ‘call, invoke’; Gk. ydoc m. ‘weeping, wailing’
See also: *govoriti
*govpnd n. 0 (b) ‘shit’ ESSJa VII 77-78
CS RuCS govno ‘shit, dung, garbage’
E Ru. govné; ORu. govno ‘shit, dung, garbage’; Ukr. hivnd
W Cz. hovno; Slk. hovno; Pl. gowno
Ss SCr. gévno; Cak. govnd (Vrg.); SIn. gévno; Bulg. govnd
PIE *9(")ouH-
Cogn. Skt. gittha- m. ‘excrements’; Av. gii@a- n. ‘excrements’
*goba f. a (a) ‘(tree-)fungus’ ESSJa VII 78-80
CS OCS goba ‘sponge’
E Ru. gubd ‘lip’; gubd (dial.) ‘mushroom’; giiba (dial.) ‘mushroom’
W Cz. houba ‘mushroom, tree-fungus’; huba ‘snout, mouth; Slk. huba
‘mushroom, tree-fungus, snout, mouth’; Pl. geba ‘mouth, snout, face’
S SCr. gitba ‘mushroom, tree-fungus, amadou, leprosy, snout’; Sln. gdéba
‘mushroom, tree-fungus’; Bulg. gdba ‘mushroom, tree-fungus’
I have adopted the widespread view that *goba ‘tree-fungus’ and *goba ‘lip, mouth’
are etymologically identical, the latter being secondary. Formally there are no
problems. In the case of Cz. huba and houba we may be dealing with differentiation
resulting from the generalization of either the short or the long variant of the root
(the long variant originated from the so-called “Czech lengthening’, see Kortlandt
1975a: 19). The connection with Gk. ondyyoc, opdyyos ‘sponge’ is formally very
difficult.
* gognati; *gognati; v. ‘speak through the nose’ ESSJa VII 81-82
CS RuCS gugnati ‘whisper, grumble’
E Bel. huhnaé’ ‘speak through the nose’
Ww Cz. huhnati ‘speak through the nose’; Slk. huhriat ‘speak through the nose’;
Pl. gugngé (obs., dial.) ‘speak through the nose’
S SIn. gognjati ‘speak through the nose, murmur’? 1sg. gognjam; Bulg. gdgna
‘speak through the nose’
This verb is undoubtedly onomatopoetic in origin.
See also: *gognavs; *gogniti; *gognivp
*gdstb 183
*gognav; *gognavp adj. o ‘speaking through the nose’ ESSJa VII 81-82
E Ru. gugndvyj (dial.) ‘speaking through the nose, unclearly’; gugnjdvyj (dial.)
‘speaking through the nose, unclearly’; gunjdvyj (dial.) ‘speaking through
the nose, unclearly’; Ukr. huhndvyj; huhnjdvyj
WwW Cz. huhnavy ‘speaking or spoken through the nose, nasal’
S SIn. gognjav; Bulg. gdgniv
See >*gognati, *gognati.
*gogniti v. ‘speak through the nose’ ESSJa VII 82
E Ru. gugniti ‘tell, speak’; Ukr. huhnyty ‘speak through the nose’
See >*gognati, *gognati.
*gognivp adj. o ‘speaking through the nose’ ESSJa VII 82
CS OCS gogonive ‘speaking thickly, speaking through the nose, dumb’
E Ru. gugnivyj ‘speaking through the nose’
S Bulg. gdgniv ‘speaking through the nose’
See >*gognati, *gognati.
*gosti v. ‘play an instrument’ ESSJa VII 85-86
CS CS gosti ‘play an instrument, 1sg. godo
E Ru. gust’ (dial.) ‘howl, weep, sing’; gusti (dial.) ‘hum, make a sound, howl,
weep, sing’; Ukr. husti (dial.) ‘hun’
WwW Cz. housti (arch.) ‘play (the violin)’; Slk. hust ‘play an instrument, chatter
incessantly’; Pl. ggs¢ (arch.) ‘play, jingle, strum’
S SCr. gusti (arch.) ‘play, hum’; Sln. g@sti ‘play the violin, grumble; 1sg. g6dem
B Lith. gatisti ‘make a sound, hum; 1sg. gaudZiu.
The discrepancy between Slavic and Baltic is reminiscent of the *9 : *u variation
within Slavic.
*géstb adj. 0 (c) ‘dense’ ESSJa VII 87
CS CS gosto ‘dense’
E Ru. gust6j ‘dense’; gust ‘dense; f. gusta, n. gtisto
W Cz. husty ‘dense’; Slk. husty ‘dense’; Pl. gesty ‘dense’
S SCr. giist ‘thick, dense, solid? f. giista, n. gtisto: Cak. gist (Vrg.) ‘thick, dense,
solid; f. gusta, n. giisto; Cak. g’ds (Vrg.) ‘thick, dense, solid} f. g“dsta, n. g“dsto;
Sn. gést ‘dense’ f. gésta; Bulg. gast ‘dense’
BSI. *gonstos
B Latv. guosts m. ‘quantity, masse’
The formation is *got-to, cf. > *gotune and Ru. gut’ (dial.) ‘thicket. The etymology of
the root is unclear.
184 *g0sb
*gdsb f. i (©) ‘goose’ ESSJa VII 88-89
E Ru. gus’ m.(jo), Gsg. gusja
W Cz. hus (dial.); OCz. hus; Slk. hus; Pl. ges
S SIn. g6s, Gsg. gosi
BSI. *gansis/*Zansis
B Lith. Zgsis; Latv. zitoss
OPr. sansy
PIE *shhens-
Cogn. Skt. hamsd- m. ‘goose, swan’; Gk. xiv m./f.; Lat. anser m.; OHG gans f.
For the ablaut pattern, see. Kortlandt 1985b: 119. The depalatalization of the initial
consonant must have originated in the Gsg. *g"hansos.
*gotpnb adj. 0 (c) ‘dense’ ESSJa VII 87
WwW Cz. hutny ‘dense, substantial’; Slk. hutny ‘dense’; Pl. gesty ‘dense’
See > *g6sto.
*gozb; *goza; *guzb m. o; f. 4; m. o ‘bump’ ESSJa VII 91-92
E Ru. guz (dial.) m. ‘behind, buttock, lower part of a sheaf, butt-end, bump’;
guza (Dal’) f. ‘wrinkle, fold’; guzd (Voron.) f. ‘lower part of a sheaf, butt-end’
WwW Cz. huza (Kott) f. “coccyx’; huzo (Jg.) n. ‘rump (of a bird)’; Pl. guz m. ‘bump,
lump’; OPI. guz m. ‘bump, lump, gizzard, dwarf’; ggz m. ‘bump, lump’; SInc.
giz m. ‘bump, lump’
S SCr. giiz m. ‘buttock’; giiza m. ‘behind’; Sln. géza f. ‘buttock, behind’; giuza f.
‘behind, pouch, wrinkle’; Bulg. géz m. ‘behind’
Cogn. Ole. kokkr m. ‘ball’
Another instance of variation between 9 and *u (see also > *gyZa). On the basis of
Olc. kokkr ‘ball; we may reconstruct gong-. The connection with Gk. yoyypoc
‘conger-eel, tubercular disease in olive-trees’ and yoyypwvn ‘excrescence on the neck’
is dubious, as the meaning ‘conger-eel’ is generally regarded as primary. The
comparison with Gk. yoyyvAog ‘round, hard’ seems more promising.
See also: *gyZa
*gQZb mM. jo ESSJa VII 93-94
tH
Ru. guz ‘tug, cartage, Gsg. guzd
Ww Cz. houz (dial.) ‘plait, braid’; Slnc. géyz ‘strap of a flail’
S SIn. g6Z f.(i) ‘strap of a flail or yoke, Gsg. goZi; Bulg. gaz ‘band, bandage,
turban’
Cogn. Olc. kengr m. ‘bend, hook’
Probably a non-Indo-European word. To clarify the relationship with Germanic, we
may nevertheless reconstruct *gong'-io-.
*grajati 185
See also: *goZbvb; *goZbva
*gozbve; *gozbva f. i; f. 4 ESSJa VII 94-95
E Ru. guzva; guzvd (dial.) f.(a) ‘twig used for tying up’
WwW Cz. houzev f.(i) ‘braid or band made from twigs’; Pl. ggzva f.(a) ‘strap of a
flail’; SInc. géyz m.(jo) ‘strap of a flail’
S SCr. giizva f.(i) ‘basket or braid from plaited twigs’; Sln. gézva f.(a) ‘braid
from plaited twigs’; Bulg. gdzva f.(a) ‘band, bandage, noose’
See > *g0Zb.
*grabiti v. (a) ‘seize, grab’ ESSJa VII 97
CS OCS grabiti ‘rob; 1sg. grabljo
E Ru. grabit’ ‘rob, rake’
WwW Pl. grabi¢ ‘rake, gather’
S SCr. griibiti ‘seize, grab, rake’; Cak. grabiti (Vrg.) ‘seize, grab, rake’; grdibit
(Orb.) ‘rake’; Sln. grabiti ‘seize, grab, rake, 1sg. grabim; Bulg. grdbja ‘rob,
ramsack, snatch’
BSI. *grotb-
B Lith. grobti ‘seize’; Latv. grabt ‘seize’
PIE *ghreb-
Cogn. Olc. grdpa ‘seize’
In Balto-Slavic and Germanic, the roots *greb'- ‘dig, rake’ and *g*reb- ‘seize, grab’
were mixed up to a considerable degree (Kortlandt 1988, Derksen 1991: 321-322).
*gradb m. 0 (a) ‘hail’ ESSJa VII 101
CS OCS grado ‘hail’
E Ru. grad ‘hail’
WwW Cz. hrady Npl. ‘thundercloud’; hrad’ (dial.) f.(i) ‘hail’; OCz. hrad ‘hail’; Slk.
hrad (dial.) ‘hail’; hrdd (dial.) ‘hail’; Pl. grad ‘hail’; Slnc. griéud ‘hail, Gsg.
gradu
S SCr. grid ‘hail, Gsg. grada; Cak. grit (Orb.) ‘hail, Gsg. grdda; SIn. grad ‘hail’
Gsg. grada; Bulg. grad ‘hail’
PIE * gtreh3d-o-
Cogn. Skt. hraduni- f. ‘hail(-stone)’; Lat. grand6 f. ‘hail’
Lith. gruiodas 3 ‘frozen earth or mud’ is probably cognate with > *groda, *gruda ‘heap,
lump’ Lith. griidas ‘corn’, etc., as advocated by the ESSJa and Fraenkel.
* grajati v. ‘caw, croak’ ESSJa VII 102
CS RuCS grajati ‘caw, croak’
E Ru. grdjat’ ‘caw, croak, laugh loudly, quarrel’
186 *grakati
S SCr. grdjati ‘caw, croak’; grdjati ‘talk, cry’; Sln. grdjati ‘scold; 1sg. grajam, 1sg.
grajem
BSI. *grar-
B Lith. groti ‘caw, croak, howl, roar, scold’
Cogn. OHG krdaen ‘crow
See also: *grakati; *gprkati
*grakati v. ‘caw, croak’ ESSJa VII 102
CS RuCS grakati ‘caw, croak, 1sg. gracu
E ORu. grakati ‘caw, croak, 1sg. gracu
S SCr. grakati ‘caw, croak, cry’; Sln. grdkati ‘caw, croak, cry, 1sg. grakam, 1sg.
gracem
Cogn. Lat. graculus m. ‘daw, jackdaw’
See also: *grajati; *gprkati
*gramada f. 4 ‘heap, pile’ ESSJa VII 103-104
CS OCS gramada ‘heap, pile’
E ORu. gramada pile’
S SCr. gramdda ‘clod, pile of firewood’; gramada ‘lump of earth’; SIn. gramdda
‘heap, pile’; grmdda ‘heap, pile’; Bulg. gramdda ‘mass, big pile’
B Lith. grémulas m. ‘food in the rumen of ruminants’
If > *gromada is to be analyzed as *h.gr-om- (with the root of Gk. dyeipw v. ‘gather’),
we may formally reconstruct *h,gr-6m-, but that does not add much to our
understanding of this formation. On the other hand, the hypothesis that this is an
instance of assimilation (e.g. Berneker EW) cannot be considered satisfactory.
*grebenb m. jo‘comb’ ESSJa VI 112-113
E Ru. grében’ m.(jo) ‘comb’
Ww Cz. hreben m.(o0) ‘comb? hieben (dial.) m.(jo) ‘comb’; Slk. hrebei m.(jo)
‘comb’; Pl. grzebieri m.(jo) ‘comb’
S SCr. grében m.(o) ‘comb’; Cak. grében m.(0) ‘card (for combing fibers)’; SIn.
grebén m.(0) ‘comb’; Bulg. grében m.(0) ‘comb’
Originally an n-stem derivative of > *greti.
*greti v. (c) ‘dig, scrape, rake’ ESSJa VII 109-110
CS OCS greti (Zogr., Mar., Ass.) ‘row, 1sg. grebo
E Ru. gresti ‘row, rake; 1sg. grebu, 38g. grebét
WwW Cz. hée(b)sti ‘bury’; OCz. hrésti ‘bury, 1sg. hrebu; Slk. hriebst ‘dig’; Pl. grzes¢
‘bury’
*oreda 187
S SCr. grépsti ‘scrape, scratch’, 1sg. grébem; Cak. grés (Orb.) ‘scratch, 1sg.
greben; Sln. grébsti ‘dig, comb; 18g. grébem; Bulg. grebd ‘spoon, scoop, rake,
row’
BSI. *greb-
B Lith. grébti ‘rake, seize, rob’; Latv. grebt ‘scrape, excavate, seize’
PIE *ghrebh-
Cogn. Skt. grbhnati ‘seize, take, hold’; Go. graban ‘dig’
The acute root vowel of the Lithuanian form is analogical after grobti ‘seize’ (Derksen
1996: 321-322).
See also: *grebenp; *gribati; *grob
*oréxb m. 0 (b) ‘sir’ ESSJa VII 114-116
CS OCS gréxo
E Ru. grex
Ww Cz. hrich; Slk. hriech; Pl. grzech; Slnc. géf; USrb. hréch
S SCr. grijeh, Gsg. grijéha; Cak. grih (Vrg.), Gsg. grihd; griéh (Orb.); SIn. gréh;
Bulg. grjach
In Nievergelt 2003 as well as Nievergelt and Schaeken 2003, attention is drawn to the
gloss hreho in a Swiss manuscript dating from the first quarter of the ninth century.
This is possibly the earliest attestation of a Slavic word. The root of *gréxo is often
identified with the root of > *gré(ja)ti.
*gré(ja)ti v. ‘warm, heat’ ESSJa VII 116-117
CS OCS gréjati, sg. gréjo
E Ru. gret’
WwW Cz. hrati; hrit (dial.); Slk. hriat; Pl. grzac
S SCr. gréjati ‘warm, shine’; Cak. gréjat (Orb.) ‘warm’; Sn. gréti ‘warm, heat’
1sg. gréjem; Bulg. gréja ‘warm, shine’
PIE *gwhr-ehy-
Cogn. Skt. ghrnd- m. ‘heat, glow Gk. 8epudc adj. ‘warm’
See also: *goréti; *gorbjp; *gorpks; *gore; *gprnidlo; *gprns; *gbrno; *Zar'b; *Zeravb
*greda f. 4 (c) ‘garden bed, beam’ ESSJa VII 120-122
E Ru. grjadd ‘ridge, bed (of flowers), Asg. grjadu, Npl. grjddy; grjada
(Domostroj, 18th/19th c.) ‘ridge, bed (of flowers), series, (dial.) pole, staff,
Asg. grjddu, Npl. grjddy
W Cz. hiada ‘perch’; Slk. hrada ‘perch’; Pl. grzeda ‘garden bed, perch’
S SCr. gréda ‘beam’, Asg. grédu; Cak. grédd (Vrg.) ‘beam’ Asg. grédu; grédd
(Novi) ‘beam; Asg. grédu; griedd (Orb.) ‘beam, Asg. griédo; Sln. gréda ‘beam,
garden bed’; Bulg. greda ‘beam’
BSI. *grinda?
188 *gresti
B Lith. grinda (dial.) 4 ‘flooring of a bridge, (pl.) wooden floor in a barn’ Latv.
grida ‘floor, threshing-floor’
Cogn. Olc. grind f. ‘gate made of spars or bars, fence, dock, store-houses’
The Balto-Slavic and Germanic evidence points to *g*rnd'-.
*gresti v. (c) ‘go’ ESSJa VII 123-124
CS OCS gresti ‘go, come’, 1sg. gredo; RuCS gresti ‘go, come’, 18g. gredu
E Ru. gredut (dial.) 3pl. ‘go’; ORu. gresti ‘go, come’, 1sg. gredu; grésti ‘go, come’,
isg. grédu {1}; Ukr. hrjasty ‘run fast and noisily, ride; 1sg. hrjadu
S SCr. grésti ‘go, sg. gréedém; grésti ‘go, 1sg. grédém
BSI. *gri(n)d-
B Lith. gridyti (Jusk.) ‘go, wander’
PIE *ghri-n-dh-
Cogn. Go. grid Asg. ‘step’; MHG grit ‘step’; Olr. ingreinn ‘persecute’
{1} AP (c) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 139).
*greza f. 4 (c) ‘mud, dirt, mire’ ESSJa VII 123-124
CS RuCS greza; grezja
E ORu. grjaza; grjazja; Ukr. hrjazja
S SIn. gréza
PIE *grm-
Deverbative d-stem. See > *grezti.
*greziti v. ‘sink ESSJa VII 124-125
CS RuCS greziti
WwW Cz. hriziti
S SIn. greziti, sg. grezim
See > *grezti.
*gréznoti v. (c) ‘sink’ ESSJa VII 125
CS OCS pogreznoti ‘sink, submerge’
E Ru. grjdznut’ ‘sink into smth. sticky, boggy’
WwW Cz. h?eznouti ‘sink, get stuck iv; OCz. hrdznuti ‘sink, plunge, fall’; Slk.
hriaznut sink, get stuck in’ Pl. grzezngé ‘sink, get stuck in’
S SCr. gréznuti ‘drown, sink’; Sln. grézniti ‘sink, collapse’ isg. gréznem
See > *grezti.
*grezti v. ‘sink ESSJa VII 125
E ORu. grjazti ‘sink, wallow’
BSI. *grimz-
*grivpna 189
B Lith. grimzti ‘sink, 3pres. grimzta, 3pret. gritnzdo; Latv. grimt ‘sink
Slavic has *grez- corresponding to Lith. grimzd-. In Latvian, where the *z was
eliminated analogically due to reanalysis of the sta-present, there are forms with a
root grimd- (see Endzelin 1922: 582). The situation is reminiscent of PSI. > *loza vs.
Lith. lazda. Further connections are uncertain.
See also: *greza; *greziti; *grézp; *groziti; *gréznoti
*grézp f. i (c) ‘mud, dirt’ ESSJa VII 125-126
E Ru. grjaz’ ‘mud, dirt’
WwW Cz. hrez (Jg.) ‘mud, dirt
S SCr. gréz (arch., dial.) ‘mud, dirt’; SIn. gréz ‘watery, deep mud, abyss, Gsg.
grezi
Deverbative i-stem. See > *grezti.
*gribati v. ESSJa VII 109-110
E Ru. gribat’sja (arch., dial.) ‘frown, become angry, pull faces’
S SCr. gribati (arch., dial.) ‘dig, scrape’; Bulg. gribam (dial.) ‘bury’
Cogn. Skt. grbhndti ‘seize, take, hold’; Go. graban ‘dig’
Iterative of > *greti with lengthened zero grade of the root.
See also: *grebens; *grobb
*griva f. 4 (a) ‘mane’ ESSJa VII 129-130
E Ru. griva
W Cz. hriva; Slk. hriva; Pl. grzywa
S SCr. griva; Sln. griva ‘mane, overgrown boundary’; Bulg. griva
BSI. *gritwar
B Latv. griva ‘river mouth’
PIE *gwriH-uehy-
Cogn. Skt. griva- f. ‘neck’
An instance of Hirt’s law.
*grivpna f. a (a) ESSJa VII 130-132
E Ru. grivna ‘old monetary unit, (obs.) three kopecks’; Ukr. hryvna “(current)
monetary unit’
W Cz. hrivna ‘old monetary unit; OCz. hrivna ‘mark’; Pl. grzywna ‘fine, unity,
measure of weight for silver‘
S SCr. grivna ‘iron ring on scythe, bracelet, name of a monetary unit’; Sln.
grivna ‘necklace, name of a monetary unit’; Bulg. grivna ‘bracelet’
A derivative of > *griva.
190 *srobb
*grobb m. 0 (b/c) ‘grave’ ESSJa VII 112-113
CS OCS grobo ‘grave, tomb’
E Ru. grob ‘coffin, (obs.) grave, Gsg. gréba; grob (dial.) ‘coffin, grave, Gsg.
groba
WwW Cz. hrob ‘grave’; Slk. hrob ‘grave’; Pl. grob ‘grave’, Gsg. grobu
S SCr. grib ‘grave’, Gsg. groba; Cak. grob (Novi) ‘grave’, groba; grip (Orb.)
‘grave, tomb, Gsg. groba; Kajk. gréb (Bednja) ‘grave’, Gsg. gryebd; Sln. grob
‘grave; Gsg. groba; Bulg. grob ‘grave’
PIE *ghrobh-o-
Cogn. Go. graba f. ‘grave’; OHG grab n. ‘grave’
Deverbative o-stem. See > *greti.
*gromada f. a ‘heap, pile’ ESSJa VII 136-137
CS RuCS gromada ‘heap, pile, bonfire’
E Ru. gromdda ‘mass, bulk, pile’; ORu. gromada ‘heap, pile, bonfire’
W Cz. hromada ‘heap, pile, multitude, gathering’; Slk. hromada ‘heap, pile,
multitude, gathering’; Pl. gromada ‘pile, multitude, village community,
gathering’
S SCr. gromdda ‘cliff, crag, heap, pile’; gromada ‘cliff, crag, heap, pile’; Sln.
gromada ‘heap, pile of firewood, bonfire’; Bulg. gromdda ‘heap, pile, mass,
bulk’
B Lith. grumulas m.(0) ‘lump’
PIE *hogr-om-
Cogn. Skt. grama- m. ‘(military) host, village, community’; Gk. dyeipw v. ‘gather’;
Lat. gremium n. ‘lap’
The Lithuanian form may have an analogically metathesized zero grade. We must
also reckon with influence of the synonymous gumulas.
See also: *gramada
*grom>b m. 0 (c) ‘thunder’ ESSJa VII 138-139
CS OCS grome
E Ru. grom, Gsg. groma; Bel. hrom, Gsg. hromu; Ukr. hrim, Gsg. hromu
W Cz. hrom; Slk. hrom; Pl. grom
S SCr. grém, Gsg. groma; grim (dial.), Gsg. groma; Cak. grém (Vrg.), Gsg.
groma; grém (Novi), Gsg. gréma; Sln. grém
PIE *ghrom-o-
Cogn. Gk. xpduoc (Hesych.) m. ‘crashing sound, neighing’; Olc. gramr ‘grim,
hostile’
See also: *grpméti
*groziti 191
*groza f. a (c) ‘horror’ ESSJa VII 141-142
CS OCS groza (Supr., Cloz.) ‘horror’
E Ru. groza ‘(thunder)storm, disaster, terror, (obs.) threats’
W Cz. hriza ‘terror, horror, multitude’; Slk. hréza ‘horror, multitude’; Pl. groza
‘threat, terror, horror’; Slnc. gr#ezd ‘horror’
S SCr. groza ‘horror, disgust’; gréza ‘horror, disgust’; SlIn. grdéza ‘horror,
shudder, large crowd’
See > *groziti.
*grozdb m. o (b) ‘cluster, bunch’ ESSJa VII 142
CS OCS grozdo ‘bunch of grapes’
E Ru. grozd’ f.(i) ‘cluster, bunch; Gsg. grézdi; grozd (Dal’) ‘cluster, bunch’; ORu.
grozdo ‘grape’ {1}; grozdb f.(i) ‘grape’
S SCr. grézd ‘vine, (bunch of) grapes’; Cak. grézd (Vrg.) ‘vine, (bunch of)
grapes, Gsg. grozdd; grés (Orb.) ‘bunch (of grapes), Gsg. grozdd, Gsg.
grézda; Sin. grozd ‘grape’, Gsg. grozda; Bulg. grozd ‘grape’
{1} AP (b) according to Zaliznjak (1985: 137).
See also: *grozdbje; *grozdpn's; *grozdbno
*grozdpje n. io ESSJa VII 142
CS CS grozdije ‘bunch of grapes’
S SCr. grézde ‘vine, grapes’; grozde (dial.) ‘vine, grapes’; Cak. grozjé (Vrg.)
‘vine, grapes’; gr“djze (Orb.) ‘vine, grapes’; Sln. grdézdje ‘vine, grapes’; Bulg.
grozde ‘vine, grapes’
See > *grozdo.
*grozdpnp; *grozdbno m. 0; n. 0 ESSJa VII 142
CS OCS grozno (Mar., Supr.) m. ‘bunch of grapes’
E Ukr. hrézno n. ‘vine, (bunch of) grapes’
WwW Cz. hrozen m. ‘bunch, Gsg. hroznu; Slk. hrozno n. ‘bunch’
See > *grozdo.
*groziti v. (c) ‘threaten’ ESSJa VII 143
E Ru. grozit’, sg. grozu, 38g. grozit
WwW Cz. hroziti; Slk. hrozit; Pl. grozié
S SCr. groziti ‘threaten, (g. se) detest, shudder’ 1sg. grozim; groziti ‘threaten’;
Sln. groziti ‘threaten, scare, 1sg. grozim; Bulg. grozjd ‘threaten, mar’
BSI. *groz-
B Lith. grazoti; Latv. grezudt
I see no reason to regard the Baltic forms as borrowings from Slavic (pace ESSJa).
The connection with Gk. yopydc ‘grim, fierce, terrible’ is formally impossible.
192 * grozbn'b
See also: *groza;* grOZbn’b
*grozpnb adj. o terrible’ ESSJa VII 144
CS OCS grozens (Euch.) ‘frightening, terrible’ (only grozonu Dsg. m. and
grozonoe Asg. n.)
E Ru. groznyj ‘threatening, terrible’; grézen ‘threatening, terrible’ f. groznd, n.
groézno
Ww Cz. hrozny ‘frightening, terrible, horrible’; Slk. hrozny ‘terrible, horrible’; Pl.
grozny ‘threatening, terrible’
S SCr. grézan ‘frightening, terrible’; grézan ‘id’; Sln. grézan ‘horrible, stately,
beautiful’; Bulg. grézen ‘ugly, horrible, terrible’
Adjectival derivative of > *groza. SIn. grézan ‘stately, beautiful’ has been compared to
Latv. grezns ‘beautiful, lush, proud’, Lith. grazus, graznas ‘beautiful. Though this is an
intriguing idea, it seems hardly plausible that the Slovene adjective is to be separated
from the other Slavic forms. Of course, the meaning of the Slovene form may be
considered an argument for an etymological relationship between *grozono and
grazus.
*grobp; *grubs adj. o ‘coarse, rude’ ESSJa VI 145-146
CS OCS grobe (Supr.) ‘ignorant, uneducated’
E Ru. grubyj ‘coarse, rude’
WwW Cz. hruby ‘big, coarse, rough’; Slk. hruby ‘thick, big, coarse’; Pl. gruby ‘thick,
big, coarse’; greby (dial.) ‘wrinkled, sharp, tough’; SInc. gréabi'‘thick’
S SCr. gritb ‘coarse, rude, ugly’; Cak. grb (Vrg.) ‘ugly’; SIn. gréb ‘big, strong,
conspicuous, rude’ f. gréba; Bulg. grub ‘coarse, rude’
B Lith. grubus ‘uneven, rough’; Latv. grurnbulains ‘uneven, rough’
PIE *gru(m)b"-
Cogn. Ole. kryppa f. ‘hump’; OHG kropf m. ‘crop, gizzard’
The vocalism *9 may result from the lowering of *um before a tautosyllabic stop.
*groda; *grod; *grida; *grud> f. a; m. 0; f. 4 (a) ‘heap, lump’ ESSJa VII 148-149
CS RuCS gruda f. ‘heap, pile, breastbone, drop’
E Ru. griuda f. ‘heap, pile’; grud (dial.) m. ‘heap, pile’; ORu. gruda f. ‘heap, pile,
breastbone, drop’; Bel. hrud m. ‘hill’; Ukr. hrida f. Tump, earth with frozen
lumps, hummocks’; hrudd f. ‘ump, earth with frozen lumps, hummocks’;
hrud m. ‘height, hill’
W Cz. hrouda f. ‘lump of earth, clay’; Slk. hruda f. ‘lump of earth, clay’; Pl.
gruda f. ‘lump of earth, clay’; OPI. grgd m. ‘dry, wooded place amidst
swamps’
Ss SCr. griida f. ‘clod, lump’; Cak. griida (Orb.) f. ‘clod, lump’; SIn. griida f.
‘lump, clod, heap’; Bulg. grida f. ‘lump, clod’
BSI. *grourd-
*grastb 193
B Lith. gruiodas m. 3 ‘frozen earth or mud’
These words are usually considered cognate with Latv. graiids ‘grain, Olc. grautr
‘groats, etc., in which case the root is *g"roud-. The nasal in Pl. grad may be
secondary. I have adopted the ESSJa’s set of lemmata, but it should be noted that the
evidence for a nasalized vowel is very limited. One may wonder if the o-stem *grodo
belongs here. The reconstructions with *g are partly based on the suggested
connections with > *greda and > *grédb, neither of which is beyond doubt. Forms
such as Bulg. garda ‘breast’, which points to a nasal, may not belong here.
*grédb f. i (c) ‘breast’ ESSJa VII 148-149
E Ru. grud’ ‘breast’, Gsg. grudi, Gsg. grudi {1}
WwW Cz. hrud’ ‘breast’; Slk. hrud’ ‘breast’; OPI. gredzi Npl. ‘breast’
S SCr. griid ‘breast’; Sln. gréd ‘breast’; Bulg. grad ‘breast’
The connection with > *gruda, etc., is not entirely certain. An exception must be
made for > grodo, which has a nasalized vowel and is semantically close.
{1} AP (c) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 138).
See also: *groda; *gruda; *grud
*groziti v. ‘sink’ ESSJa VII 150-151
CS OCS pogroziti ‘sink, 1sg. pogroezo
E Ru. gruzit’ ‘load; 1sg. gruzu, 38g. gruzit {1}
Ww Cz. hrouzZiti ‘sink, dip’; Slk. hrizitsa ‘sink, dip’; Pl. grgzy¢ ‘sink, dip’
S SCr. griiziti ‘dip, sink’; Sln. groziti ‘dive, dip, sg. grozim
A causative formation. See > *grezti.
{1} AP (c) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 139).
*gruditi v. ESSJa VII 152
Ww Cz. hruditi se (Kott) ‘be unfriendly’; Pl. grudzi¢ (dial.) ‘stir, spoil, blame’
S Sln. gruditi ‘torment; isg. grudim (griditi ‘lump, bite to pieces’ obviously
derives from grida ‘lump’)
BSI. *groud-
B Lith. graudinti ‘move, touch’
See also: *gristp
*gristp f. i ‘sadness’ ESSJa VII 155
E Ru. grust’ ‘sadness, melancholy’; Ukr. hrust’ ‘sadness, melancholy’
S Sn. griist m.(0) ‘aversion’
B Lith. gristis f.(i) ‘sadness, harm’
See also: *gruditi
194 *orpmézdzp
*grpmézdZp m. jo ‘fester in the cornes of the eyes, gramiae’ ESSJa VII 158-159
CS RuCS groméZdbo ‘pus in the eye, gramiae’; greméZdb ‘pus in the eye, gramiae’;
groméZdbo ‘pus in the eye, gramiae’
S SCr. krmelj f.(i) ‘fester in the corners of the eyes’; k’mélj f.(i) ‘fester in the
corners of the eyes’; Cak. krmélji (Vrg.) Npl. m.(jo?) ‘gramiae’; k?mezalj
(Orb.) m.(jo) ‘sty, sleep (in the eyes)’; Sln. krmélj m.(jo) ‘fester in the
corners of the eyes’; krméZalj m.(jo) ‘fester in the corners of the eyes’
Cogn. Lat. gramiae Npl. f. ‘viscous humour, rheum that collects in the corner of
the eyes’; Go. qrammipa ‘moisture’
The numerous formal difficulties connected with this etymon and its cognates
render the reconstruction of a proto-form impossible (cf. Schrijver 1991: 487-488).
Unlike the ESSJa, I am not unclined to reject the connection with the non-Slavic
forms.
*grpm®b m. 0 ‘bush, shrub’ ESSJa VII 159-160
CS OCS gromu (savekové) (Euch.) Lsg. ‘the oaBé« bush’; RuCS gromo ‘bush,
shrub, garden’; gromo ‘bush, shrub, garden’ (also grome, gremo)
E Ru. grom ‘hummock?; ORu. grome ‘bush, shrub, garden’; gromo ‘bush, shrub,
garden’
WwW Slk. grmolec ‘stump’
Ss SCr. gfm ‘kind of oak, bush, shrubbery; Gsg. g#ma; Cak. g?m (Vrg,) ‘kind of
oak, bush, shrubbery; Gsg. grmd; Sln. g?m ‘bush, shrub’
In view of the voiceless initial consonant as well as the acute root, Lith. kriimas ‘bush,
shrub’ and Latv. kriims ‘id? are better not connected with the Slavic etymon.
*gryzati v. ‘gnaw ESSJa VII 160-161
WwW Cz. hryzati ‘gnaw’; USrb. hryzac ‘gnaw’; LSrb. gryzas ‘gnaw’
S Bulg. grizd ‘gnaw, torment’
See > gryzti.
*gryzti v. (c) ‘gnaw’ ESSJa VII 160-161
CS OCS grizeto (Sav.) 38g.
E Ru. gryzt’, 18g. gryzu, 38g. gryzet
Ww Cz. hryzti; Slk. hryzt; Pl. gryZé; Slnc. grasc
S SCr. gristi, 1sg. grizém; Cak. gristi (Vrg.), 28g. grizés; gris (Vrg.), sg. grizén;
Sln. gristi ‘gnaw, bite, eat’, sg. grizem
BSI. *gr(o)urZ-
B Lith. grauzti; Latv. gratizt
See also: *gryzati
*gvézda 195
*grpméti v. (c) ‘thunder, roar’ ESSJa VII 163-164
CS OCS grome (Supr.) Nsg. m. pte. pres. act. ‘thundering’
E Ru. gremeét’, sg. gremlju, 38g. gremit
W Cz. hrmeti’; hrmiti; Sik. hrmiet; Pl. grzmie¢
S SCr. gimljeti, 18g. grmim; g*rmiti (Vrg.) ‘thunder’, 3sg. g¢rmi; Cak. grmét
(Orb.), 38g. grmi; Sln. grméti, sg. grmim; Bulg. gdrmja
BSI. *grimertei
B Lith. gruméti
PIE *ghrm-ehy-
Cogn. Olc. gramr adj. ‘grim, hostile’; OE grimman ‘rage’
The zero grade must have been metathesized quite early - possibly in Balto-Slavic
times - on the analogy of the full grade.
See also: *grom
*gubiti v. (c) ‘destroy’ ESSJa VII 166
CS OCS gubiti ‘destroy’ sg. gubljo
E Ru. gubit’ ‘ruin, squander; 18g. gublju, 38g. gubit {1}
W Cz. hubiti ‘destroy, devastate, exterminate’; Slk. hubiti ‘ruin, destroy’; Pl.
gubic ‘lose, ruin, destroy’
Ss SCr. gitbiti ‘lose, destroy’ 18g. gubim; Cak. gubiti (Vrg.) ‘lose, destroy’, 2s¢.
gubis; gibit (Orb.) ‘lose; 1sg. gibin; Sln. gubiti ‘harm, spoil, destroy, 1sg.
gubim; Bulg. guibja ‘lose, spoil, kill
PIE *ghoubh-eie-
{1} AP (c) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 139).
See also: *gpbeZp; *gpnoti; *gybati; *gynoti
*gumbnd n. 0 (b) ‘threshing-floor’ ESSJa VII 173-175
CS OCS gumono ‘threshing-floor, granary’
E Ru. gumno ‘threshing-floor, barn’
W Cz. humno ‘threshing-floor’; Slk. humno ‘threshing-floor, barn’; Pl. gumno
‘threshing-floor, bar’
Ss SCr. guimno ‘threshing-floor’; Cak. gand (Orb.) ‘threshing-floor’; SIn. gvimno
‘threshing-floor’; Bulg. gumno ‘threshing-floor’
The most widely accepted etymology, going back to Pogodin 1903 (234), derives
*gumono from the words for ‘cow’ (> *govedo ) and ‘trample’ (> *meti). A
reconstruction in PIE terms would be *g”h3eu-mnH-om.
*gvézda f. a (b) ‘star’ ESSJa VII 181-183
CS OCS dzvézda; zvézda
E Ru. zvezda
WwW Cz. hvézda; Sik. hviezda; P|. gwiazda; USrb. hwézda
196 *gvorb; *gOvorb
S SCr. zvijézda, Asg. zvijézdu; Cak. zvizdd (Vrg.), Asg. zvizdii; zvézdi (Novi),
Asg. zvézdu; zviezda (Orb.), Asg. zviezdd; Kajk. zviézdd (Bednja), Asg.
zviezdu; Sln. zvézda; Bulg. zvezdd
BSI. *g/éwoizde? (g/Zwoizde??)
B Lith. Zvaigédé £.(€) 4; Zvaizdé (OLith., dial.) £.(€) 4; Latv. zvaigzne f.(é)
On the basis of Balto-Slavic, we may propose a reconstruction *¢"uoig'-d'eh,-, but
considering the fact that in Lithuanian we find Zvai(g)zdé alongside Zvai(g)Zdé (with
assimilation?), the reconstruction *g"uoid'-d'eh,- is a serious alternative, cf. Latv.
zvaidrit, zviedrit ‘shimmer, shine’. Latvian forms with zvaig, e.g. zvaigala ‘cow with a
star-shaped blaze’ may be based on zvaigzne. Pokorny’s reconstruction *ghuoig”- is
based on the connection with Gk. oifoc ‘pure, bright, radiant, which I consider
untenable.
*gvorb; *govorb m. 0 ‘bubble’ ESSJa VI 184
CS RuCS gvore ‘bubble’; govors ‘bubble’
E Ru. govor (dial.) ‘bubble (on water)’; ORu. gvora ‘bubble’; govors ‘bubble’;
Ukr. hvor ‘gores in trousers’
S SIn. gor ‘pile of dung’ Gsg. gra
Possibly cognate with SCr. giira ‘hump’ and Ru. girja ‘weight, (dial.) lump. clod’. For
the Balto-Slavic stage we may reconstruct *g(o)ur-.
*gvozdi m. io ‘nail’ ESSJa VII 185-186
CS OCS gvozdii (Supr.) m.(io); RuCS gvozdii m.(io)
S Bulg. gvdézdej m.(io)
See > *gvozdb.
*gvozdb; *gvozd> m. i; m o ‘nail’ ESSJa VII 185-186
CS OCS gvozdie (Cloz.) Npl. m.(i) ‘nails’
E Ru. gvozd’ m.(jo) ‘nail, Gsg. gvozdja; Ukr. hvizd’ m.(jo) ‘nail Gsg. hvozdja
WwW Cz. hvozd m.(o) ‘big, dense forest’; Pl. gwéZdz m.(jo) ‘nail’; OP]. gdzdz
m.(jo) ‘nail’; gozd m.(0) ‘woods’; USrb. hézdz m.(jo) ‘nail’
S SCr. gvézd (arch., dial) m.(o) ‘iron, nail, peg, pig’; gvézd (arch., dial.) m.(o)
‘iron, nail, peg, pig, dense forest’; Sln. gozd m.(0) ‘(big, high) forest, Gsg.
gozda
Perhaps cognate with PGmc. *kwasta, e.g. MLG quast(e) m.f. ‘bundle, broom, besom.
Otherwise unclear.
*gpbeZp m. jo ‘bend, joint’ ESSJa VII 188-189
CS RuCS gobezo ‘bend, joint’; gbeZo ‘turn, bend, slope’
E ORu. gobezo ‘bend, joint’; gbeZp ‘turn, bend, slope’
BSL. *gub-
*gpnoti 197
B Latv. gubezis m.(io) ‘pile, hay-loft’
PIE *ghubh-
Cogn. Olc. gumpr m. ‘tail-bone’; MoLG gubbe (Estonia) f.? ‘small hay-stack’
See also: *gubiti; *gpnoti; *gybati; *gynoti
*gplbp ESSJa VII 190
S SCr. giib (dial.) m.(o) ‘swan’; gitb (dial.) m.(o) ‘goby’
BSI. *gulbis
B Lith. gulbis f.(i) 4 ‘swan’; gulbis (Zem.) m.(io) 2 ‘swan’; Latv. giilbis f.(i) ‘swan’
OPr. gulbis (EV) ‘swan’
Cogn. Olr. gulban m. ‘beak, sting’; W gylfin m. ‘bird’s bill, beak, snout, sharp-
pointed nose’; W gylf m. ‘bird’s bill, beak, nose, mouth, sharp-pointed
instrument’
See > *kolpv. There is a chance that SCr. giib ‘goby’ is cognate with Lat. gobius, Gk.
Kw 0c ‘goby, gudgeon;, cf. Sln. guiba ‘barbel.
*gpnati v. (b) ‘chase, persecute’ ESSJa VII 196-197
CS OCS gonati ‘chase, persecute} 1sg. Zeno
E Ru. gnat’ ‘chase, drive, persecute’
WwW Cz. hndti ‘chase, drive, compel, 1sg. Zenu; Pl. gnac ‘chase, drive’
S SCr. gnati ‘chase, persecute’, 1sg. Zéném; Sln. gndti ‘chase, persecute’, 1sg.
zénem
BSI. *gun-/*gin-
B Lith. gifiti ‘chase, drive’; Latv. dzit ‘chase, drive, persecute’
OPr. guntwei ‘chase, drive’
PIE *gwhy-
Cogn. Skt. hanti ‘strike, slay’; Gk. Oeive ‘kill
See also: *goniti
*gpnoti v. bend’ ESSJa VII 188-189
CS RuCS go(b)nuti ‘bend’
E Ru. gnut’ ‘bend; 1sg. gnu, 38g. gnét; ORu. go(b)nuti ‘bend’
Ww Cz. hnouti ‘move’; Slk. hnut‘move’; Pl. gigé ‘bend? 1sg. gne
S SCr. ganuti ‘move’; Sln. ganiti ‘move’, 1sg. ginem
BSI. *gub-
B Lith. gibti ‘bend, curve (intr.), 38g. gumba; Latv. gubt ‘bend, curve (intr.);
38g. gubst
PIE *ghybh-
Cogn. OE géap ‘crooked, sly’ (with *p from Kluge’s law)
See also: *gubiti; *gpbezZp; *gybati; *gynoti
198 *gprbp; *gprba
*gprbp; *gprba m. o; f.4‘hump’ ESSJa VII 199-201
CS CS grobo (Bon.) m. ‘back, hump’; grobo (Pog.) m. ‘back, hump’
E Ru. gorb m. ‘hump, (dial.) back’
W Cz. hrb m. ‘hump, mound, lump’; Slk. hrb m. ‘hump, mound, lump’; Pl. garb
m. ‘hump
S SCr. gfb m. ‘back’; g7ba f. ‘hump’; SIn. gfb m. ‘hump, back, wrinkle’; grba f.
‘hump, back, wrinkle’; Bulg. grab m. ‘back’; garba f.‘hump’
B OPr. grabis [garbis] (EV) ‘hill’ (the emendation garbis is justified by many
place-names, e.g. Gailgarben or Geylegarben ‘Weissenberg’ )
In my opinion, it is preferable to separate *gorbe from > *grobo, *grubo ‘coarse, rude’.
Of course, the roots may have influenced one another. We may reconstruct *grb'-, if
we wish to stick to Indo-European terms, perhaps an enlarged variant of a root
meaning ‘bend’ (cf. Maziulis PKEZ IV: 324-326).
*gbrdlo n. o (a) ‘throat’ ESSJa VII 204-205
CS RuCS grolo; gorlo
E Ru. gérlo; ORu. grolo; gorlo
W Cz. hrdlo; Sik. hrdlo; Pl. gardio
S SCr. gilo; Cak. glo (Vrg.); SIn. gflo; Bulg. garlo
BSI. *gurvtlo
B Lith. gurkljs m.(io) 3 ‘crop’; girklis (dial.) m.(io) 1 ‘crop’
PIE *gvrh3-tlom
The comparison with the obscure Greek form Bapa8pov ‘gorge’ may not be justified.
See also: *Zerdlo; *zeérti
*gbrdb adj. 0 (c) ‘proud’ ESSJa VII 206-207
CS OCS grado ‘proud, haughty, majestic, amazing, terrible’
E Ru. gordyj ‘proud, haughty’; gord ‘proud, haughty; f. gorda, n. gordo
WwW Cz. hrdy ‘proud, haughty’; Slk. hrdy ‘proud, haughty’; Pl. gardy ‘fastidious,
proud, haughty’
S SCr. gfd ‘terrible, ugly, (eccl.) proud’; SIn. gfd ‘nasty, ugly, f. g/da
Formally *gordo may be cognate with Lith. gurdus 4 ‘weak, slow, uncommunicative,
stiff, Latv. guids ‘tired, weary, even though strictly speaking the mobility of the Slavic
form does not correspond with the fixed stress reflected by the Latvian form. The
meaning ‘uncommunicative, stiff’ attested in Lithuanian is close to the meaning of
the Slavic adjective, but one wonders if we are dealing with Slavic influence here. If
there is an etymological relationship between the Baltic and Slavic forms, we may
connect BSI. *gur?dus with Gk. Bpadus ‘slow, dull, sluggish’ < *g”rdus.
* gprkati v. ‘coo’ ESSJa VII 102
CS RuCS gorkati ‘coo’
*gprtati 199
E Ru. gorkat’ (dial.) ‘coo’; ORu. gorkati ‘coo’
W Cz. hrkati ‘crack, creak’; Slk. hrkat ‘rumble, rattle’
S SCr. grkati ‘coo, caw’; Sin. grkati ‘coo, screech; 1sg. gfkam, 18g. gfcem
Cogn. Lat. graculus m. ‘daw, jackdaw’
See also: *grakati; *grajati
*gprnidlo n. 0 ‘furnace’ ESSJa VII 210
CS OCS gronilo m. ‘smelting furnace, hearth’; RuCS gronilo ‘furnace, hearth’;
gornilo ‘furnace, hearth’
E Ru. gornilo ‘furnace, hearth, crucible’; ORu. gronilo ‘furnace, hearth; gornilo
‘furnace, hearth’
Derivative in *-idlo. See > *gorno, *gorno.
*gprnb; *gprno m. 0; n. o ‘furnace, cauldro’ ESSJa VII 210-211
CS RuCS grono n. ‘cauldron, pot, oven’; gorno n. ‘cauldron, pot, over’
E Ru. gorn n. ‘blacksmith’s hearth, Gsg. gorna; gorno n. ‘blacksmith’s hearth,
clay-oven’; ORu. grono m. ‘cauldron, pot, over’; gorno m. ‘cauldron, pot,
oven’; gorno m. ‘cauldron, pot, oven’; Ukr. horno n. ‘furnace’
WwW SIk. grno n. ‘blacksmith’s bellows’
S SCr. grno n. ‘heat, embers’; Bulg. garné n.(nt) ‘pot’
PIE *gwhr-no-
Cogn. Skt. ghynd- m. ‘heat’; Lat. fornax m. ‘over’
See also: *goréti; *gorbjp; *gorpks; *gore; *gré(ja)ti; *gprnidlo; *Zarb
*gérstb f. i (c) ‘cupped hand’ ESSJa VII 212-213
CS OCS grostijg (Euch.) Isg. f. “cupped hand’
E Ru. gorst’ ‘cupped hand, handful’
W Cz. hrst ‘cupped hand, handful’; Slk. hrsf‘cupped hand, handful, bundle’; Pl.
gars¢ ‘cupped hand, handful’
S SCr. gst ‘cupped hand, handful’; Cak. gfs (Orb.) ‘handful’; SIn. gfst ‘cupped
hand, handful’
BSI. *gursti-
B Latv. girste f.(é) “bundle of flax’
See also: *gprtati; *gprtnoti
*gprtati v. ‘rake together’ ESSJa VII 214
E Ru. gortat’ (dial.) ‘rake together’; Ukr. hortdty ‘turn over (pages)
S SCr. grtati ‘rake together, heap up’ 1sg. g?cém
See also: *gérstb; *gprtnoti
200 *gprtnoti
*gprtnoti v. ‘rake together’ ESSJa VII 214-215
E Ru. gortat’ (dial.) ‘rake together’
W Cz. hrnouti ‘rake together, (h. se) rush; Slk. hrnut’‘rake together, (h. se) rush’;
Pl. garngc¢ ‘clasp, gather, rake (g. sie) rush’; LSrb. garnus ‘grasp, squeeze’
S SCr. gfnuti ‘rake together, swarm, rush’, 1sg. g?ném; Cak. grnilti (Vrg.) ‘rake
together, swarm, rush, 2sg. grnes; Sln. gfniti ‘rake together, gather, swarm;
isg. grnem; Mcd. grne ‘gather, amass, clasp’
See also: *gérstp; *gprtati
*gybati v. ESSJa VI 216
CS OCS gybati ‘perish, 1sg. gybljo
E Ru. gibat’ (dial.) ‘break, press’; gibat’ (dial.) ‘bend’
WwW Cz. hybati ‘move, touch’; Slk. hybat ‘move’; Pl. gibac ‘twist, bend’
S SCr. gibati ‘swing, move, bend; 1sg. gibam, 1sg. gibljem; Sln. gibati ‘move,
perish’
The root has lengthened zero grade (cf. > *gongti).
See also: *gubiti; *gpbezZp; *gynoti
*gynoti v. (a) ‘perish’ ESSJa VII 218-219
CS OCS gybnoti ‘perish; 1sg. gybno
E Ru. gibnut’ ‘perish; 1sg. gibnu, 38g. gibnet
Ww Cz. hynout ‘perish, decay’; Slk. hynit ‘perish, decay’; Pl. ging¢ ‘perish’
S SCr. ginuti ‘perish’; Sln. giniti ‘perish, 1sg. ginem
PIE *ghubh-
e acute root is secondary, as is often the case in verbs in *-noti.
Th te root dary, ften th bs in *-not
See also: *gubiti; *gpbezZp; *gpnoti; *gybati
*gyzta f. ja (a?) ‘stump’ ESSJa VII 224
CS RuCS gyZa ‘unripe grape’
WwW Cz. hyZe (Kott) ‘tip of the shinbone’; OPI. giza ‘leg of pig or cattle, han’
S SCr. gi(d )Za (dial.) ‘stump of a vine’; Bulg. giZa ‘vine, stump of a cut off vine’
BSI. *guntzjar
B Lith. giizé, giizé f.(é) ‘head of cabbage, (dial.) gizzard’; guzjs m.(io) 3/4
‘gizzard, (dial.) tip of the thighbone, head of cabbage, Adam’s apple’; giizis
f.(i) 1 ‘gizzard, breastbone, tip of the holy bone of birds, elbow of a wing,
protuberance (on the nose)’; gunzjs (Zem.) m.(io) 3 ‘gizzard’; Latv. giiza
f.(ja) ‘thigh, han’
The Baltic material points unambiguously to an acute root, which is in agreement
with the vocalism of *gyZa, whether *y reflects *un? or *u?. The reconstruction of a
nasal is only based on the Zemaitian form and therefore less secure. On the other
hand, it facilitates the connection with > *gozo, *goza, though it must be admitted
*xabpnb 201
that there is also evidence for > *guzv. Another form containing a nasal is Lith.
gtinga ‘hump, hunch; where the *¢ was apparently depalatalized, unless we assume
that this word is not related. Still more remote is Lith. guga ‘bump, knot (in wood),
withers, where apart from the nasal also the glottalization is absent, cf. Ru. guglja
(dial.) ‘bump; Pl. guga ‘id. Lith. gaiigaras‘ mountain top.
See also: *goz'b; *goza; *guz'b
*X
*xabati v. ‘spoil’ ESSJa VHI 7-8
WwW Cz. chabati (Kott) ‘seize, snatch’
S SCr. hdbati ‘wear out, scold, spoil, soil, 1sg. habam; Sln. habati ‘push; 1s¢.
hdbam
See > *xabiti.
*xabiti v. ‘spoil’ ESSJa VIII 8-9
CS CS xabiti ‘spoil, corrupt; xabiti se ‘abstain’
E Ru. xdbit’ (arch.) ‘seize, snatch’
WwW Cz. chabiti (Jg.) ‘spoil, damage’; chabit (dial.) ‘snatch, steal’; Slk. chabitfool’
S SCr. habiti ‘spoil’; Sln. habiti ‘spoil, damage’, 1sg. habim; habiti ‘spoil,
damage; 1sg. habim; Bulg. xabja ‘spoil’
BSI. ska?b-
B Lith. skdbti ‘become sour’; Latv. skabt ‘become sour’
In my opinion, this of one of the cases where Slavic *x- corresponds to Baltic sk-. I
thoroughly disagree with Fraenkel that Lith. skdbti is cognate with skébti ‘hollow out,
tear. The meaning ‘seize, snatch, which is attested for both xabiti and > *xabati is
reminiscent of > *capati, > *gabati and > *xapati and must be secondary.
See also: *xab; *xabpnb
*xabpb adj. 0 ‘weak’ ESSJa VIII 9
Ww Cz. chaby ‘weak, faded, bad’; Slk. chaby ‘weak, faded, small, timid’
BSI. *skarbos
B Lith. skdbas 3 ‘sour’; Latv. skabs ‘sour’
See > *xabiti.
*xabpnb adj. o ESSJa VIII 9-10
WwW Cz. chabny ‘cowardly, faint-hearted’; LSrb. chamny ‘poor’
S SIn. haban “quick, hasty, (dial.) weak’; Bulg. xdben ‘blunt (of an axe)’
See > *xabiti.
202 *xapati
*xapati v. (b) ‘seize’ ESSJa VIII 18-19
CS OCS xapvjgste (Supr.) Npl. m. pte. pres. act. ‘biting’; RuCS xapati ‘seize, bite,
sting, trample’
E Ru. xdpat’ ‘seize, grab, 1sg. xdpaju; xapdat’ (dial.) ‘seize, grab’ {1}; ORu. xapati
‘seize, bite, sting, trample’; Ukr. xapdaty ‘seize, grab, steal’
Ww Cz. chdpati ‘seize, comprehend’; Slk. chdpat ‘seize, comprehend’; Pl. chapaé
‘seize’; Slnc. yapdic ‘seize’
S SIn. haépati ‘snap, (h. se) seize, isg. hdpam
{1} AP (b) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 137).
See also: *xabs; *gabati
*xlébp m. 0 (a) ‘bread’ ESSJa VIII 27-28
CS OCS xlébo ‘bread, loaf’
E Ru. xleb ‘bread, loaf, bread-grain, (pl.) corn’ {1}
Ww Cz. chléb ‘bread’; Slk. chlieb ‘bread’; Pl. chleb ‘bread’; Slnc. yléb ‘bread’, Gsg.
ylieba
S SCr. hléb ‘bread’; (h)léb ‘bread’; hljéb ‘bread’; ljéb ‘bread’; Cak. h]ib (Vrg.)
‘loaf of store-bought bread’; hléb (Orb.) ‘round loaf’; Sln. hléb ‘loaf, (white)
bread; hléba; Bulg. xljab ‘bread, grain
A borrowing from Germanic, cf. Go. hlaifs, OHG hleib. The length reflected in SIk.
chlieb is probably due to Czech influence.
*xlebp f. i ESSJa VIII 32-33
CS OCS xljebei (Ps. Sin.) Gpl. ‘waterspouts’; xlebo (Euch. MS 1/N) ‘waterfall’;
RuCS xljabo ‘waterfall, rapid’
E Ru. xljab’ ‘abyss, mud, muddy ground’
S SCr. hi(j)eb (obs., arch.) ‘rapids, waterfall’
BSI. *sklembh-
B Lith. sklembti ‘slide off, slide down’; sklésti ‘slide off, slide down’.
*xlods m. 0 (b/c) ‘stick, pole’ ESSJa VIII 37-38
CS RuCS xlodo ‘staff’
E Ru. xlud (dial.) ‘pole, truncheon, yoke’; xlut (dial.) ‘pole’
W Cz. chloud ‘stick’; OCz. chlud ‘stick’; Pl. chtgd ‘stalk, twig, Gsg. chledu
S Cak. hltid (2?) ‘pole, bar’; hl’6t (Orb.) ‘beam on a waggon (placed lengthwise
on top of the hay), Gsg. hl“odd; SIn. hldd ‘sawed off block, bar of a plough’;
hléd ‘bar of a plough’
BSI. *skland-
B Lith. sklanda (Zem.) f. 4 ‘fence-pole, bolt’; Latv. sklafida f. ‘bar, fence-pole’.
*xoditi v. ‘go, walk’ ESSJa VIII 48-49
CS OCS xoditi, isg. xozdo
*xdldb 203
tH
Ru. xodit’, sg. xoZu, 38g. xddit
W Cz. choditi; Slk. chodit; Pl. chodzié
SCr. héditi, 1sg. hddim; Cak. hoditi (Vrg.); hodit (Orb.), 1sg. hédin; SIn.
hoditi, Gsg. hédim; Bulg. xddja
PIE *sod-
Cogn. Gk. ddebw ‘wander’
Nn
The initial *x is thought to have originated after prefixes triggering the “ruki-rule”
(e.g. pri-, u-). In order to explain the absence of the effects of Winter’s law (cf. also
the stem *sod-), Kortlandt assumes that *xoditi replaces a reduplicated present *sizd-,
where the law would not apply (Kortlandt 1988: 394).
See also: *x6d5
*x6db m. 0 (c) ‘motion, movement’ ESSJa VIII 51-52
CS OCS xodo (Supr.) ‘motion, movement’
E Ru. xod ‘motion, movement; Gsg. xéda; Ukr. xid ‘motion, movement, Gsg.
xoda
W Cz. chod ‘motion, movement, walking’; Slk. chod ‘motion, movement, walk’;
Pl. chéd ‘motion, movement, walking, Gsg. chodu
S SCr. héd ‘motion, movement, speed’, Gsg. hdda; Cak. héd (Vrg.) ‘motion,
movement, speed’, Gsg. hdda; h"6t (Orb.) ‘walk, walking, Gsg. hdda; SIn. hod
‘motion, movement, walking, Gsg. héda; héd ‘motion, movement, walking’,
Gsg. hodd; Bulg. xod ‘motion, movement, step’
PIE *sod-o-
Cogn. Gk. 686¢ ‘way’
See the previous lemma.
*xoxotati v. ‘laugh loudly’ ESSJa VUI 55
CS CS xoxotati
E Ru. xoxotat?’
W SInc. yéyotac ‘laugh’
S SIn. hohotati, sg. hohotdm, 1sg. hohécem
Cogn. Skt. kakhati ‘laugh’; Gk. xaydCw ‘laugh loudly’
*x6ldb m. 0 (c) ‘coolness, cold’ ESSJa VIII 57-58
CS OCS xlado (Ps. Sin, Euch.) ‘coolness, cool breeze’
E Ru. x6lod ‘cold’
W Cz. hlad ‘cold, coolness’; Slk. hlad ‘coolness, cool shadow’; Pl. chtéd ‘cold,
coolness, Gsg. chiodu; USrb. chtéd ‘coolness, shade’, Gsg. chtoda
S SCr. hlad ‘coolness, cool shade’, Gsg. hldda; Cak. hldd (Vrg.) ‘shade’, Gsg.
hldda; hlad (Novi) ‘shade’; hlat (Orb.) ‘shade, Gsg. hldda; Sln. hlad
‘coolness’; hlad (dial.) ‘shadow’; Bulg. xlad ‘cold, coolness’
204 *xoldpnb
Cogn. Lat. gelidus adj. ‘icy, cool’; OHG kalt adj. ‘cold’
Possibly cognate with Latin and Germanic words for ‘cold’ reflecting PIE *gel-. The
*x- lacks a convincing explanation.
See also: *xoldpnb
*xoldpnb adj. 0 (c) ‘cool, cold’ ESSJa VII 59-60
OCS xladono (Euch., Supr.) ‘cool’
Ru. xolddnyj ‘cold’
Cz. chladny ‘cool, cold’; Slik. chladny ‘cool, cold’; Pl. chtodny ‘cool’
SCr. hlddan ‘cool, cold’; Cak. hladan (Vrg.) ‘cool, cold’; hladan (Orb. ‘cold’;
SIn. hlddan ‘cool’; Bulg. xladen ‘cool’
nemo
Adjective in *-ono. See > *xéldo.
*xomot® m. o ‘horse’s collar, hames’ ESSJa VIII 69-70
CS CS xomoto ‘yoke, scales’
E Ru. xomuit ‘horse’s collar, hames’
W Cz. chomout ‘horse’s collar, hames’; Slk. chomtit ‘horse’s collar, hames’; Pl.
chometo n. ‘horse’s collar, hames, clamp’; chomet (arch., dial.) ‘horse’s collar,
hames, clamp’; OPI. chomat (arch., dial.) ‘horse’s collar, hames, clamp’
S SCr. hémut ‘bundle, bunch; Sln. homét ‘horse’s collar, seine’; Bulg. xomot
‘yoke’
B Lith. kamanos Npl. f. ‘leather bridle’
Cogn. MoDu. haam n.‘hames’
This etymon is sometimes regarded as a borrowing from Germanic. Bankowski
(2000a: 143), on the other hand, regards Mong. khomut as a possible source.
*xorbrs adj. 0 (a) ‘brave’ ESSJa VIH 71-72
CS OCS xrabore (Supr.) ‘brave’; xrabore (Supr.) ‘brave’ {1}
E Ru. xordbryj (dial.) ‘brave, vain’; ORu. xorobryj ‘brave’ {2}
Ww OCz. chrabry ‘brave’; Pl. chrobry (poet.) ‘brave, bold’
S SCr. hrabar ‘brave’; Sln. hrabar ‘brave, bold’; Bulg. xrdbdar ‘brave’
BSI. *skor?bros
B Latv. skerbs ‘astringent, sharp’
Cogn. Ole. skarpr ‘sharp’
{1} The distribution of the two variants (xraboro Nsg. m., xraboryi Nsg. m., xrabora Gsg. m. :
xraboré Lsg. m., xrabvri Npl. m.) seems to be governed by the vocalism of the final syllable. {2}
AP 2 in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 155).
*xorna f. a ‘food, fodder’ ESSJa VIII 76-77
CS CS xrana ‘food’
WwW Slnc. yarnd ‘food, fodder’; Plb. xarna ‘food’
*xtidb 205
S SCr. hrdna ‘food, fodder’; Cak. (h)rand (Vrg.) ‘food, fodder’; hrand (Novi)
‘food, fodder’; hrand (Orb.) ‘food, Asg. hrand; SIn. hrana ‘food, fodder’;
Bulg. xrand ‘food, fodder, grain’
Cogn. Av. x’arana- ‘food’
Possibly a borrowing from Iranian.
See also: *xorniti
*xorniti v. ESSJa VIII 78-79
CS OCS xraniti ‘preserve, guard, protect, 1sg. xranjo
E Ru. xoronit’ ‘bury, hide’, 1sg. xoronju, 38g. xordonit; xranit’ ‘keep, preserve, 1sg.
xranju, 38g. xranit
WwW Cz. chrdniti ‘defend, guard’; Pl. chronic ‘defend, guard’; Plb. xorné ‘feed’
S SCr. hraniti ‘feed, keep, preserve, save’, sg. hrdnim; Cak. hraniti (Vrg.) ‘feed,
save, 28g. hranis; hranit (Orb.) ‘feed, nourish, 1sg. hranin; Sln. hrdniti ‘keep,
guard; 1sg. hranim; Bulg. xranja ‘feed’
The noun from which this verb derives may be a borrowing from Iranian.
See also: *xorna
*xromp adj. 0 (b) ‘ame’ ESSJa VIII 101-102
CS OCS xrome
E Ru. xrom6j; xrom, f. xromda, n. xrdmo {1}
WwW Cz. chromy; Slk. chromy; P|. chromy (arch.) ‘lame, mutilated’
S SCr. hrom; Cak. hrim (Vrg.); Sln. hrom ‘lame, sick’; Bulg. xrom
PIE *sromo- (?)
Cogn. Skt. sramd- ‘lame’
In this case it is difficult to explain *x- < *s-, as prefixed verbs to which the ruki-rule
applied seem to be lacking. The ESSJa compares Pl. poskromic¢ ‘tame’ < ‘clip the wings
of’ and MoHG Schramme ‘scratch, advocating *x- < *sk-.
{1} AP (b) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 136).
*xtidp adj. 0 (c) ‘small, thin’ ESSJa VII 111-113
CS OCS xudo ‘small, insignificant, poor’; xuzZdii comp. ‘worse’
E Ru. xudoj ‘thin, lean, bad, full of holes’; xud ‘thin, lean, bad, full of holes; f.
xudd, n. xtido; xuize comp. ‘wor’se’
W Cz. chudy ‘poor, bad, lean’; Slk. chudy ‘thin, lean’; Pl. chudy ‘thin, lean,
insignificant, poor
S SCr. had (dial.) ‘bad, evil’; Cak. hit (Orb.) ‘leaky, with a hole in it f. hudd, n.
hiido; Sn. hiid ‘bad, evil} f. huida
PIE *ksoud-06-
Cogn. Skt. ksudrd- ‘small’
206 *xvoja; *Xvojb
The fact that the root is not acute in Slavic, as one would expect in view of the *-d
(Winter’s law) is a consequence of Meillet’s law.
*xvoja; *xvojb f. ja; m. jo ‘needles or branches of a coniferous tree’ ESSJa VIII 125-126
E Ru. xvdja f. ‘needles or branches of a coniferous tree’; xvojd f. ‘needles or
branches of a coniferous tree’
Ww Cz. chvoj m. ‘needles or branches of a coniferous tree’; Slk. chvoja f.
‘brushwood, branch of a fir-tree’; Pl. choja f. ‘needles (of conifer), branches
(of conifer)’
S SCr. hvoja f. ‘branch, sprout’; hvdja f. ‘branch, sprout’; Sln. hdja f. ‘fir-tree,
coniferous tree, brushwood of a coniferous tree’; hdja f. ‘id’; hvdja f. “id?
BSI. *sku(o)jar
B Lith. skujd f. 4 ‘needle of a coniferous tree, (dial.) twig of a pine tree, cone,
fish-scale’; Latv. skuja f. ‘needle of a fir-tree’
*xvérstb m. o (b) ‘brushwood’ ESSJa VIII 130-131
CS CS xvraste ‘osier’
E Ru. xvorost ‘brushwood’; xvorést (dial.) ‘dry osiers, twigs, brushwood’; Ukr.
xvorost ‘brushwood’
WwW Cz. chrast ‘rustle’; chrast (dial.) ‘bush’; chrast (dial.) f.(i) ‘thicket, dry osiers’;
Pl. chrust ‘brushwood, shrubbery’; Slnc. yréyst ‘brushwood’; USrb. chrést
(obs.) ‘brushwood, shrubbery’
S SCr. hrast ‘oak, (dial.) tree Gsg. hrdsta; Cak. hrast (Vrg.) ‘oak, Gsg. hrasta;
Sln. hrast ‘oak’; hrast f.(i) ‘brushwood’; Bulg. xrast ‘bush, shrub’
Perhaps cognate with OHG hurst m./f., OE hyrst m. ‘bush, thicket, but the latter
etymon is usually derived from *krt- ‘wind.
See also: *xvorstpje
*xvorstbje n. io ‘brushwood’ ESSJa VII 131
CS SerbCS xvrastije n.(io) ‘osiers’
WwW Cz. chrasti n.(io) ‘shrubbery’; chvrasti (arch.) n.(io) ‘shrubbery’; Slk. chrastie
n.(io) ‘shrubbery, thickets’; Pl. chroscie (obs.) n.(io) ‘shrubbery, osiers’
S SCr. hrdsce (arch., dial.) n.(jo) ‘oaks’; Sln. hrdstje n.(jo) ‘oak-wood,
brushwood, osiers’; hrascje n.(jo) ‘brushwood’
See also: *xvérstb
*xvorb adj. o ‘ll’ ESSJa VIII 131-132
CS CS xvore ‘ill’
E Ru. xvoryj ‘ill, sickly’; x6ryj (dial.) “iP
WwW Cz. chory ‘ill, sickly, bad’; OCz. ch(v)ory ‘thin, skinny’; Slk. chory “ll; Pl.
chory ‘il?
PIE *suor-o-
*jugp 207
Cogn. Av. x’ara- m. ‘wound’; OHG swero m. ‘pain, ulcer’
*xybati v. ‘sway’ ESSJa VIII 153
WwW Cz. chybati (Kott) ‘hesitate’; Slk. chybat ‘be absent, be missing’; Pl. chybac
(obs., dial.) ‘sway, rock, run, rush’
S Sln. hibati ‘scold, criticize’
Cogn. Skt. ksobh- ‘stagger, begin to swing, tremble’
Iterative in *-ati with lengthened zero grade of the root *k™seub"-. Perhaps also
cognate with Lith. skubus, Latv. skubrs ‘hasty.
*]
*iconj. ‘and’ ESSJa VIII 167
CS OCS i
E Ru. i
w Cz. i; OCz. (h)és PI. i; OPI. (h)i
S SCr. i; Sln. i; Bulg. i
PIE *hiei
Cogn. Gk. ei ‘if’
*J
*ju(Ze) adv. ‘already’ ESSJa VHI 190-191
CS OCS uze; juze; RCS ju ‘now, then’
E Ru. uzé
WwW Cz. jiz; OCz. juz(e) ; Slk. uz; Pl. juz; ju (dial.)
BSI. *jou
B Lith. jad; Latv. jau.
*jigb m. o (a) ‘South, south wind’ ESSJa VIII 192-193
CS OCS jugo ‘South, south wind’
E Ru. jug ‘South, south wind’; ORu. ugo ‘South, south wind’
WwW Cz. jih ‘South’; OCz. juh ‘south wind’; Slk. juh ‘South’
S SCr. jiig m. ‘south wind’; jiigo n. ‘south wind’; Cak. jiigo (Vrg., Novi, Orb.) n.
‘south wind’; Sn. jug ‘southwest wind, South, Gsg. juga; Bulg. jug‘South’
If *jugo is cognate with Gk. avyr ‘light, beam’ < *h,eug-, the acute tone of the root
can be explained by Winter's law. On the other hand, this etymology also implies that
208 *juxa
the *j- was originally a glide, which considering the distribution of forms with and
without *j- seems less likely. The ESSJa argues that *juge contains *ioua ‘mix, knead.
The original meaning would have been ‘soft, cf. > sévers, of the which the older
meaning is assumed to have been ‘sharp, severe’. This all seems highly speculative.
*jaxa f. 4 (b) ‘broth, soup’ ESSJa VIII 193
CS CS juxa ‘broth’
E Ru. uxd ‘fish-soup, Asg. uxt {1}
Ww Cz. jicha ‘liquid, sauce, (arch.) soup’; Slk. jucha ‘cabbage soup’; Pl. jucha
‘bull’s blood, soup, sauce, juice’; Slnc. j#ya ‘soup’
S SCr. jutha (dial.) ‘soup, broth’; Cak. jahd (Vrg,) ‘soup, broth’ {2}; jahd (Novi)
‘soup, broth’; jihad (Orb.) ‘soup, Asg. jiiho; Sln. juha ‘soup’
B Lith. jii3é £.(é) 1 ‘broth, soup’
OPr. juse (EV) ‘soup’
Cogn. Skt. yiis- n. ‘broth’; Lat. ids n. ‘broth’
The fact that all in all the accentological evidence points to AP (b) is problematic in
view of the laryngeal reflected by forms from other branches. If the root is identical
with Skt. yu- ‘unite, attach, bind, which is uncertain, we may reconstruct *ieu-
alongside *ieuH, cf. Lith. jduti, jaiiti. In any case, Slavic has full grade, *ieu(H)-s- or
*iou(H )-s-, against zero grade in Baltic.
{i} AP (b) is also attested in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 135). {2} According to Juri8i¢, this
form is a recent designation of cérba.
*jfinb adj. o (c) ‘young’ ESSJa VIII 195-197
CS OCS juno ‘young(er)’
E Ru. junyj ‘young, youthful’
WwW Cz. juny (poet.) ‘young, youthful’
S SCr. jun (eccl.) ‘young’; SIn. jain ‘young, youthful; f. juna
BSI. *iournds
B Lith. jdunas 3 ‘young’; Latv. jaiins ‘young, new’
PIE *hai-eu-Hn-o-
Cogn. Skt. yvan- (RV+) adj./m. ‘young, youth’; Lat. iuvenis m. ‘young man’; OHG
jung adj. ‘young’
*jp(Ze) prn. ESSJa VIII 204-205
CS OCS i prn. ‘that, he, who, f. ja, n. je; RuCS oZe conj. ‘how, that, because’
E ORu. 02Ze conj. ‘how, that, because’
Ww Cz. Ze conj. ‘that’; (j)ez (arch.) conj. ‘that’; jenz (arch.) prn. ‘who, f. jez, n. jez;
Slk. Ze conj. ‘that’; Pl. Ze conj. ‘that’; Ze prn. ‘who’
PIE *io-* ge
*jpgrati 209
*jpde conj. ‘where’ ESSJa VII 206
CS OCS ide ‘where, when’; RuCS ide ‘where, when, as’; idé ‘where, when, as’
E ORu. ide ‘where, when, as’; idé ‘where, when, as’; Bel. idze ‘where’
Ww Cz. jdeZe (arch.) ‘where’
PIE *iotdte
*jBgo n. 0 (c) ‘yoke’ ESSJa VIII 206-207
CS OCS igo ‘yoke’
E Ru. igo ‘yoke (fig.)’; Ukr. iho ‘yoke’
Ww Cz. jho ‘yoke’; OSIk. jho ‘yoke, burden’; Pl. jugo (dial.) ‘yoke, cross-beam’; igo
(dial.) ‘yoke’; Slnc. vjige ‘yoke’; Plb. jaid’ti ‘yoke’; jaigo Gsg. ‘yoke’
S SCr. igo (arch., lit.) ‘yoke’ {1}; jigo (Krk) ‘stabilizing cross-beam on primitive
boats’; Sln. ig6 n.(s) ‘yoke’, Gsg. izésa; jigo (Carinthia) n.(s) ‘yoke’, Gsg. jizésa;
Bulg. igo ‘yoke’
BSI. *jurgo
B Lith. jungas m. 1 ‘yoke’; Latv. jigs m. ‘yoke’
PIE *iug-6-m
Cogn. Skt. yugd- n. ‘yoke, pair’; Gk. (vyov n. ‘yoke’; Lat. iugum n. ‘yoke’
The s-stem that occurs in Slovene and in late Church Slavic texts must be analogical
after forms such as kolesa ‘wheels; ojesa ‘thills’ (cf. Vaillant Gr. II: 237).
{1} The RSA gives the accentuations igo and igo, but it is unclear on what basis. Skok has igo
with a question mark. The word igo seems to have been introduced into the literary language
at a relatively recent stage.
*jpgra; *jpgrp f. 4; m. o (b) ‘play, game’ ESSJa VIII 208-210
CS OCS igrv (Euch., Supr.) f.(i) ‘entertainment, joke’; CS igra ‘entertainment,
dance, play’
E Ru. igra ‘play(ing), game’; Ukr. hra ‘play(ing), game’
W Cz. hra ‘play, game, entertainment, amusement; OCz. jhra ‘play,
amusement’; Slk. hra ‘play, game, entertainment, amusement’; ihra (arch.)
‘play, entertainment’; Pl. gra ‘play(ing), game’; OPI. igra ‘play(ing), game’
S SCr. igra ‘play(ing), dance’, Asg. igru; Cak. igrd (Vrg.) ‘play(ing), dance’, Asg.
igri; igra (Orb.) ‘game, play; Asg. igro; SIn. igra ‘play’; igra ‘play’; Bulg. igra
‘play(ing), game’
Etymology unclear. The connection with Skt. éjati ‘move, stir’ < *heig- is
semantically unconvincing and formally unattractive because it is in conflict with
Winter’s law.
See also: *jpgrati
*jpgrati v. ‘play’ ESSJa VIII 210-211
CS OCS igrati ‘amuse oneself, play’ 1sg. igrajo
210 *jpgpla
E Ru. igrat’ ‘play; 1sg. igrdju; Ukr. hraty ‘play
WwW Cz. hrati ‘play’; Sik. hrat ‘play’; Pl. gra¢ ‘play; OPI. igrad ‘play, dance to
music’; Plb. jaigrojg 3pl. ‘play’
S SCr. igrati ‘dance, play’ 1sg. igram; Cak. igrati (Vrg.) ‘dance, play’, 28g. igras;
igrat (Orb.) ‘play; 18g. igrdn; Bulg. igrdja ‘play’
See > *jogra, *jogro.
*jpgpla f. 4 (c) ‘needle’ ESSJa VHI 213-214
CS CS igla ‘needle’
E Ru. igld ‘needle’; Ukr. hélka ‘needle’; ihld (dial.) ‘needle’
WwW Cz. jehla ‘needle’; ihta (dial.) ‘needle’; Slk. ihla ‘needle’; Pl. igta ‘needle, pin’;
jegta (dial.) ‘needle, pin’; Slnc. jiegla ‘needle’; LSrb. gla ‘needle’; Plb. jagla
‘needle’
Ss SCr. igla ‘needle’ Asg. iglu; jigla (dial.) ‘needle’; jagla (dial.) ‘needle’; Cak. igld
(Vrg.) ‘needle’ Asg. iglu; igld (Novi) ‘needle’; jégla (Hvar) ‘needle’ Asg. iglu;
igla (Orb.) ‘needle; Asg. iglo; Sln. igla ‘needle, kingpin’; igla ‘needle, kingpin;
jagla ‘needle, kingpin’; Bulg. igld ‘needle’
B OPr. ayculo (EV) ‘needle’
The connection with Lith. digyti (dial.) ‘prick, sting, incite, beat, aigaras ‘straw’
(Toporov PJ s.v. ayculo), does not seem implausible. OPr. ayculo may have <c> for g.
The assumption that ay- reflects *ei is not trivial. The Slavic root may have either
zero grade or e-grade unless the root has initial *h2 or *hs. Note that in case of a zero
grade in the root the *u of the suffix would have blocked the progressive
palatalization.
{1} According to the Staroslavjanskij slovar’, the adjective igoline occurs nine times, always in
the context skvozé igoliné usi ‘through the eye of a needle’.
*jpkra; *jpkro f. 4; n. 0 (c) ‘roe, spawn, (anat.) calf’ ESSJa VIII 217-220
CS CS ikra f. ‘roe’
E Ru. ikra f. ‘roe, spawn, caviar, (anat.) calf’; ikré (Psk.) f. ‘roe, spawn, caviar’;
ikra f. ‘roe, spawn, caviar, (anat.) calf’; kra (arch.) f. ‘ice-floe’
Ww Cz. jikra f. ‘roe’; ikro (dial.) n. ‘(anat.) calf’; kra f. ‘ice-floe’; OCz. kra f. ‘lump,
clod’; Slk. ikra f. ‘roe’; Pl. ikra f. ‘roe, spawn, caviar, (anat.) calf’; OPI. ikro n.
‘roe’; Slnc. kre f. ‘roe, (anat.) calf’; Plb. jakrd f. ‘roe’
S SCr. ikra f. ‘roe’; Sn. ikra f. ‘spawn, roe, hydatid, scale’
BSI. *ikrat; *ikro
B Lith. ikras m. 2 ‘fish-egg, (anat.) calf, (pl.) roe, spawn, caviar’; Latv. ikri Npl.
m. ‘Toe, spawn, caviar, (anat.) calves’; ikrs m. ‘(anat.) calf’; ikra f. ‘roe, spawn’
OPr. yecroy (EV) ‘(anat.) calf?
A derivative of *iek”-r/n- ‘liver’, cf. Skt. yakar- (yakn-) m. ‘liver’; Gk. hap n. ‘liver’.
*jpméti 211
*jplb; *jplo m. 0; n o ‘silt, clay’ ESSJa VIII 221-222
CS CS ilo m. ‘bog’
E Ru. i] m. ‘silt’
WwW Cz. jil m. ‘silt, clay’; Slk. il m. ‘silt, clay’; il (arch.) m. ‘silt, clay’; Pl. it m. ‘clay,
natural dampness of earth’; jet (dial.) m. ‘clay, natural dampness of earth
S SCr. il (arch., obs.) m. ‘clay’; jilo (Cres) n. ‘silt, clay’; Cak. ilo (Vrg.) n. ‘entrails
of an octopus or cuttlefish’; jilo (Novi) n. ‘clay with water’; SIn. #f m. ‘loam,
clay, Gsg. ila; ilo n. ‘loam, clay’; jilo n. ‘loam, clay’
BSI. *iel-
B Latv. ils ‘very dark’
PIE —*(H)iHI-u-
Cogn. Gk. iddc f. ‘mud, slime’; Gk. ei (Hes.) Nsg. n. ‘black’
*jplbmp m. o ‘elm’ ESSJa VIII 222-223
E Ru. il’m ‘wych elm (Ulmus montana), Gsg. il’ma; ilem (Dal’) ‘common (or
small-leaved) elm (Ulmus campestris), Gsg. il’ma; lémok (dial.) ‘young wych
elm’; ORu. ilems ‘elm’; Ukr. il’m ‘wych elm (Ulmus montana)’; ilem ‘wych
elm (Ulmus montana)’; om ‘wych elm (Ulmus montanay
W Cz. jilm m.; jilma f.; Pl. ilm; OPI. ilem; Slnc. hélem; Plb. jélmad f.
S SIn. lim, Gsg. lima (according to Pletersnik, ilam, Gsg. ilma, is of Russian
origin)
PIE *h,|-mo-?
Cogn. Lat. ulmus m.; OHG elm m,; Olc. almr m.
*jpmati v. ‘take’ ESSJa VIII 224-225
CS OCS imati ‘take, gather, 1sg. jemljo
E Ru. imdt’ (dial.) ‘catch, try’; imat’ (dial.) ‘have, possess’; imat’ (dial.) ‘have,
possess’; Ukr. maty ‘have, intend, be due’; imaty (dial.) ‘take, seize’
WwW Cz. jimati ‘take, seize’; OCz. jimati ‘take, seize’; jmati ‘take prisoner’; Slk. mat
‘have, possess’; jimat ‘have, possess’; Pl. imac (obs.) ‘take, have’; Slnc. jimdac
‘seize’; Plb. jaimdt ‘catch, 38g. jémé
S SCr. imati ‘have’ 1sg. imam; Cak. imati (Vrg.) ‘have’, 28g. ima; Bulg. imam
‘have’
See > *eti.
*jpméti v. (c) ‘have’ ESSJa VIII 226-227
CS OCS imeéti ‘have’ 1sg. imamp (rarely iméjo)
E Ru. imét’ ‘have (of abstract possession), 1sg. iméju; Ukr. imity (dial.) ‘have’;
mity (dial.) ‘have’
WwW Cz. miti ‘have’; OCz. jmieti ‘have’; Pl. mie¢ ‘have’; imieé (arch.) ‘have’; OPI.
imiec ‘have’; jemiec ‘have’; jmiec ‘have’; Slnc. mjiec ‘have, isg. méum; USrb.
méé ‘have’; LSrb. més ‘have’; Plb. met ‘have’ 3sg. mo
212 *jpme
S SCr. imjeti ‘have’; Cak. imét (Orb.) ‘have’ 1sg. iman; Sln. iméti ‘have’, 1s¢.
imam; Bulg. imam ‘have’
See > *eti. The present formation *jomam», which had mobile stress (cf. Dubr.
imam, imdmo), is the subject of Kortlandt 1985.
{1} The present *jomamp had mobile stress, cf. SCr. imam, imdmo (Dubr.) {2} Rarely iméjg.
*jpme n. n ‘name’ ESSJa VHI 227-228
CS OCS ime, Gsg. imene
E Ru. imja, Gsg. imeni; Uk. im’d, Gsg. imeny; ma (dial.)
Ww Cz. jméno n.(0); meno (dial.) n.(o); OCz. jmé, Gsg. jmene; Slk. meno n.(0);
Pl. imie, Gsg. imienia; imiono (arch.) n.(0); miano (arch.) n.(o); miono
(dial.) n.(0); Slnc. mj#ene n.(0); USrb. mjeno n.(o); imje; mje; LSrb. mé, Gsg.
mena; jimé (arch.); Plb. jaimg; jaima n.(0)
S SCr. ime, Gsg. imena, Npl. iména; Cak. ime (Vrg.), Gsg. imena, Npl. imena;
ime (Orb.), Gsg. imena, Npl. imiéna; Sln. imé, Gsg. iména; Bulg. imé
BSI. *in?men-
OPr. emmens Gsg., emnen Asg.
PIE *hs3nh3-men-
Cogn. Skt. ndman- n.; Gk. Svopa n.; Lat. ndmen n.
*jpnog m.o ‘gryphor’ ESSJa VIII 231
CS RuCS inogo
E ORu. inogo
W Cz. noh; P|. nég (obs.), Gsg. noga
S SCr. ineg (arch.); inog (arch.)
Probably a derivative of > *jone with a meaning similar to > *jonoke, cf. Gk. povids
‘solitary, ferocious’ It remains unclear why the suffix of the word for ‘gryphor’ has *g,
however.
*jpnok» adj. o ‘solitary’ ESSJa VIII 232-233
CS OCS inoko (Ps. Sin.) ‘singular’; RuCS inokyj adj ‘only, sole, solitary’; inokyj
m. ‘hermit’
E Ru. inok m. ‘monk’; indk (dial.) m. ‘robber’; ORu. inokyj adj. ‘only, sole,
solitary’; inokyj m. ‘hermit’
S SCr. inok (arch.) ‘lonesome, monastic’; Bulg. indk m. ‘monk’
Derivative in *-oke of > *jinz. See also the previous lemma.
*jpnb prn. (a) ‘other’ ESSJa VIII 235-236
CS OCS in ‘some(one), other’
E Ru. inoj ‘different, other’ {1}
W Cz. jiny ‘other, different’; Slk. iny ‘other, different’; Pl. inny ‘other, different’
PIE
Cogn.
*jbrb; *jbrbjb 213
SCr. in ‘other, different’; Sln. in ‘other’
*(o)i?nos
Lith. vienas ‘one’; Latv. viéns ‘one
OPr. ainan Asg. ‘one’
* HiH-no-
Gk. oivn f. ‘one (on dice)’; Lat. anus ‘one’
{1} AP (a) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 133).
*jpnbjb; *jpnbje m. io (a) ‘hoar-frost, rime’ ESSJa VIII 235-236
CS OCS inii (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) m.(io); RuCS inii m.(io); inije n.(io) {1}
E Ru. inej m.(jo); ORu. inii m.(io); inije n.(io) (also inej, inij); Bel. inej m.(jo);
Ukr. inej m.(jo)
Ww Cz. jini n.(io); OSIk. jinie n.(io)
S SCr. inje n.(jo); Sln. inje n.(jo); Bulg. inej m.(jo)
BSI. *ifnio(s)
B Lith. ynis (dial.) m.(io)
*jprbica; *jprbina; *jprbika f. 4 ESSJa I 73
Ww Kash. jerzbina ‘rowan-tree’; jarzbina ‘rowan-tree’; USrb. jerbina (dial.)
‘rowan-tree’
S SIn. rbika (Josch 1853) ‘rowan-tree’; Bulg. érbica (dial.) ‘partridge’
BSI. *irtb-
B Lith. irbé f.(€) ‘hazel-grouse’; Latv. i7be f.(é) ‘hazel-grouse’, irbene f.(é)
‘rowan-tree’
PIE *hirb-i-
See also: *ereb; *erebs; *ereboks; *erebica; *erebina
*jbr'b; *jbrbjb M. 0; m. io ESSjJa VIII 236-237
E
BSI.
Ru. irej (dial.) ‘strong wind’; Bel. vyraj ‘warm lands to which birds migrate’;
vyrij ‘warm lands to which birds migrate’; Ukr. (v)yrij ‘warm lands to which
birds migrate’
Pl. wyraj (obs.) ‘warm lands to which birds migrate, fairytale land of
happiness’
SIn. ir ‘der Wasserabgrund, (pl.) deep spot in water’; irin “Wasserwirbel’
(Bezlaj has ir m. and also mentions jr f.)
*1urr-
Lith. jira f. 1 ‘sea’; Latv. jira f. ‘sea (dial. also pl.)’
OPr. luriay [iuriay] (EV) ‘sea’ itirin Asg. ‘sea
According to Bezlaj (1977b: 212), the connection between Sln. ir and the other Slavic
forms can be understood in the light of the ancient belief that migratory birds
hibernate under water. If one is not prepared to accept this, only the Slovene forms
214 *ypskati
are possibly cognate with Lith. jira ‘sea’ Latv. jira ‘id? etc. On the other hand, Sln. ir
is similar to vir “Wasserwirbel, which seems to belong together with *voréti ‘boil; etc.
Formally, *joro( je) and Lith. jura could both continue *iuHr-, but in that case it
becomes impossible to establish a connection with *ueHr, cf. Skt. var ‘water’. A full
grade *euHr- would yield BSI. *iouHr-, cf. Lith. jaura ‘marshy land’ Subsequently, the
*i- could have spread to the zero grade. The PSI. reflex of *uHr- would have been
*vyr-. Nevertheless, it seems more probable to me that such forms as Ukr. vyrij were
influenced by derivatives containing the prefix vy- or arose from collocations with
*vo (cf. ESBM II: 279-280).
*jpskati v. (b) ‘look for, seek’ ESSJa VIII 238-239
CS OCS iskati ‘look for, seek, 18g. isko, 38g. isteto, 3pl. iskoto (also 18g isto, 38g
istoto, with analogical spread of the palatalized root form ist-)
E Ru. iskdt’ ‘look for, seek; 1sg. isu, 38g. iscet; Ukr. s’katy ‘search (one’s head)’
WwW Cz. viskati ‘look for lice’; iskat (dial.) ‘bite (frost), look for lice’; OCz. jiskati
‘look for, seek’; Slk. iskaf ‘look for lice’; Pl. iskac ‘look for lice’; SInc. vjiskdc
S SCr. iskati ‘wish, (Dubr.) look for’; iskati ‘look for lice’; Cak. iskati (Vrg.)
‘look for’, 2sg. isces, isces; iskdt (Orb.) ‘look for, get, 3sg. iscen; iskdt (Orlec)
‘look for’, 38g. iSée; Sln. iskati ‘look for, seek, 1sg. iscem; iskati ‘look for, seek,
isg. iscem; Bulg. iskam ‘want’
BSI. *(o)i?skar-
B Lith. ieskoti ‘look for’; Latv. iéskat ‘look for lice’
PIE *hzis-sk-e/o-
Cogn. Skt. icchati ‘wish for, seek’; Av. isaiti ‘seek’; Lat. aeruscdre ‘beg, ask for’; OHG
eiscon ‘investigate, demand’
The full grade may be of denominative origin. I assume that at a certain stage of
Balto-Slavic the suffix *-sk- was replaced by *-Hsk- (Derksen 1996: 294, 337).
*jbskra f. a (a) ‘spark’ ESSJa VIII 239-240
CS OCS iskra (Euch.) ‘spark’
E Ru. iskra ‘spark’; Ukr. iskra ‘spark’; skra (dial.) ‘spark’
WwW Cz. jiskra ‘spark’; Slk. iskra ‘spark’; Pl. iskra ‘spark’; skra (arch., dial.) ‘spark’;
SInc. skra ‘spark’; USrb. skra ‘spark’; LSrb. sk¢a ‘spark’; Plb. jaskra ‘spark’
S SCr. iskra ‘spark’; Cak. iskra (Vrg.) ‘spark’; Sln. iskra ‘spark’; Bulg. iskra
‘spark
BSI. *itsk-
B Lith. yskus (dial.) 1 ‘clear’; éiskus (dial.) 1 ‘clear’
Cogn. Olc. eiskra ‘rage with heated excitement’
It is quite likely that we are dealing with a noun containing the root *h,eid"- ‘kindle’
(see > *ésnv for the origin of the acute).
*jpstpba 215
*jpsto n. o ‘kidney’ ESSJa VHI 242-243
CS OCS istesa (Supr.) Apl. ‘kidneys’; istesé (Supr.) Adu. ‘kidneys’ {1}
WwW Plb. jaistd Npl. ‘kidneys’
S Cak. jisto (Cres) n.(o?) ‘kidney’ (in the dialect description of Tentor (1909,
1950), the diacritic “ denotes length); SIn. obist f.(i) ‘kidney’
BSI. *itst-
B Lith. inkstas m.(0) ‘kidney’; Latv. ikstis Npl. m.(i) ‘kidneys’; istri Npl. m.(o)
‘kidneys’
OPr. inxcze (EV) n. ‘kidney’
PIE *haid-st-es-
Cogn. Olc. eista ‘testicle’
{1} Though Ps. Sin. has gtrobe Asg. ‘entrails’ in the same passage (Psalm 26:2), both Gk. veppoi
and the fact that Supr. has a dual istesé here justify a translation ‘kidneys’ (‘reins’ in the King
James Version). The kidneys were considered to be the seat of desires and affections. The SJS
translates ‘entrails.
*jbst’b adj. o (a) ‘true, genuine’ ESSJa VIII 246-247
CS OCS isto ‘true, genuine, precise, that’
E Ru. istyj ‘true, genuine’
WwW Cz. isty ‘definite, true, reliable’; Pl. isty ‘true, sure, the same’
S SCr. isti ‘true, the same’; Cak. ?sti (Vrg.) ‘true, the same’; isti (Orb.) ‘same,
identical’; SIn. isti ‘the same’
BSI. *ifstos
B Latv. ists ‘real, true’
See > *ésno.
*jpstbba f. 4 (Cc) ‘room’ ESSJa VII 243-245
CS
E
WwW
B
CS jostoba ‘room’
Ru. izba ‘peasant’s hut, cottage’, Asg. izbu; ORu. istoba ‘house, building’;
iz(o)ba ‘house, building’
Cz. jizba ‘accomodation, room’; izba (dial.) ‘attic, peasant house, house’;
OCz. jistba ‘room, pillar, arch’; Slk. izba ‘accomodation, room; Pl. izba
‘room’; izdba (arch.) ‘room’; istba (arch., dial.) ‘room’; zdba (dial.) ‘room’;
Zba (dial.) ‘room’; OPI. histba ‘peasant house, room; SInc. jizba ‘room’; USrb.
jstwa ‘accomodation, room’; stwa ‘accomodation, room’; LSrb. spa ‘attic, big
room; Plb. jazbd ‘sitting-roon’
SCr. izba (Herc.) ‘room, cellar’; izba (dial.) ‘cellar’; SIn. izba ‘room, attic’; izba
‘room, attic’; jézba ‘dining-room’; Bulg. izba ‘cellar, hut’; istaba (arch., dial.)
‘hut
Latv. istaba ‘room’
Probably from Romance *istuva or *istuba ‘bath-house’, cf. MoFr. étuve.
216 *jpti
*jpti v. ‘go’ ESSJa VIII 247-248
CS OCS iti ‘go, 1sg. ido, 28g. imper. idi
E Ru. idti ‘go, 1sg. idui, 38g. idét, 28g. imper. idi {1}; Ukr. iti ‘go, 18g. idu
Ww Cz. jiti ‘go, 1sg. jdu, 2sg. imper. jdi; Slk. ist'‘go’; Pl. is¢ ‘go’; i (arch.) ‘go’; SInc.
jic ‘go, 18g. jidg; Plb. ait ‘go, 38g. aidé, 28g. imper. aid
S SCr. ici ‘go; 18g. idém; iti (dial.) ‘go’; isti ‘go’; Sln. iti ‘go, 1sg. grém, 18g. grédem,
isg. idem; Bulg. ida ‘go, come’
BSI. *ei-
B Lith. eiti ‘go’; Latv. iét ‘go’
PIE *hyei-
Cogn. Skt. éti ‘go’; Gk. eit ‘go’; Lat. ire ‘go’
The stem form id- results from a reanalysis of the 2sg. imperative idi < *h,i-d'-oih;s,
cf. Skt. ihi asg. imper. ‘go, Gk. (01 2sg. imper. ‘go. The original ending was transformed
under the influence of the optative ending *-oih;s.
{1} AP (b) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 136).
*jbva f. a (a) ‘willow ESSJa VIII 248-249
E Ru. iva; ORu. iva; Ukr. iva (dial.)
Ww Cz. jiva; Slk. iva; Pl. iwa; USrb. jiwa; LSrb. wiwa
S SCr. iva; Sln. iva; Bulg. iva
BSI. *éitwar (*é?iwar?)
B Lith. ieva 2/4 ‘bird-cherry’ {1}; Latv. iéva ‘bird-cherry’
PIE *h,eiH-uehz (hyeh;i-uehz?)
Cogn. Gk. da, dn, ot f ‘service-tree’; Lat. iva ‘bunch of grapes, raisins’
{1} AP 1 seems to occur in dialects. With respect to AP 2, cf. Illi¢-Svityé 1979: 53.
*jpverb m. 0 ‘chip’ ESSJa VIII 250-251
E Ru. iver (dial.) ‘felling, mark on a log’; Ukr. iver’ m.(jo) ‘notch across a tree’;
yver’ m.(jo) ‘notch across a tree’; hyver m.(0) ‘chip, splinter’
WwW Cz. iver (dial.) ‘chip’; vejr (dial.) ‘notch, chip’; vér (dial.) ‘notch, chip’; Slk. iver
‘stump, chip’; Pl. widr ‘shaving, chip’; wier (dial.) ‘shaving, chip’; jewir (dial.)
‘shaving, chip’; iwer (dial.) shaving, chip’; Slnc. vjGr ‘shaving, chip’; Plb. jéver
‘shaving, chip’
S SCr. ivér ‘chip’; Sln. ivér ‘chip’; Bulg. iver ‘chip, chunk’
Formation unclear.
*jpvplga f. 4 ‘oriole ESSJa VIII 251-252
CS CS vlega ‘oriole’
E Ru. ivolga ‘oriole, (dial.) purple willow’; Uk. jivolga ‘oriole’
WwW Cz. viha (Kott) ‘European bee-eater’; Slk. viha ‘oriole’; Pl. wilga ‘oriole’;
wywiolga (dial.) ‘oriole’; wiwielga (dial.) ‘oriole’; wywilga (dial.) ‘oriole’
*jpzmbprmprati 217
S SCr. viiga ‘titmouse’; Bulg. avliga ‘oriole’
B Lith. volungé f.(é) 3° ‘oriole’; Latv. valuddze f.(€) ‘oriole’
Cogn. MHG witewal m. ‘oriole’; MoHG wiedewalch (Swiss dial.) m. ‘oriole’; MoDu.
wielewaal m. ‘oriole’
Drawing a comparison with Germanic forms such as MHG witewal, with a first
element meaning ‘wood, Bulaxovskij (1968: 104) has proposed that *jovolga
continues *jovo-volga (*jvva ‘willow’ ). This is a reasonable attempt to account for the
problematic prothetic vowel. I consider it possible, however, that we are dealing with
a substratum word, cf. Lith. irbé ‘hazel-grouse’, jeru(m)bé ‘id., Latv. irube ‘partridge.
*jpz prep./pref. ‘from, out of? ESSJa VIII 6-8
CS OCS iz
E Ru. iz
W Cz. z(e) ; Slk. z(0) ; Pl. z(e) ‘with, from, out of’
S SCr. iz; Cak. z (Orb.) ‘out of, from, off’; Sn. iz; Bulg. iz ‘from, out of, at, in”
BS *ié (is)
B Lith. is; iz (arch., dial.); Latv. iz
OPr. is; assa prep.; assae prep.
PIE *hyeg(s)
Cogn. Gk. é& prep.; Lat. ex prep.
The *i- of the Balto-Slavic forms is unexplained. The Balto-Slavic form may have
been is, with secondary voicing in Slavic.
*jpzkrp prep. ‘close to’ ESSJa IX 38
CS OCS iskro adv./prep. ‘close (to)’; RuCS iskro prep. ‘beside’
E ORu. iskro prep. ‘beside’
S SCr. iskr (arch.) prep. ‘close to’; Sln. iskar prep. ‘close to’
This preposition probably originates from *joz and a second element going back to
PIE *(s)kr ‘cut, cf. Ru. krej, kri (dial.) ‘beside’
See also: *jpzkrpnb
*jpzkrpnp; *jbzkrpnb adj. jo; adj. o ESSJa IX 39
CS OCS iskronii ‘close’
E Ru. iskrennij ‘sincere, candid’
WwW Pl. skierny (dial.) ‘obstinate, foolish’
S SCr. iskrnji (Dubr.) ‘close’; Sln. iskrnji ‘close’
Adjectival derivative of > *juzkro.
*jpzmbprmprati Vv. ESSJa IX 51
CS OCS izmromoroto 3pl. ‘gnaw to shreds’
218 *jpzuti
PIE *mrhomrhy
Cogn. Skt. mrnati ‘crush’; Gk. papatve ‘quench’
*jpzuti v. ‘take off (footwear)’ ESSJa IX 87
CS OCS izuti (Hilf) ‘take off (footwear)’
WwW Cz. zouti ‘take off (footwear)’; Slk. zozut'(obs.) ‘take off (footwear)’; OPI. zuc
‘take off (footwear)’
S SCr. izuti ‘take off (footwear), 1sg. izujém; Cak. iziiti (Vrg.) ‘take off
(footwear), 2s. izujes; ztit (Orb.) ‘take off (shoes); 18g. zitjen; Sln. izuti ‘take
off (footwear), 1sg. iziijem
BSI. *out-
B Lith. aisti ‘put on (footwear)’; Latv. dut ‘put on (footwear)’
Cogn. Hitt. unu- ‘adorn, decorate, lay (the table)’; Lat. exuere ‘take off’
Prefixed verb composed of > *joz- and *uti- < *hseu-. The reconstruction of *h3 is
based on Hittite.
See also: *obuti
*K
*kadidlo n. 0 ‘incense’ ESSJa IX 109
CS OCS kadilo (Ps. Sin., Euch.) ‘incense’
E Ru. kadilo ‘thurible, censer’
W Cz. kadidlo ‘incense’; Slk. kadidlo ‘incense’; Pl. kadzidto ‘fragrance’
S SCr. kadilo ‘smoke, incense’; SIn. kadilo ‘smoking, incense’
Derivative of > *kaditi.
See also: cad; cadjp; Cadja
*kaditi v. (c) ‘burn incense’ ESSJa IX 109-110
CS OCS kaditi (Euch.) “burn incense’
E Ru. kadit’ ‘burn incense’, 1sg. kazu, 38g. kadit
W Cz. kaditi ‘fumigate, burn incense’; Slk. kadit ‘smoke’; Pl. kadzié ‘burn
incense’
Ss SCr. kdditi ‘smoke, burn incense’, 1sg. kadim; Cak. kaditi (Vrg.) ‘smoke, burn
incense’, 28g. kddis; kédit (Hvar) ‘smoke, burn incense’ 1sg. kédin; kadit
(Orb.) ‘incense’; SIn. kaditi ‘smoke, cover with dust’, sg. kadim; Bulg. kadja
‘burn incense, smoke’
The accentuation of the Serbo-Croatian forms points to AP (b), but the evidence of
the other languages rather points to (c). This is not an uncommon situation, as
Serbo-Croatian mobile verbs in *-iti have been transferred to (b) on a large scale.
*kaliti I 219
Due to the absence of reliable cognates, the reconstruction of the root presents
difficulties (> *¢adv). In the case of *kaditi, we may be dealing with a lengthened
grade *6.
See also: cad; cadjp; Cadja; *kadidlo
*kajati v. (a) ‘regret, repent’ ESSJa IX 115-116
CS OCS kajati se ‘repent, 1sg. kajo se
E Ru. kajat’sja ‘repent’
WwW Cz. kati se ‘regret, redeem’; Slk. kajat' sa ‘regret, redeem’; Pl. kajac sig ‘repent,
regret’
S SCr. kdjati ‘repent, be sorry, avenge’, 1sg. kijém; Cak. kdjati se (Vrg.) ‘be
repentant, 2sg. kdjes se; se kajat (Orb.) ‘repent, regret; 3sg. se kdje; Sln. kdjati
‘blame, retort, (k. se) repent, 1sg. kdjam, 1sg. kdjem; Bulg. kdja se ‘regret,
repent
PIE *k6i-
Cogn. Av. kdii- ‘repent’
The fact that the accentological evidence points to AP (a) is problematic if, following
LIV (371), we reconstruct the root as *kei- ‘observe, perceive’. Since this is the root
that I (s.v. *cdjati) reconstructed as *k”eh,i-, the formal difficulty may be solved by
positing *k”oh,i-. From a semantic point of view, however, I consider it more
plausible that we are dealing here with the same root as in > *céna, where the
reconstruction of a laryngeal seems unfounded. Thus, the formal difficulty remains.
See also:*céniti
*kaks prn. ‘what (kind of )’ ESSJa IX 118-119
CS OCS kako’
E Ru. kak6j’
Ww OCz. kaky’; Pl. kaki (arch.)’
S SCr. kak?; Sln. kak
BSI. *kokos
B Lith. kéks’
PIE *k6-ko-
*kaliti I v. ‘temper, case-harden’ ESSJa IX 123-124
E Ru. kalit’ ‘heat, roast, 1sg. kalju, 38g. kalit
Ww Cz. kaliti ‘temper, case-harden’; Slk. kalit*temper, case-harden’
S SCr. kdliti ‘temper, case-harden’; Cak. kalit ‘temper, harden (iron); 3sg. kali;
SIn. kaliti ‘temper, case-harden; 1sg. kalim; Bulg. kaljd ‘temper, case-harden’
Cogn. Lat. callum n. ‘callous’; Olr. calath adj. ‘hard’; W caled adj. ‘hard’
220 *kaliti II
*kaliti II v. ‘soil’ ESSJa IX 123-124
E Uke. kalyty (dial.) ‘smear a wall with clay’
WwW Cz. kaliti ‘trouble, spoil’; Slk. kalit ‘trouble, spoil’; Pl. kali¢ ‘soil, trouble’; Slnc.
kalac ‘soil
S SIn. kaliti ‘trouble’; isg. kalim
Clearly a derivative of > *kélv. According to the ESSJa, > kaliti I ‘temper’ is
etymologically identical.
*kalb m. 0 (c) ‘dirt’ ESSJa IX 127-129
CS OCS kale (Supr.) ‘dirt, mud’
E Ru. kal ‘faeces, excrement’
Ww Cz. kal ‘dirt, muddy water, puddle, sediment; Pl. kal ‘dirt, puddle,
excrement’
S SCr. kal ‘dirt, mud, puddle’; Cak. kal (Orb.) ‘small pond (rainwater cistern)
near a village’; Sln. kdt ‘mud in a puddle, dregs, puddle’; Bulg. kal ‘mud, dirt,
dregs’
Unfortunately, the reconstruction *kehl-o-, cf. Gk. mndog f., Dor. maddc f. ‘clay,
earth, mud, mire’, would be in conflict with Hirt’s law.
See also: *kaliti II
*kamy m.n ‘stone, rock’ ESSJa IX 137-140
CS OCS kamy m.(n) ‘stone, rock, Gsg. kamene
E Ru. kdmen’ m.(jo) ‘stone, Gsg. kamnja
WwW Cz. kamen m.(o) ‘stone’; Slk. kamen m.(jo) ‘stone’; Pl. kamien m.(jo) ‘stone’
S SCr. kimén m.(o) ‘stone, millstone’; Cak. kdmen (Vrg.) m.(o) ‘stone,
millstone’; kdmén (Novi) m.(o) ‘stone, millstone’; kamen (Orb.) m.(0) ‘rock;
SIn. kamen m.(0) ‘stone’
BSI. *(P)akmen-
B Lith. akmué m. 3> ‘stone, Gsg. akmefis; dsmenys Npl. m. 3° ‘cutting-edge,
blade’; Latv. akmens m. ‘stone’
PIE — *hzek-men-
Cogn. Skt. dsman- m. ‘stone, rock’; Gk. &kuwv m. ‘anvil, meteor, heaven’
The root-final palatovelar was depalatalized before the resonant of the suffix. In the
Lithuanian word for ‘cutting-edge, blade’, the palatovelar was restored after the word
for ‘sharp’, astrus (Kortlandt 1978b: 271).
*kara f. 4 ‘punishment’ ESSJa IX 151
CS CS kara ‘quarrel’
E Ru. kdra (rhet.) ‘punishment, retribution; Ukr. kdra ‘punishment,
retribution, anger’
WwW
S
*ka8(b)|b 221
Cz. kara (arch.) ‘punishment, retribution’; Slk. kdra (arch.) ‘punishment,
retribution’; Pl. kara ‘punishment, retribution’
SCr. kara ‘punishment, quarrel’
See > *koro. The long vowel may originate from > *karati.
*karati v. ‘scold, punish’ ESSJa IX 152-153
E Ru. karat ‘punish’
WwW Cz. kdrati ‘reproach, scold, (arch.) punish; Pl. karaé ‘punish, (arch.)
reproach’
S SCr. kdrati ‘scold, punish’; Cak. se karat (Orb.) ‘quarrel’; Sln. karati ‘nick,
scold; sg. kdram; Bulg. kdram ‘scold, quarrel’; Mcd. kara ‘scold’
See > *koriti. The long root vowel is of Proto-Slavic origin.
*kasati v. ESSJa IX 155-156
CS OCS kasati se ‘touch; 18g. kasajo se
E Ru. kasdt’sja ‘touch’
WwW Cz. kasati ‘roll, roll up’; Pl. kasaé (obs., dial.) ‘grab, aspire, climb, prepare’;
OPI. kasaé ‘fold back, tuck up’
S SCr. kdsati ‘trot, walk hastily’; SIn. kasati ‘go while shaking one’s head
(horses); sg. kasam; Bulg. kasde se ‘concerns’
B Lith. kasyti ‘scratch constantly’; Latv. kasit ‘plane, rake, scratch’
See also: *¢esati; *kosa I; *kosms; *kosnoti
*ka8(b)lati v. ‘cough’ ESSJa IX 160
CS CS kasoljati
E Ru. kasljat’ ‘cough, have a cough’
Ww Cz. kaslati; Sik. kaslat; Pl. kaszlaé
S SCr. kasljati, sg. kasljem; Cak. kaslati (Vrg.), 28g. kasles; kasljat (Orb.), 18¢.
kdsljen, 18g. kasljan; Sin. kdsljati, sg. kasljam; Bulg. kdslja; kasljam
B Lith. kdséti; Latv. kdsét
PIE *kehys-
Cogn. Skt. kas-
Denominative verb. See > *kas(v)Jv.
*kaS(b)lb m. jo ‘cough’ ESSJa IX 160-161
Ru. kdselj; ORu. kasolo
Cz. kasel; Sik. kaSel; Pl. kaszel
SCr. kdSalj; Cak. kaga] (Vrg.); Sln. kdgalj, Gsg. kdslja
*kats(u)lio-
Lith. kosuljs m.(io) 3°; Latv. kdsulis m.(io)
222 *kazati
PIE *kwehzs-
Cogn. Skt. kasika- (AV) f; OHG huosto m.; OE hwosta m.; MIr. cosachtach f.
‘cough(ing)’; W pds m. ‘whooping cough’
See also: *kaS(b)lati
*kazati v. ‘show ESSJa IX 168-171
CS OCS kazati ‘show’, 1sg. kazo
E Ru. kazat’ ‘show, 1sg. kazu, 38g. kazet
W Cz. kazati ‘teach, judge’; Slk. kazat ‘rule, order, teach’; Pl. kazad ‘bid, order,
let’
S SCr. kazati ‘say, tell, show’, 1sg. kazém; Cak. kaziti (Vrg.) ‘say, tell, show, 2sg.
kdZes; kazat (Orb.) ‘show, point’ 1sg. kaZen; Sln. kdzati ‘show, 1sg. kazem;
Bulg. kdZa ‘say, show
LIV (383, 385) regards *kazati as a causative *k”6g-ie-, the root being a variant of
*kwek- ‘see, behold’ For the time being this may be the best solution.
See also: *kaznp
*kaziti v. ‘ruin’ (c) ESSJa IX 171
CS OCS kaziti ‘ruin, castrate’, sg. kazo
E Ru. kazit’ ‘spoil, ruin’ {1}; Ukr. kazyty ‘distort’
Ww Cz. kaziti ‘spoil, ruin’; Slk. kazit' ‘spoil, ruin’; Pl. kazié ‘harm, ruin, destroy’;
SInc. kazec ‘destroy, ruin’; USrb. kazy¢ ‘destroy, ruin’; LSrb. kazys ‘ruin, harm’
S SCr. kaziti (dial.) ‘ruin one’s own appearance’; Sn. kaziti ‘spoil, ruin, 1sg.
kazim
It is unclear if this verb is cognate with > *kdzati. A connection with > *céznoti is
more attractive.
{1} AP (c) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 140).
*kaznp f. i ‘punishment’ ESSJa IX 172-173
CS OCS kaznv (Supr., Euch.) ‘punishment, command’
E Ru. kazn’ ‘execution, capital punishment’
W Cz. kdzen ‘discipline’; Slk. kdzen ‘sermon, reprimand’; Pl. kazn ‘torture,
execution’; OPI. kaznv ‘punishment’
S SCr. kdzn (arch.) ‘punishment’; kdzanj (arch.) ‘punishment’; Sln. kdzan
‘punishment, tax, Gsg. kdzni
See > *kazati.
{1} AP (a) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 132).
*klasti v. ‘put’ ESSJa IX 187-189
CS OCS klasti ‘put; 1sg. klado
E Ru. klast’ ‘put, isg. kladu, 38g. kladét
*klekntati 223
Ww Cz. klasti ‘put’, isg. kladu; Slk. klast ‘put’; Pl. klas¢ ‘put’
S SCr. kldsti (arch.) ‘put, isg. kladém, 1sg. klddém; Sln. klasti ‘put, lay 1sg.
kladem; Bulg. kladd ‘pile’
BSI. *klar-
B Lith. kloti ‘cover’; Latv. klat ‘cover’
PIE *kleh2-
Cogn. Go. afhlapan ‘overburden’; OHG hladan ‘load’
The Slavic verb seems to contain an enlargement *-d™, whereas in Germanic we find
*-t. Given the meaning of the verb, the hypothesis that the Proto-Slavic *-d originates
from the imperative (LIV: 362, cf. > iti), is not implausible, but cf. Vaillant Gr. IIT: 115.
*klegot; *klegota m. o; f. 4 ‘shouting, shout’ ESSJa IX 189-190
CS RuCS klegota f. ‘shouting’
E ORu. klegota f. ‘shouting’
WwW Cz. klehot (dial.) m. ‘shout’
We may reconstruct *kleg'-, but the root is probably onomatopoetic in origin.
See also: *klegptati; *klekotati; *klekot»; *Klekstati
*klegntati v. ‘scream’ ESSJa IX 193
CS CS klegotati ‘scream’; RuCS klegotati ‘scream like an eagle’
E ORu. klegotati ‘scream like an eagle’
See > *klegoto, *klegota.
*klekotati v. ‘scream’ ESSJa IX 191
E Ru. klekotat’ ‘scream (like birds)’
W Cz. klekotati ‘scream (like birds)’; P]. klekotac ‘clatter, knock, buzz’
S Sln. klekotdti ‘clack, croak; isg. klekotém; Bulg., isg. klekécem
See > *klegoto, *klegota.
*klekotb m. 0 ‘scream’ ESSJa IX 191-192
E Ru. klékot ‘scream (of birds)’
W Cz. klekot ‘scream (of birds)’; Pl. klekot ‘rattle’
See > *klegoto, *klegota.
*klek stati v. ‘scream’ ESSJa IX 193
CS CS klekotati ‘scream’
E Ru. klektdt’ ‘scream like birds of prey’
W Cz. klektati ‘knock, shake’; Pl. klekta¢ ‘knock, pound, shake’
See > *klegoto, *klegota.
224 *kléjp; *kibjp
*kléjp; *klpjp m. jo ‘glue, resin’ ESSJa X 19-20
E Ru. klej ‘glue’
WwW Cz. klej (dial.) ‘glue, resin’; OCz. kli‘resin, clay’; Pl. klej ‘glue’; klij ‘glue’
S SCr. klija ‘glue’; Sln. kléj ‘bitumen, glue, Gsg. kléja, Gsg. kleja; Bulg. klej
© * >
resin, glue
This noun is reminiscent of > *gléva, *glvjv, etc. The connection with Gk. KdAAa f.
‘glue’ is doubtful. Note that *klé/lvjo does not seem to contain a zero grade *kol- <
*kL-.
*kléSéa f. ja ‘claw, pincer’ ESSJa X 20-22
E Ru. klésci Npl. ‘pincers’; klesci Npl. ‘pincers’; ORu. klesca ‘claw’
Ww Cz. klesté Npl. ‘pincers’; Slk. klieste Npl. ‘pincers’; Pl. kleszcze Npl. ‘pincers’
S SCr. klijésta Npl. n. ‘pincers’; klijéste Npl. f. ‘pincers’; Cak. kligéa (Vrg.) Npl.
n. ‘pincers’; kiséa (Novi) Npl. n. ‘pincers’; klié3éa (Orb.) Npl. n. ‘pair of
tongs’; SIn. klésce Npl. ‘pincers’; Bulg. klésti Npl. ‘pincers’
B Lith. klisé £.(@) ‘(crab’s) pincer’
If we start from a root *k™eik-, the etymon *kléséa may be reconstructed as
k()loik-t-ieh2. A possible cognate is Skt. kles- (SB+) ‘trouble, torment’
See also: *kléséiti
*kléSciti v. ESSJa X 22-23
WwW Cz. klestiti ‘castrate’; klestiti ‘prune, clear, castrate’; OCz. klestiti ‘castrate’, 1sg.
klescu; Slk. kliestit ‘castrate’; Pl. klesci¢ (dial.) ‘castrate, isg. kleszcze, 2s¢.
klescisz; kleszczyc (1902) ‘castrate’
S SCr. klijéstiti ‘squeeze’
Apparently a derivative of > *klésca. The ESSJa suggests that forms reflecting *klestiti
are analogical after *pustiti, 1sg. *pusco. This may very well be correct, but it should
be noted that the West Slavic forms with *-s¢-, which could be analogical after the
present stem or the noun > *k/ésca, are comparatively recent.
*klétp fi ESSJa X 25-27
CS OCS kléto ‘closet, abode’
E Ru. klet’ ‘cage (in mines), (dial.) store-room, shed’
WwW Pl. Alec ‘hut, cabin, (arch.) store-room’
S SCr. klijet ‘closet, cabin, granary’; SIn. klét ‘cellar, store-room’
BSI. *klé?tis
B Lith. klétis ‘barn, granary’; Latv. kléts ‘granary’
Unlike the ESSjJa, I consider it unlikely that the Baltic forms are borrowings from
Slavic (see also Fraenkel s.v. klétis, Anikin 2005: 169-171). I agree that long vowels in
borrowings are not necessarily circumflex in Lithuanian, but the vocalism é instead
of ie is not what we would expect in a loanword from Slavic. The ESSJa assumes that
*kliknoti 225
the vocalism is due to remodelling, but I find that unconvincing. It seems preferable
to reconstruct *kleh,-ti- with secondary mobility in the Slavic i-stem. The reason why
the Baltic words have been regarded as borrowings is that it makes it possible to
derive the *é of the Slavic etymon from *oi, cf. Go. hleipra ‘hut, tent, Olr. cliath
‘hurdle, woven wall’ late Lat. cléta ‘enclosure’ < *klei-, whereas a root kleh,- cannot
easily be connected with forms from other branches of Indo-European.
*klecati v. (c) ‘kneel’ ESSJa X 28-29
CS OCS klecesta Ndu. pte. pres. act. ‘kneeling’
E Ru. kljacet’ (dial.) ‘grow numb’
Ww Cz. kleceti ‘kneel’; Pl. klecze¢ ‘kneel’
S SCr. klécati ‘kneel, squat’, isg. klécim; Cak. klecati (Vrg.) ‘kneel, be on your
knees; 28g. klecis; kliecét (Orb.) ‘kneel, be on your knees; 18g. kliecin; Sln.
klécati ‘kneel’, 1g. klecim; Bulg. klecd ‘squat’
BSI. *klenk-
B Lith. klénkti ‘walk with difficulty’; Latv. klencét ‘hobble’
If Lith. klénkti ‘walk with difficulty’ and Latv. klencét ‘hobble’ are cognate, we must
reconstruct *klenHk™-. Further etymology unknown.
*klikati; *klicati v. (a) ‘cry out, call’ ESSJa X 41
CS OCS klicati ‘cry out, wail’, 1sg. klico
E Ru. klikat’ ‘call’
WwW OCz. kliceti ‘call’
S SCr. klicati ‘cheer, shout, cry out, call’; kltkati (dial.) ‘cry out, make a merry
noise’; Cak. kJicati (Vrg.) ‘cheer, shout, cry out, call’; klicat (Orb.) ‘announce
(news, publicly)’; SIn. klicati ‘shout, call’ 1sg. kli¢em
BSI. *kli?kar-
B Lith. kljkti ‘scream, yell’; klykoti ‘scream, yell’; Latv. klikat ‘scream loudly (in
a forest)’
The acute of the Baltic forms in *-dti may be metatonical, but on the basis of the
Slavic evidence I am inclined to reconstruct a root containing a laryngeal.
See also: *kliknoti
*kliknoti v. (a) ‘cry out’ ESSJa X 42
CS RuCs kliknuti ‘cry out
E Ru. kliknut’ (dial.) ‘cry out’; ORu. kliknuti ‘cry out
S SCr. kliknuti ‘cry out, call’; kliknuti ‘cry out, call’; Sln. klikniti ‘cry out, 1sg.
kliknem
Perfective in *-noti. See > *klikati.
226 *kliks
*kliks m. o ‘cry’ ESSJa X 43
E Ru. klik ‘cry’; ORu. klik ‘cry, shouting’
S SCr. klik ‘cry, call, scream (of birds)’; SIn. klik ‘cry’
Deverbative o-stem. See > *klikati.
*kluciti v. Tock’ ESSJa X 50
CS OCS kljuciti se ‘happen; 1sg. kljuco se; RuCS kljuciti ‘lock {1}
W Cz. kliciti Jg., Kott) ‘lock’; Slk. kludéati ‘squat’; Slnc. kléééc ‘lock’
S SCr. k]juciti ‘lock, peck’; kljitciti lock, peck’; Sln. kljuciti ‘bend’, 18g. kljacim
{2}
According to the ESSJa, this is a derivative of > *kjuicv, but the accentological
evidence suggests that in some cases we might be dealing with a derivative of >
*klika.
{1} AP (c) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 140). {2} The form kljuicim (Pleter’nik I: 409) is
incorrect (see o.c. II: V).
See also: *KlUcé
*klucn m. jo (b) ‘key’ ESSJa X 50-52
CS OCS kljucb ‘key’
E Ru. kijué’ ‘key’
W Cz. kli¢ ‘hook, key’; Slk. klué ‘key’; Pl. klucz ‘key’; Slnc. kliié ‘key’
S SCr. kljtié ‘hook, seedling, key’, Gsg. kljtica; Cak. k]aé (Vrg.) ‘hook, seedling,
key, Gsg. kluca; kljiaié (Orb.) ‘key, Gsg. kljuca; SIn. kljué Shook, key’; Bulg.
kljuc ‘key’
See also: *kluciti
*kluka f. 4 (a) ‘hook’ ESSJa X 55-56
E Ru. kljukd ‘walking-stick, (dial.) poker’; ORu. kljuka ‘deceit, walking-stick,
poker’; Ukr. kljuka ‘pole with a hook, hook’
WwW Cz. klika ‘door-handle’; klika (Jg.) ‘bend, hook’; Slk. kluka ‘joint, knob’; OPI.
kluka ‘hook’; SInc. klaka ‘yoke’
S SCr. kljitka ‘hook, door-knob’; SIn. kljuka ‘Shook, knee-pad, handle’
B Lith. klidti ‘brush against, be caught in, obstruct’
PIE *kleh2u-
Cogn. Gk. KAnic (Ion.), kkaic (Dor.) f. ‘bolt, catch, hook, key, rowing pen’; Lat.
clavis f. ‘key’
The reconstruction of the root as *kleh,u- implies that the *e of BSL *kle?u is
secondary (Schrijver 1991: 175).
*klokotati v. ‘bubble, gurgle’ ESSJa X 64-65
CS OCS klokotati (Supr.) ‘bubble, boil’, sg. kKlokostg
*kogpda; *kogpdy 227
E Ru. klokotat’ ‘bubble, gurgle’
W Cz. klokotati ‘bubble, gurgle, boil, sing (of a nightingale)’
S SCr. klokotati ‘bubble, gurgle’; Bulg. klokotdti ‘bubble, gurgle’
Verb of onomatopoetic origin.
*ki pkati; *klscati v. ‘pound’ ESSJa X 79-80
CS OCS klocase (Ps. Sin.) 38g. impf. ‘made diligent search’ {1}; RuCS klocati
‘pound’; klecati ‘pound’ {2}
W Slk. klkat (dial.) ‘batter, pound’
S SIn. kéfcati ‘knock’ 1sg. kdtcam; Bulg. kdlcam ‘chop up, mince, pick’
Verb of onomatopoetic origin.
{1} In klocase d<u>xe moi (Psalm 76:7). {2} E.g. klecaase duxo moi (Psalm 76:7) and a srdce
klvéase v némp (from kloéati or klvkati?).
*kobp f. i ESSJa X 101
CS OCS kobo (Supr.) f.(i) ‘fate’
E Ru. kob’ (dial.) f.(i) ‘evil, obstinacy, scoundrel’
W OCz. koba f.(a) ‘wish, success’
S SCr. kéb f.(i) ‘encounter, omen, augury’
Cogn. Olc. happ n. ‘success’
Origin unclear. We may be dealing with a substratum word. Olr. cob n.(?) ‘victory’
may or may not belong here.
*kobpcpb m. jo ESSJa X 101
E Ru. kdbec (Dal’) ‘honey buzzard’; ORu. kobeco ‘merlin’; Ukr. kibec’ ‘merlin’
Ww Slk. kobec ‘merlin’; Pl. kobiec ‘falco’
S SCr. kobac ‘merlin; Sln. kdbac ‘sparrow hawk’; skdbac ‘sparrow hawk’
Cogn. Ole. haukr m. ‘hawk’; OHG habuh m. ‘hawk’; OHG habuh m. ‘hawk’
Origin unclear. The suggestion that this etymon is cognate with > *kobo is based on
augural rites.
*kogbda; *kogpdy adv./conj. ‘when’ ESSJa X 108-109
CS OCS kogda ‘when, sometimes, one time’
E Ru. kogda ‘when’
Ww OCz. kehdy ‘when’; Pl. kiedy ‘when’; OPI. kiedy ‘when’; kiegdy ‘when’
S SCr. kada ‘when’; SIn. kadé ‘when, sometime’; kadaj ‘when, sometime’; kdd
‘when, sometime’; kddj ‘when, sometime’; kadd ‘when, sometime’; kadaj
‘when, sometime’; Bulg. kogd ‘when’
The element *ko- must reflect *k”o-. The element *goda is sometimes interpreted as
*goda, Gsg. of > gédo.
228 *kojariti
*kojariti v. ESSJa X 111-112
WwW Pl. kojarzyé ‘connect, match, unite’
S SCr. kojariti ‘increase, develop’
The connection with > *aromo is uncertain.
See also: *orbm6d
*koko$p f. i (c) ‘her’ ESSJa X 115-116
CS OCS kokos (Mar.) ‘her’
W Cz. kokoS (dial.) ‘cock’; Slk. kokos (dial.) ‘cock’; Pl. kokosz ‘her’
S SCr. kdkos ‘hen’; Cak. kdkos (Vrg.) ‘hen’; kdko§ (Orb.) ‘chicken, hen’, Gsg.
kokosi; Sln. kok65 ‘her’
Probably onomatopoetic in origin.
*kokots m. 0 ‘cock’ ESSJa X 117-118
CS OCS kokoto
W OCz. kokot ‘cock, penis’; Slk. kokot ‘penis’; Pl. kokot (arch., dial.)
S SCr. kokot; Sln. kokét
*kolda f. 4 (a) ‘block, log’ ESSJa X 122-123
CS OCS glado (sic: Supr.) Asg. ‘block’
E Ru. koldéda ‘block, log, (water-)trough’
W Cz. klada ‘block, log, beam’; Slk. klada ‘block, log, beam’; Pl. kfoda ‘block,
log’; USrb. kiéda ‘stocks, fetter’
S SCr. kldda ‘block, log, beam’; SIn. klada ‘block, log, layer’; Bulg. klada ‘pile,
pyre
PIE *kold-ehz
Cogn. Gk. kAddo¢ m. ‘branch, shoot’; Olc. holt m. ‘wood’; OHG holz m. ‘wood’
*koléno n. 0 (a) ‘knee’ ESSJa X 132-134
CS OCS koléno ‘knee’
E Ru. koléno ‘knee’
W Cz. koleno ‘knee, generation’; Slk. koleno ‘knee, (arch.) generation’; Pl. kolano
‘knee’
S SCr. kéljeno ‘knee, joint’; Cak. kolino (Vrg.) ‘knee, joint’; koléno (Novi, Orb.)
‘knee’; Sln. koléno ‘knee, generation, origin’; Bulg. koljano ‘knee, generation,
origin’
BSI. *kol-/*kel-
B Lith. kélis m.(io) ‘knee’; Latv. celis m.(io) ‘knee’
As to the etymology of the root, there are two candidates, viz. *kelH- ‘rise, raise, lift’
and *k”el(H)- ‘turn, rotate. For semantic reasons, I have a slight preference for the
*kdlo 229
former option. The connection with Gk. x@dov ‘limb; which cannot reflect an initial
labiovelar, is hardly secure enough to serve as a formal argument.
See also: *¢elespn; *éeld; *Celovéks; *Celadp
*koli adv./conj. “how much’ ESSJa X 135-136
CS OCS koli ‘when, ever’
E Ru. koli (obs., dial.) “if?
S SCr. kéli (RJA, RSA: obs., dial.) “how much’; SIn. koli ‘however much’
Adverb (also conjunction) consisting of the neuter pronoun *ko and the particle Ji,
cf. Ru. li, which functions as an interrogative particle and as a conjunction ‘whether,
if
*koliko adv./prn. ‘how much’ ESSJa X 135-136
CS OCS koliko ‘how much’
WwW Cz. koliko (arch.) ‘how much’
S SCr. kéliko (Vuk) Show much’; koliko ‘how much’; koliko ‘how much’; Cak.
koliko (Orb.) ‘how much’; Sln. kéliko ‘how much’
Derivative in *-ko- of > *koli.
*kolkolb m. 0 (c) ‘bell’ ESSJa X 137-138
CS CS klakolo
E Ru. kélokol; ORu. kolokol«
W Plb. klav’ol
B Latv. kaluot ‘talk idly’
PIE *kolHkolH-o-
Cogn. Gk. kdAew ‘call’; Lat. calare ‘call’
*kélo n. s ‘wheel’ ESSJa X 141-145
CS OCS kolo n.(s/o) ‘wheel; Gsg. kolese, Gsg. kola
E Ru. kolesé n.(0) ‘wheel’; Ukr. kdlo n.(0) ‘wheel, circle’
W Cz. kolo n.(o) ‘wheel’; Sl. kolo n.(o0) ‘wheel, circle’; Pl. koto n.(o) ‘wheel’
S SCr. kélo n.(s) ‘wheel, circle? Npl. kolésa; Cak. kélo (Vrg.) n.(0) ‘wheel, circle’
Npl. k6la; kélo (Novi) n.(o) ‘wheel, circle, Npl. kdla; k“6lo (Orb.) n.(0)
‘wheel, circle’, Npl. k“6la; Sln. kolé n.(s) ‘wheel, circle; Gsg. kolésa, Gsg. kolésa
B Lith. kaklas m. 4 ‘neck’; Latv. kakls m. ‘neck, throat’
OPr. kelan (EV) ‘wheel’
PIE *kol(H)-es-
Cogn. Skt. cakrd- n. ‘wheel (of a chariot, of the sun, of the year)’; Gk. xxAoc m.
‘circle, ring, wheel’
230 *kélsp
Meillet (Et. II: 357) suggests that the root vocalism *o (unexpected in an s-stem) is
due to contamination with the masculine o-stem that is reflected in Gk. 16Ao¢ ‘(axis
or pole of the) celestial sphere’
*kélsb m. 0 (c) ‘ear, spike’ ESSJa X 152-153
CS OCS klaso ‘ear, spike’
E Ru. kélos ‘ear, spike’; Ukr. kélos ‘ear, spike’
W Cz. klas ‘ear, spike’; Slk. klas ‘ear, spike’; Pl. kfos ‘ear, spike’; USrb. ktds ‘ear,
spike’, Gsg. ktosa
S SCr. klds ‘ear, spike, corn-cob’; Cak. klds (Vrg.) ‘ear, spike, corn-cob’, Gsg.
kldsa; klas (Orb.) ‘ear, corn-cob’ Gsg. kldsa; Sln. klds “ear, corn-cob, Gsg.
kldsa, Gsg. klasd; Bulg. klas ‘ear’
Derivative in *-so- of the root *kolH-, cf. Alb. kalli m. ‘ear, awn.
See also: *kolti; *koltiti; *kdltb; *kolta; *kolt6; *kol»; *kpln
*kolti v. (b) ‘stab, sting’ ESSJa X 154-156
CS OCS klati ‘kill, 1sg. koljo
E Ru. koldt’ ‘prick, stab, chop; 18g. kolju, 38g. koljet
W Cz. klati ‘stab, beat, kill’; Sl. klat ‘stab, butt, kill’; Pl. ktuc ‘sting, prick’; Slnc.
kluec ‘sting, prick
S SCr. klati ‘chop, cut’, 1sg. kdljém; Cak. klati ‘chop, cut’, 28g. kéles; klat (Orb.)
‘slaughter’, 3sg. kdlje; Sln. klati ‘sting, bite, slaughter, split, beat’, isg. kdljem;
Bulg. kolja ‘slaughter, kill’
BSI. *kol?-
B Lith. kdlti ‘beat, forge’; Latv. kalt ‘beat, forge’
PIE *kolH-
Cogn. Lat. calamitas f. ‘damage’
See also: *k6lsn; *koltiti; *kéltp; *kolta; *kolt6; *kols; *kplb
*koltiti v. (b) ‘shake, strike’ ESSJa X 156-158
CS OCS klatiti (Supr.) ‘shake, 1sg. klasto
E Ru. kolotit’ ‘strike, smash, shake’ 18g. kolocu, 3sg. kolotit
W Cz. kldtiti ‘shake’; Slk. kldtit ‘shake, swing’; Pl. ktdoci¢ ‘stir up, cause to
quarrel’; Slnc. kluecéc kill
S SCr. kldtiti ‘shake, swing’; Cak. klatit (Orb.) ‘beat, shake (e.g. nuts from a
tree), knock about; isg. kldtin; Sln. kldtiti ‘knock down, shake off, 1sg.
klatim; Bulg. klatja ‘shake, swing’
Denominative verb. See > kélto
*konb 231
*kolt; *kolta; *koltd m. 0; f. 4; n. 0 (b) ESSJa X 158-159
E Ru. kélot (dial.) m. ‘wooden sledge-hammer, heavy club’; koldta (dial.) f.
‘flail, threshing floor’; ORu. koloto m. ‘instrument for ramming’; Bel. kdlat
m. ‘pole for rousing fish’; Ukr. kdlot m. ‘quarrel’
WwW Cz. kldt m. ‘bee-hive, piece of wood around the neck of a mean dog, (dial.)
log’; Slk. klat m. ‘log, block, primitive bee-hive’; Pl. ktota (dial.) m. ‘boot-tree,
last’
S SCr. kldto n. ‘log around the neck or feet of livestock’; Cak. klaté (Orb.) n.
‘clapper, tongue (of a bell), Npl. kldta; SIn. klata f. ‘log around the neck of a
pig
BSI. *kol?t6
B Lith. kdltas m. 1 ‘chisel’; Latv. kalts m. ‘chisel, small hammer’
I assume that the mobile o-stems found in East Slavic are secondary and that the
root-final laryngeal was lost in pretonic position in an end-stressed noun kol?to or
kol?to. Note that due to the transfer of the original barytone neuter o-stems (in *-om
> *-um > *-o) to the class of the masculine o-stems, there was widespread vacillation
between the Nsg. endings *-o and *-o (cf. Illi¢-Svityé 1963: 49, Derksen forthe. a:
passim). The relationship between *kdlto and > *koltiti (see also Derksen 1996: 118)
may be compared with the one between > *molto and > *moltiti but is not
completely parallel (see > *molto). I wonder if the East Slavic variant kdlot may be
analogical after molot. The East Baltic forms do not show metatony, which is regular
in the case of to-derivatives of dominant acute roots. The final stress reflected by the
Slavic etymon may be due to the productivity of the neuter suffix *-to (*-tt). In view
of the numerous Old Prussian derivatives in -tan (e.g. dalptan ‘puncl’), the spread
of the suffx may have been a Late Balto-Slavic development, in which case the East
Baltic state of affairs results from redistribution according to the accentual properties
of the root.
See also: *k6lsn; *kolti; *kola; *koln
*kol» m. 0 (b) ‘stake’ ESSJa X 160-161
CS OCS kolw (Supr.) ‘stake’
E Ru. kol ‘stake’
WwW Cz. kiil ‘stake’; Slk. kél ‘stake’; Pl. kot ‘stake, Gsg. kolu, Gsg. kota
S SIn. kot ‘pole, stake’, Gsg. kdla; Bulg. kol ‘pole, stake’
BSI. *kol-/*kol-?
B Lith. kudlas ‘stake’
Originally a neuter o-stem derivative of > *kolti.
*konb m. jo (b) ‘horse’ ESSJa X 197-198
CS OCS kono
E Ru. kon’
W Cz. kuin, Gsg. koné; Slk. kon, Gsg. koria; Pl. kon; USrb. kon, Gsg. konja
232 *konb
S SCr. kénj, Gsg. konja; Cak. kon (Vrg.), Gsg. konja; k“énj (Orb.), Gsg. konja;
SIn. konj, Gsg. konja; Bulg. kon
Etymology disputed. An attempt can be made to connect *konv with Ru. kobyla
‘mare; etc., which may be cognate with Lat. caballus ‘working-horse’ In that case we
might posit a (non-IE) root *kab- (with a non-glottalized *b) and derive *kon» from
*kab-n-io-. Another possibility is to start from *kom-nv and seek a connection with
ORu. komonp, Cz. komon ‘horse’ and maybe also Lith. kumélé ‘mare’.
*konb m. 0 ESSJa X 195-196
E Ru. kon ‘row, turn, kitty (in games)’; kon (dial.) ‘beginning, end, turn’; ORu.
kon ‘end, limit’
Ww OCz. kon ‘end’; LSrb. kon ‘period, moment’
S SCr. kon ‘beginning, end’ (in the expression od kona do kona ‘from
beginning to end’)
PIE *kon-o-
Cogn. Gk. xatvdc adj. ‘new; Lat. recens adj. ‘fresh, young, new’; Olr. cét- ‘first’
See also: *éedo; *éeda; *tedb; *¢ed; *konbep; *naceti; *3cene
*konbcp m. jo ‘end’ ESSJa XI 5-6
CS OCS konovco ‘end, boundary’
E Ru. konéc ‘end, boundary’
W Cz. konec ‘end, limit’; OCz. konec ‘death, death penalty’; Slk. koniec ‘end’; Pl.
koniec ‘end’; USrb. kénc ‘end’
S SCr. konac ‘thread, end’, Gsg. kénca; Cak. kondc (Vrg., Orb.) ‘thread, end’,
Gsg. koncd; kondc (Novi) ‘thread, end} Gsg. kénca; Sln. kénac ‘end, tip,
beginning, purpose’
Derivative in *-ocv. See > *kono.
*kopa f. a ‘heap, shock’ ESSJa XI 10-12
E Ru. kopd ‘heap of hay or rye’; ORu. kopa ‘monetary unit, shock (group of
sixty units, group of sheaves)’
WwW Cz. kopa ‘shock (group of sixty units), heap, pile, (dial.) hay-stack’; Slk. kopa
‘shock (group of sixty units), heap, pile, hay-stack’; Pl. kopa ‘shock (group of
sixty units, group of sheaves), hay-stack’
S SCr. képa (Vuk) ‘hay-stack’; kopa ‘hay-stack’; Cak. képa (Vrg., Orb.) ‘hay-
stack’; kopa (Vrg., Orb.) ‘hay-stack’; képa (Orb.) ‘hole (to plant a tree in)’;
SIn. képa ‘hay-stack’; Bulg. kopd ‘heap’
BSI. *kop-
B Lith. kdpas m. 4 ‘grave’; Latv. kaps m. ‘grave’
PIE *(s)kop-
Deverbative d-stem. See > *kopati.
*kopbts; *kopptp 233
*kopati v. ‘dig’ ESSJa XI 18-20
CS OCS kopati, sg. kopajo
E Ru. kopat’, isg. kopdju
WwW Cz. kopati; Slk. kopat; Pl. kopac
S SCr. képati, 1sg. kopam; Cak. kopati (Vrg.), 28g. képas; kopat (Orb.) ‘dig,
cultivate (land); isg. kopdn; Sln. kdpati, 1sg. képliem; kopati, 1sg. kopam;
Bulg. kopdja
BSI. *kop-
B Lith. kapoti ‘chop, hew’; Latv. kapdat ‘chop, hew
OPr. enkopts ‘buried’
PIE *(s)kop-
Cogn. Gk. kontw ‘beat, hit’
See also: *kopa; *koppje
*koprs m. o ‘dill’ ESSJa XI 26-27
CS OCS kopre (Mar.) Asg.
E Ru. kopér
WwW Cz. kopr; Slk. képor; Pl. koper; OPL. kopr
S SCr. képar; Sin. képar ‘dill, camomile’; Bulg. képar
Cogn. Gk. kvmeipov (Hom.) n.; kbmepoc m. ‘galingale’
The ESSjJa holds that the root is *kuep- ‘smell, but I consider it more likely that we
are dealing with a borrowing from an identified language.
*kopbts; *kopstb m. o; f. i ‘soot’ ESSJa XI 29-30
E Ru. képot’ f.(i) ‘soot, (dial.) smoke, dust, hoarfrost’; ORu. kopoto f.(i) ‘soot,
dust’; Ukr. képit m.(o) ‘dust (in the air)’
Ww Cz. kopt m.(0) ‘soot’; OCz. kopet m.(0) ‘soot’; Slk. kopt (arch.) m.(0) ‘soot’;
Pl. kopieé m.(jo) ‘soot, fumes’
BSI. *kwop-
B Lith. kvapas m. 4 ‘smoke’
PIE *k™h,uop-o-
Cogn. Gk. kanvéc m. ‘smoke’; Lat. vapor m. ‘steam’ (both probably < *k™uhzep)
The reconstruction *k™h,uop-o- was first proposed by Schrijver (1991: 161), who
tried to account for the accentual difference between Latv. kiipt, kipét ‘smoke, steam’
and Lith. kvépti ‘cough, breathe’ by placing the laryngeal before the *u. The broken
tone of Latv. kvépt is assumed to be analogical after the zero grade. I would like to
add that the broken tone may also orginate from the sta-present, cf. Latv. pikt ‘be
angry’ vs. pikts ‘angry. Schrijver does not discuss > *kypéti, which he correctly
groups together with Latvian forms containing a root kup- (see > *kypéti).
234 *koppje
*koppje n. io ‘spear, lance’ ESSJa XI 40-41
CS OCS kopije n.(io) ‘spear, lance’
E Ru. kop’é n.(io) ‘spear, lance, Npl. kopja
WwW Cz. kopi n.(io) ‘spear, lance’; OPI. kopije n.(jo) ‘spear, lance’
S SCr. koplje n.(jo) ‘spear, lance, point, shaft’; képlje n.(jo) ‘spear, lance, point,
shaft’; SIn. kopjé n.(jo) ‘spear, lance, wedding banner’; Bulg. kdpie n.(io)
‘spear, lance’
Deverbative of > *kopati.
*kora f. 4 (b) ‘bark’ ESSJa XI 44-45
CS CS kora ‘bark’
E Ru. kora ‘bark’
Ww Cz. kura ‘bark, crust’; kora (obs.) ‘bark, crust’; Slk. kéra ‘bark, crust’; Pl. kora
‘bark
S SCr. kéra ‘bark, crust’; Cak. kora (Vrg.) ‘bark, crust’; kéra (Orb.) ‘bark (of a
tree), crust, peel (of fruit)’; SIn. kéra ‘bark, crust’; Bulg. korda ‘bark, crust’
Prosodically, some forms behave as if *kora belongs to the *vdja type (cf. Zaliznjak
1985: 135-136, Verweij 1994: 507, 510). The root is (s)ker-, cf. Gk. keipw ‘shear, Olc.
skera ‘cut.
See also: *korica; *koryto; *korpcp; *skora
*korbs; *korba m. o; f. a ‘basket’ ESSJa XI 52-54
E Ru. kérob m. ‘box, basket’; ORu. korobo m. ‘box, basket’
Ww Cz. krabuse f.(ja) ‘wicker basket’; Pl. kroba (dial.) f. ‘wicker box’
S Sln. kraba f. ‘box’
B Lith. karbas m. ‘basket’
Cogn. Lat. corbis f. ‘basket’; OHG korb m. ‘basket’; Fi. karpas m. ‘basket’
Possibly an early (Balto-Slavic?) borrowing from Germanic. The Germanic word was
in turn borrowed from Latin.
See also: *korbi
*korbi f. i ‘basket’ ESSJa XI 55-56
CS OCS krabii (Supr., Ass.) ‘casket, basket’
E Ru. kérobja (dial.) f.@a) ‘box or case for storing clothes’; kérob’ja (dial.)
f.(ia) ‘box or case for storing clothes’; ORu. korobvja f.(ia) ‘box, basket’
WwW Pl. krobia f.(ja) ‘basket, box’
See > *korbo, *korba
*korda f. a ‘pile of logs’ ESSJa XI 58-60
CS OCS krada (Supr.) ‘bonfire, stake’; RuCS krada ‘bonfire’
E Uk. kéroda ‘pile of logs, wood-stack’
*korsta 235
W OCz. krada ‘tinder-box, torch’; Pl. kréda (dial.) ‘hay-cock, stack of sheafs in a
field’
S SIn. krada ‘pile of logs, wood-stack, refining works’
PIE *kord-ehy
Cogn. Go. hrot n. ‘roof’; MHG raz(e) f. ‘stake’
*korica f. ja ‘bark ESSJa XI 69-70
CS OCS korice Npl. ‘cinnamon’
E Ru. korica ‘cinnamor’
WwW Cz. skorice ‘cinnamon’; kofice (Kott) ‘cinnamon’; Slk. korica ‘small bread-
basket’
S SCr. kérica ‘bark, crust’; Cak. kérice (Vrg.) Npl. ‘scabbard, sheath’; SIn.
korica ‘bark, crust’; Bulg. korica ‘cover (of a book), binding’
PIE *(s)kor-
Derivative of > *kord.
*koriti v. ‘reproach’ ESSJa XI 74-77
CS OCS koriti (Supr.) ‘jeer at’ 1sg. korjo
E Ru. korit’ ‘upbraid (for), reproach (with)
WwW Cz. koriti se ‘submit, resign oneself’; Slk. korif sa ‘submit, resign oneself’; Pl.
korzyé sie ‘humble oneself’
S SCr. koriti ‘reproach (with)’; Sln. koriti ‘reproach, punish’ 1sg. korim; Bulg.
korja ‘reproach (with), scold’
BSI. *kar-
B Lith. kdirinti ‘provoke’; Latv. kairindt, karinat ‘tease, irritate’
PIE *kar-
Cogn. Lat. carindre ‘use abusive language’; OHG harawén ‘mock’
The *i of some of the Baltic forms is due to secondary ablaut. For the etymology, see
> *koro.
*korsta f. 4 (a) ‘scab’ ESSJa XI 93-95
CS OCS krasta (Euch.) ‘scab (of a leper)’
E Ru. korésta ‘scab’
WwW Cz. chrasta ‘mange, scab’; OCz. krdsty Npl. ‘mange’; Slk. chrasta ‘scab’; Pl.
krosta ‘rash, scab’
S SCr. krdsta ‘scab(s), leprosy’; Cak. krasta (Vrg.) ‘scab(s), leprosy’; krasta
(Orb.) ‘blister, corn’; SIn. krdsta ‘scab(s)’; Bulg. krdsta ‘scab(s)’
PIE *korHs-t-
Cogn. MoHG verharschen ‘form scabs’
236 *kortb
The often advocated connection with Lith. ka?sti, Latv. karst ‘comb, card’ Lat. carrere
‘card’ (from PIE *(s)ker-s-) is problematic because the tone of the Baltic verb does
not match the acute of *korsta. Perhaps there is a relationship with PGmc. *harska-
‘raw. It seems hardly possible that we are dealing with a borrowing from German, cf.
MLG korste, because this would require the Low German metathesis (the etymon is a
borrowing from Romance *crusta, cf. OHG kruste) to have preceded the Slavic
metathesis of liquids.
*kortb m. o (b) ‘once, time’ ESSJa XI 99-100
CS OCS krato m. / adv. ‘once, time’
W Cz. krdt m. / adv. ‘once, time’; Slk. dvakrat adv. ‘twice
Ss SCr. krdt (arch.) m. / adv. ‘once, time’; Sln. krat ‘once, time; Gsg. krata
BSI. *korto-
B Lith. ka?tas m. 2 ‘once, time’
PIE *(s)kort-o-m
Cogn. Skt. kftvas (RV+) adv. *- time(s)’; Skt. sakft (RV+) adv. ‘once’
See also: *Cerslo; *Cersb; *Cerzb; *Cprta; *kortbkp
*kortbks adj. 0 (b) ‘short’ ESSJa XI 101-104
CS CS kratoko
E Ru. korétkij
W Cz. kratky; Sik. kratky; Pl. krotki
S SCr. kratak, f. krdtka; Cak. kratak (Vrg.), f. kratkd, n. kratko; kratak (Vrg,), f.
kratka, n. kratko; Sin. krdtak; Bulg. kratak
BSI. *kortus
B Lith. kartus 4 ‘bitter’
I see no reason to separate *kortoke from Lith. kartus. The latter is attested with an
acute root, but this may be analogical after saldus ‘sweet.
See also: *Cerslo; *Cersb; *Certi; *Cerzb; *Cprta; *kértp
*korva f. 4 (a) ‘cow’ ESSJa XI 106-112
CS CS krava
E Ru. koréva
W Cz. krava; Slk. krava; Pl. krowa; USrb. kruwa; kréwa (dial.)
S SCr. krdva; Cak. krdva (Vrg., Orb.); Sln. krava; Bulg. krava
BSI. *kortver?
B Lith. kdrve f.(8) ‘cow
OPr. curwis (EV) ‘ox’
PIE *korho-ueh,
Cogn. Gk. kepadc adj. ‘horned’; Lat. cervus m. ‘deer’
*korbcb 237
*korb m. 0 ESSJa XI 120
CS CS koro ‘contumely’
S SCr. kér (dial.) ‘reproach’; Bulg. kor ‘nickname’; kor (dial.) ‘reproach’
Cogn. Gk. képvn (Hesych.) f. ‘penalty’; Olr. caire f. ‘blame, disapproval’
Schrijver (1991: 429) makes an effort to derive the various forms that have been
mentioned in connection with Lat. carindre (> *koriti) from *k(e/o)r-. One may
consider a reconstruction *kar-, however. Note that Gk. kapvn cannot reflect a form
with syllabic *r. The etymological connection with Lith. kdras ‘war’, which has also
been connected with *kor, seems quite uncertain (see Fraenkel s.v.).
See also: *kara; *karati; *koriti
*kory m. n ‘root’ ESSJa XI 62-65
CS OCS korenv m.(n); kore (PsDim.) Asg. m.(n) {1}; RuCS korenv m.(n); kore
m.(n)
E Ru. kéren’ m.(jo), Gsg. kérnja
Ww Cz. koten m.(0/jo); Slk. kore m.(jo); Pl. korzeri m.(jo)
S SCr. kérijen m.(0); Cak. kdren (Vrg., Orb.) m.(0); kérén (Novi) m.(0); SIn.
korén m.(0); kéren m.(o); kéran m.(0); Bulg. kéren m.(0)
B Lith. kéras m. 4 ‘tree-stump, stub, bush, shrub’; Latv. cers m. ‘bush, knotty
root of a tree’
PIE *k(“)or(H )-en-
{1} Also kory (see Birnbaum and Schaeken 1997: 32, 147-148).
See also: *Cernovits; *¢ernovs; *¢erns II; *¢ernp II; *kprp
*koryto n. 0 (a) ‘trough’ ESSJa XI 121-126
CS CS koryto ‘trough’
E Ru. koryto ‘wash-tub, trough’
Ww Cz. koryto ‘trough; Slk. koryto ‘trough, river-bed’; Pl. koryto ‘trough, river-
bed’
S SCr. korito ‘trough, river-bed’; Cak. korito (Vrg., Novi) ‘trough’; korito (Orb.)
‘(drinking) trough’; Sln. korito ‘trough, bee-hive’; Bulg. korito ‘trough,
depression, river-bed’
This etymon can be analyzed as *kor- ‘cut’ (PIE *(s)kor-) plus the suffix *-yto that we
find in Ru. kopyto ‘hoof. We may compare Lith. prakartas ‘manger, trough, OPr.
pracartis ‘trough, which contain a root *kort- ‘hew’, an enlarged variant of the above-
mentioned root.
See also: *kora; *korica; *korpcp; *skora
*korbcb m. jo ESSJa XI 128-130
CS OCS koreco (Mar.) Gpl. ‘measures’ {1}
E Ru. koréc (dial.) ‘bucket’
238 *kosa I
Ww Cz. korec ‘dry measure’; OCz. kovec ‘dry measure’; Pl. korzec ‘100 liters, 100
kilograms’
S SCr. korac ‘bark, crust’; Sln. kérac ‘scoop, bucket, bushel’
PIE *(s)kor-
{1} Zogr. has koro Gpl. in the same verse (Luke 16:7)
See also: *kora; *korica; *koryto; *skora
*kosa I f. 4 (c) ‘hair, braided hair’ ESSJa XI 131-133
CS CS kosa ‘hair’; RuCS kosa ‘braided hair, braid’
E Ru. kosd ‘braid, plait, Asg. kosu; ORu. kosa ‘braided hair, braid’
W OCz. kosa ‘hair’; OPI. kosa ‘braid, mane’
S SCr. kosa ‘hair, wool, Asg. kdsu; Cak. kése (Vrg.) Npl. ‘hair, wool’; kosa
(Novi) ‘hair, wool, Asg. kosii, Asg. késu, Npl. kosé, Npl. kdse; Kajk. kyesd
(Bednja) ‘hair, wool’ Asg. keséu, Asg. kyésu; Bulg. kosd ‘hair’
BSI. *kosa?
B Lith. kasd ‘braid’
OPr. kexti ‘Zopfhaar’
Cogn. Olc. haddr m. ‘hair (of a woman)’
Derivative with o-grade of the root *kes- ‘comb, scratch’ (> *Cesati)
*kosa IT f. 4 (b) ‘scythe’ ESSJa XI 133-135
CS CS kosa ‘scythe’
E Ru. kosd ‘scythe, spit (geog.), Asg. kos, Asg. késu
W Cz. kosa ‘scythe’; Slk. kosa ‘scythe’; Pl. kosa ‘scythe’; USrb. kosa ‘scythe’
S SCr. késa ‘scythe’, Asg. késu; Cak. kos (Novi) ‘scythe’ Asg. kosil, Asg. késu;
kosa (késa) (Orb.) ‘scythe; Asg. kdso; Sln. kdsa ‘scythe, spit (geog.)’; Bulg.
kosd ‘scythe’
The ESSJa regards *kosa ‘scythe’ as etymologically identical with > *kosd I. This may
indeed be the best solution. It seems unlikely that *kosa ‘scythe’ derives from PIE
*kos-, cf. Skt. Sdstra- n. ‘knife. Positing original zero grade of the root, as has been
done for Skt. sdstra- and Lat. castrare, does not seem to explain the depalatalization
of *k- because in that case we would expect *kox- < *kos- << *ks-, but before a
consonant *kos- < *kos- << *ks- is possible. Likely candidates for this development,
such as Slk. kostura ‘big knife, Ukr. kostira ‘knife for slaughtering animals, seem to
be related with > *késtv ‘bone, however.
*kosm» m. 0 ‘tuft, lock of hair’ ESSJa XI 145-147
CS RuCsS kosmo ‘hair, lock of hair’
E Ru. késmy Npl. ‘locks, mane’
Ww Cz. kosm (Jg.) ‘tuft, lock of hair’; kosma (obs., poet.) f. ‘tuft, lock of hair’; Pl.
kosm ‘tuft, lock of hair’
*koSara; *kosarp; *koSera 239
S SIn. késam ‘tuft, flake’; Bulg. késdm ‘hair, fibre, colour of animal’s hair or
coat’
PIE *kos-mo-
See > *kosa I.
*kosnoti v. ESSJa XI 155-156
CS OCS kosnoti se ‘touch, 1sg. kosno
E Ru. kosnit’sja ‘touch’
S SCr. kosnuti (se) ‘touch’
Verb in *-noti from the same root as > *Cesati.
*késtb f. i (c) ‘bone’ ESSJa XI 167-173
CS OCS kosto ‘bone’
E Ru. kost’ ‘bone’
W Cz. kost ‘bone’; SIk. kost ‘bone’; Pl. kosé‘bone’
S SCr. kést ‘bone’; Cak. kést (Vrg.) ‘bone’, Gsg. kdsti; kdst (Novi) ‘bone’; kés
(Novi) ‘bone; Gsg. kosti; SIn. kést ‘bone, pit’; Bulg. kost ‘bone’
Cogn. Lat. costa f. ‘rib’
The relationship with the otherwise isolated Lat. costa ‘rib’ seems quite possible. An
interesting hypothesis is to regard the *k of *késto as the reflex of the initial laryngeal
of PIE *host- ‘bone’, cf. Skt. dsthi, Gk. dotéov, in an Indo-European substratum
language (cf. Kortlandt 1997b: 47, where the option is dismissed, however). Meillet
(e.g. 1921, Et. II: 262) regards the *k as a prefix. If the root is *hzost-, we are probably
dealing with an original neuter *kosti.
*k6sb m. 0 (c) ‘blackbird’ ESSJa XI 175-177
CS RuCS koso
E Ru. kos (arch., dial.) ‘starling’; Ukr. kis (dial.), Gsg. kos
WwW Cz. kos; ktts (dial.); Slk. kos (dial.); Pl. kos
S SCr. kés; SIn. kds; Bulg. kos
Cogn. Gk. koytxoc m.; Gk. K6co0v@og m.
PSL *kdso can be connected with the Greek forms mentioned below if we reconstruct
a root *kops-. The variation attested in Greek points to a pre-Greek substratum word,
but that does not entirely rule out a relationship with the Slavic word.
*koSara; *koSarp; *koSera f. 4; m. o; f. ja ‘sheep-fold, basket’ ESSJa XI
183-186
CS CS koSerja f. ‘basket’
E Ru. kosdra (dial.) f. ‘large wicker basket’
240 *koSp
W Cz. koSdr m. ‘enclosure’; Slk. kosiar (dial.) m. ‘enclosure for sheep’; Pl. koszar
m. ‘sheep-fold, enclosure for sheep’; koszara f. ‘sheep-fold, enclosure for
sheep’
S SCr. kosara f. ‘basket, fence’; kosar m. ‘basket, bee-hive’; kdsdr m. ‘basket,
bee-hive’; Cak. kosdra f. ‘large (hay) basket’; Sln. koSdara f. ‘round basket’;
kosdar m. ‘round basket’; Bulg. kosdra m. ‘sheep-fold, enclosure for sheep’
See > *koso.
*koSb m. jo (b) ‘basket’ ESSJa XI 195-197
CS OCS kosv ‘basket’
E Ru. kos (dial.) ‘fishing-basket, bird-trap, bee-hive’; Ukr. kis ‘basket’, Gsg. kosa
Ww Cz. kos ‘basket’; kas (dial.) ‘basket’; Slk. kés ‘basket’; Pl. kosz ‘basket’; LSrb.
kos ‘basket’
S SCr. kg ‘granary, basket’, Gsg. koSa; Cak. kds (Orb.) ‘basket’, Gsg. koSa; Sin.
kos ‘basket, pannier, bee-hive, chest, Gsg. kdsa; Bulg. kos ‘basket’
The connection with Lat. qudlum n. ‘wicker basket’ and quasillum n. ‘small basket’ is
somewhat hazardous.
See also: *koSara; *kogarp; *koSera
*kotera; *kotora f. 4 ‘quarrel, fight’ ESSJa XI 200-201
CS OCS kotora (Supr.) ‘quarrel, fight’; RuCS kotera ‘fight’
E Ru. kotéra (dial.) ‘hostility, fight’; kétora (dial.) ‘hostility, fight’; ORu. kotera
‘fight’; Ukr. kotora ‘quarrel, offence’
Cogn. Olc. hod f. ‘quarrel’; MHG hader m. ‘quarrel, fight’; Olr. cath m. ‘fight, host’
PIE origin doubtful. The North European evidence points to *kat-.
*koterb; *kotors prn. ‘who, which’ ESSJa XI 201-203
CS OCS kotoroi ‘who, someone’; koteroi (Mar., Hil.) ‘who, someone’
E Ru. kotéryj ‘which, (rel.) who, which’
W Slk. kotery ‘which’; kotory ‘which’; kotry ‘which’ USrb. kotry ‘which, what’;
LSrb. kétary ‘which’
S SCr. koteri (dial., obs.) ‘which’; SIn. kotéri ‘which’; katéri ‘which’; Bulg. kétryj
(Gerov) ‘which’; kotri (dial.) ‘which’
BSI. *kot(e)ros
B Lith. katrdas ‘which (of the two)’
PIE *kvo-ter-o-
Cogn. Skt. katard- ‘which (of the two)’; Gk. nétepog ‘which’; Go. vapar ‘which
*kotiti se v. (c) ‘have young’ ESSJa XI 204-205
E Ru. kotit’sja ‘have kittens, have young, 1sg. koctis’, 38g. kotitsja
WwW Cz. kotiti se ‘have young’; Pl. koci¢ sie ‘have young’
*kovati 241
Ss SCr. kétiti (se) ‘have kittens, have young’; Cak. kotiti (Vrg.) ‘have kittens,
have young’; SIn. kotiti ‘have young, brood; isg. kotim; kotiti ‘have young,
brood’; Bulg. kétja ‘have young’
According to one theory, *kotiti se derives from *koto ‘cat, which must be a
borrowing from a non-Indo-European language (cf. Lat. cattus, attested since
Palladius, which ousted félés). On the other hand, there is Lat. catulus ‘young of an
animal; already attested in Plautus, which has been connected with Olc. hadna f.
‘goat. This word, too, is probably of non-Indo-European origin.
See also: *koth I
*kotb I m. o ESSJa XI 211-212
Ww Cz. kot (dial.) ‘post-natal period’; Pl. kot (dial.) ‘place where forest animals
young’
S SCr. két “(time of) having young, litter, breed’; Sln. kot ‘brood, litter, Gsg.
kota; Mcd. kot ‘(time of) having young, breed’
Deverbative o-stem. See > *kotiti se.
*kotb IT m. 0 ‘booth, sty’ ESSJa XI 211-212
WwW OCz. kot ‘booth, stall (market)’; kdt ‘booth, stall (market)’
Ss SCr. két (dial.) ‘sty for domestic animals, young animals’
Cogn. OE heador n. ‘incarceration, jail’
Furthermore, the etymon has been connected with LAv. kata- m. ‘storage room,
cellar. The ESSJa points out that in the culture of the early Slavs sties for domestic
animals may have been dug out.
See also: *kotbcp
*kotbcb m. jo ESSJa XI 214-215
CS CS kotoco ‘cage’
E Ru. kotéc (dial.) ‘(fish-)trap made from brushwood’
W Cz. kotec ‘sty’; OCz. kotec ‘booth, stall (market)’; OPI. kociec ‘enclosure for
domestic animals’
S SCr. kotac ‘cattle-shed, weir’; SIn. kdtac “compartment of a stable, pig-sty,
bird-cage’
See > *koto II
*kovati v. (c) ‘forge’ ESSJa XII 10-12
CS OCS kovati (Ps. Sin., Supr.) ‘forge’ isg. kovo
E Ru. kovat’ ‘forge, hammer; 1sg. kujti, 38g. kuét
WwW Cz. kouti ‘forge, sg. kuji; OCz. kovati ‘forge’, 1sg. kuju; Slk. kovat ‘forge,
shoe’; kut ‘forge, shoe’; Pl. kué ‘forge’; kowaé (dial.) ‘forge’
242 *koza
S SCr. kovati ‘forge, shoe’, isg. kijjém; Cak. kovati (Vrg.) ‘forge, shoe’, 2s¢. kiijes;
kovati (Orb.) ‘forge, shoe} isg. kiijén; Sln. kovati ‘forge, hammer; 1sg. kujjem;
Bulg. kova ‘forge, hammer’
BSI. *kour-
B Lith. kduti ‘murder, beat, hew’; Latv. katt ‘fight
PIE *kouhp-
Cogn. Lat. cidere ‘beat, grind, forge’; Olc. hoggva ‘hew, beat’; OHG houwan ‘hew,
beat’
See also: *kuzna; *kpznp; *kyjp
*koza f. 4 (b) ‘goat’ ESSJa XII 19-21
CS OCS koza (Supr.)
E Ru. kozd, Asg. kozut
WwW Cz. koza; Slk. koza; Pl. koza
S SCr. koza, Asg. kizu; Cak. kozd (Vrg.), Asg. kézu, Asg. kozil; kéza (Orb.),
Asg. k6zo; Sln. kéza; Bulg. koza
Possibly a borrowing from a Turkic language (cf. ESJS: 350-351, Dybo 2002: 478-480).
See also: *kozplp; *koza
*kozblb m. o ‘he-goat’ ESSJa XII 32-33
CS OCS kozolo (Ps. Sin., Supr.)
E Ru. kozél, Gsg. kozla
Ww Cz. kozel; Slk. kozol (dial.); Pl. koziot; koziet
S SCr. kozao, Gsg. kozla; Sln. kézat, Gsg. kdzla; Bulg. kozél
Derivative of > *kozd. The suffix *-v/ is not uncommon in animal names.
*koZa f. ja (b) ‘skin, leather’ ESSJa XII 35-36
CS OCS koZa ‘skin, leather’
E Ru. k6Za ‘skin, leather, rind’
W Cz. ktiZe ‘skin, leather’; koZe ‘skin, leather’; Slk. koZa ‘skin, leather’; OPI. koza
‘skin’
S SCr. kéza ‘skin, leather, rind’; Cak. kdza (Vrg.) ‘skin, leather, rind’; kdzZa
(Orb.) ‘skin, hide, leather’; Sln. kéZa ‘skin, leather, rind’; Bulg. kdZa ‘skin,
leather, rind’
Derivative of > *kozd.
*koda adv. ‘where, whither’ ESSJa XII 46-47
E Ru. kuda
S SCr. kidd; Sin. kéda; kod
B OPr. isquendau ‘thence’
*késp 243
PIE *kvom-d®-
The final part of the formation is obscure. An Isg. would be unexpected in an adverb
with this meaning.
See also: *kgdé
*kodé adv. ‘where, whither’ ESSJa XII 47
CS CS kodé
E Ru. kudé (dial.); ORu. kudé
S Bulg. kadé
See > *koda.
*kopina f. 4 ‘bush’ ESSJa XII 63-64
CS OCS kopina ‘bush, shrub’
E Ru. kupind (arch.) ‘bush’; kupina (dial.) ‘mound, knoll’
W Cz. kupina ‘bunch, bush, bramble bush’; Slk. kupina ‘bush’; Pl. kepina
‘hummock’
S SCr. kopina ‘bramble bush’; Bulg. kaépina ‘bramble bush’
Derivative of a peripherally attested noun *kopa, e.g. Slnc. kgpa ‘sandbank overgrown
with reed in a lake. The root *kop- cannot easily be separated from *kup-, cf. >
*kupo.
*kosati v. ‘bite’ ESSJa XII 65-66
CS OCS kosati
E Ru. kusdt’
W Cz. kousati; Slk. kusat; Pl. kasaé; kesac; Slnc. kgsac
S SCr. kusati ‘eat with a spoon; Sln. kosdti ‘break in pieces, pulverize’, 1sg.
kosém; Bulg. kdsam ‘tear, hurt’
BSI. *kon?d-
B Lith. kdsti, 38g. kanda; Latv. kuést
In view of the East Baltic forms, the root must have ended in a dental stop. We may
reconstruct either *k“ond- (where Winter’s law would be responsible for the acute)
or *k™onHd-., It is therefore formally possible to regard the root under discussion
as a nasalized variant of the root of Skt. khad- ‘chew, bite, eat’ and Arm. xacanem
‘bite’. Like the Armenian form, Slavic *kgsati seems to contain *-s-. One might be
inclined to think that the *s originates from a suffix *-so- in > *késo, but the ESSJa
regards the latter as a deverbative noun.
*kdsb m. 0 (c) ‘piece’ ESSJa XII 67
CS CS kgso ‘lump, piece’
E Ru. kus (dial.) ‘piece of smth., food’
Ww Cz. kus ‘part, piece’; Slk. kus ‘piece’; Pl. kes ‘piece, bit, morsel’
244 *kotati
S SCr. kiis ‘piece, lump’; Cak. kiis (Vrg.) ‘piece? Gsg. kiisa; kiis (Orb.) ‘piece,
part’ Gsg. kiisa; SIn. kés ‘piece’; Bulg. kas ‘piece’
BSI. *kan?d-
B Lith. karidis m.(io) ‘bite’
See also: *céstb; *kgsati
*kotati v. ‘muffle up, conceal’ ESSJa XII 69-70
E Ru. kitat’ ‘muffle up (in)’; ORu. kutati ‘muffle up (in), conceal’; Ukr. kutaty
‘muffle up (in), take care of, reassure’
S Bulg. kdtam ‘hide, conceal’
See > *kotja.
*kotja f. ja ‘hut ESSJa XII 70-74
CS OCS koste (Supr.) Gsg. ‘hut
E ORu. kuca ‘hut, cabin’; Ukr. kuéa ‘bird-cage, pig-sty’
W Cz. kuéa (dial.) ‘hut, shack’ (according to Machek (1997: 304), this word may
have been borrowed from Ukrainian through Polish); Slk. kucka (E. dial.)
‘little house’; Pl. kuczka ‘hut, shack’ (perhaps from Ukrainian)
S SCr. kitéa Shouse’; Cak. kiiéa (Vrg., Novi) ‘house’; kiiéa (Orb.) ‘house, (obs.)
kitchen’; SIn. kdéa ‘peasant hut, shack’; Bulg. kdSta ‘house’
Etymology obscure. To all appearances, the etymon was originally limited to East
and South Slavic.
See also: *ketati
*kotb m. o (b) ‘corner’ ESSJa XII 75-78
CS OCS koto
E Ru. kut (dial.)
Ww Cz. kout; Slk. kit; Pl. kgt; Slnc. kdéyt
S SCr. kiit; Cak. ktit (Novi), Gsg. kita; k"6t (Orb.: obs.), Gsg. k“otd; Sln. két;
Bulg. kat ‘corner, angle’
BSI. *komp-
B Lith. karmpas ‘corner’
If *kdto is cognate with Lith. kanipas, we may reconstruct a neuter o-stem *komp-
tom.
*krajp m. jo (a) ‘edge’ ESSJa XII 88-89
CS OCS krai ‘edge, end, shore’
E Ru. kraj ‘edge, country, land’
Ww Cz. kraj ‘edge, end, region’; Slk. kraj ‘edge, end, region Pl. kraj ‘edge,
country, land’
*krasti 245
S SCr. kraj ‘end, (dial.) edge, bank’, Gsg. kraja; Cak. kraj (Vrg.) ‘shore, end’
Gsg. krdja; kraj (Novi) ‘end, Gsg. krdja; kraj (Orb.) ‘side, rim, piece (of
wood, thread), end} Gsg. kraja; Bulg. kraj ‘end, edge, area
See > *krojiti.
*krakati v. ‘croak’ ESSJa XII 92-93
CS RuCS krakati
E ORu. krakati, 1sg. kracu
WwW Cz. krdkati; Slk. krakat; Pl. krakaé
S SCr. krakati; Sln. krdkati, sg. krdkam, 1sg. krécem
B Lith. krokoti (dial.); Latv. krakat
Cogn. Lat. crocire
See also: *korkati; *kprknoti
*krasa f. 4 (b) ESSJa XII 95-97
CS OCS krasojg Isg. f. ‘adornment, decoration’
E Ru. krasa ‘beauty’
WwW Cz. krdsa ‘beauty’; Slk. krdsa ‘beauty’; Pl. krasa ‘colour, beauty’
S SCr. krdsa ‘snake’; Bulg. krdsa ‘snake’
Etymology unclear. The resemblance to Lith. grazus ‘beautiful, grézis ‘beauty, has
given rise to the idea that this is another instance of the alternation between voiced
and voiceless obstruents which is observed in, among others, > *kolpo vs. Lith. gulbis
‘swan.
See also: *kraspnb
*krasti v. ‘steal’ ESSJa XII 102-105
CS OCS krasti, sg. krado
E Ru. krast’, sg. kradu, 38g. kradét {1}
Ww Cz. krasti; Pl. krasé
S SCr. krasti, sg. krddém; Cak. kras (Orb.), 18g. kradén; Sln. krdsti, 1sg.
krddem; Bulg. krada
BSI. *krat-
B Latv. krat ‘gather, heap’
PIE *kreha-d™
LIV (367) suggests that the d-enlargement of the root is actually to be identified with
the *-d- of *jodg ‘I go, which originated in the imperative. Vaillant (Gr. II 179)
explicitly argues against this.
{1} AP (a) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 133).
246 *krasbn'b
*kraspnb adj. o ‘beautiful’ ESSJa XII 109-110
CS OCS krasono ‘beautiful, pleasant’
E Ru. krdsnyj ‘red, (obs., coll.) beautiful’
Ww Cz. krasny ‘beautiful, pretty’; Slk. krasny ‘beautiful, pretty’; Pl. krasny (poet.)
‘red, beautiful’; krasny (poet.) ‘red, beautiful’
S SCr. krdsan ‘beautiful, pretty; krdsan ‘beautiful, pretty’; SIn. krdsan
‘splendid, beautiful’
See also: *krasa
*krecetb m. o ‘gerfalcor ESSJa XII 111
CS RuCS kreceto
E Ru. krécet; ORu. kreceto; Ukr. krécet
W Pl. krzeczot
In all likelihood a derivative of an onomatopoetic root *krek-.
*kremy m.n ‘flint’ ESSJa XII 118-123
CS CS kremy m.(n), Gsg. kremene
E Ru. kremén’ m.(jo)
WwW Cz. kfemen m.(o); Slk. kremen m.(jo); Pl. krzemien m.(jo)
S SCr. krémén m.(o); Cak. krémen (Vrg.) m.(o); SIn. krémen m.(o) ‘flint,
energy, Gsg. kreména
BSI. *krem-
B Latv. krems m.; krams m.
The root may be *(s)krem-, an enlargement of *(s)ker- ‘cut.
*krép adj. o ‘strong’ ESSJa XII 134
CS OCS krépo ‘strong’
Ww Cz. krepy (obs.) ‘strong’; Slk. krepy ‘slow-witted, simple-minded’
S SCr. krijep (poet.) ‘strong’
PIE *krehip-o-
Cogn. Ole. hrefa ‘endure’
See also: *kréppkp
*kréppks adj. 0 (a) ‘strong’ ESSJa XII 135-138
CS OCS krépoko ‘strong
E Ru. krépkij ‘strong’; krépok ‘strong’
W Cz. krepky ‘fresh, strong’; Slk. krepky ‘adroit, smart’; Pl. krzepki ‘strong, alive,
quick’
S SCr. krépak ‘strong, lively’; Cak. kripak (Novi) ‘strong, lively’; krépak (Orb.)
‘strong, lively’; Sln. krépak ‘hard, stiff, tough, f. krépka; krepak ‘hard, stiff,
tough’ f. krepka; Bulg. krépak ‘tough, hard, strong’
*krikp 247
Adjective containing the very common adjectival suffix *-oks. For the etymology, see
> *krépo.
*kréslo n. 0 (a) ‘chair’ ESSJa XII 126-129
E Ru. kréslo ‘arm-chair, (dial.) flooring for the slaughter of livestock’
Ww Cz. kfeslo ‘arm-chair’; Slk. krieslo ‘arm-chair’; Pl. krzesto ‘chair’; krzasto
(dial.) ‘chair’; OPI. krzasto ‘chair’
Ss Bulg. kreslo ‘seat’
BSI. *kré?slo
B Lith. kréslas m. 3 ‘arm-chait’; Latv. krésls m. ‘chair’
OPr. creslan ‘arm-chair’
*kriéati v. (C) ‘cry, scream’ ESSJa XII 149-150
CS OCS kricéati ‘cry, shout, scream’ 1sg. kricg, 28g. kricisi
E Ru. kricdt ‘cry, shout, scream, 1sg. kricu, 38g. kricit
W Cz. kriceti ‘cry, shout, scream’; Slk. kricat ‘cry, shout, scream’; Pl. krzycze¢é
‘cry, shout, scream’
Ss SCr. kriéati “scream, 1sg. kricim; Sln. kriati ‘scream, 1sg. kricim
B Lith. krkti‘cry (of birds), quack’; krpksti ‘cry, shout’
See > *kriko.
*kridlo n. 0 (b) ‘wing’ ESSJa XII 152-154
CS OCS krilo ‘wing, roof’
E Ru. krylo ‘wing’; Ukr. krylé ‘wing (with analogical y after kryt’ ‘cover’ )
WwW Cz. kidlo ‘wing’; Slk. kridlo ‘wing’; Pl. krzydto (dial.) ‘wing’; Slnc. kiidlo
‘wing’
S SCr. krilo ‘wing, fin, nostril, lap’; Cak. krild Npl. ‘skirt, white linen half-slip,
(esp. in songs) wings’; krilé (Orb.) ‘lap’; Sln. krilo ‘wing, fin, nostril’; Bulg.
krilé ‘wing’
BSI. *(s)krei-
B Lith. skriéti (dial.) ‘rotate, circle, fly’ (Standard Lithuanian has skrieti); Latv.
skriet ‘go, run, fly’
PIE *(s)krei-d'lom
See also: *krina; *krinica II
*kriks m. 0 (c) ‘cry, shout’ ESSJa XII 155-156
CS CS kriko ‘shouting, cries’
E Ru. krik ‘cry, shout’
WwW Cz. ktik ‘cry, shout’; Slk. krik ‘cry, shout’; Pl. krzyk ‘cry, shout’
S SCr. krik ‘cry, shout’; Sln. krik ‘cry, scream’
BSL. *kreik-
248 *krina; *krinica I
B Lith. krjkti‘cry (of birds), quack’; krpksti ‘cry, shout’
PIE *kreik-
*krina; *krinica I f. 4; f. ja ‘vessel, jug’ ESSJa XII 156-158
CS OCS krinico (Supr.) Asg. ‘jug’; RuCS krina ‘vessel, grain measure’
E Ru. krinica ‘earthenware pot, jug’; ORu. krina ‘vessel, grain measure’
S SCr. krinica (arch., dial.) ‘plate, clay bowl’; SIn. krinja ‘flour vessel’; krinjica
‘flour vessel (dim.)’
Etymology unclear. The ESSJa derives this etymon from the root *(s )ker- ‘cut’
*krinica I; *krnnica f. ja ESSJa XII 158-159
E Ru. krinica (dial.) ‘spring, well’; Ukr. krynycja ‘spring, well’
WwW Pl. krynica ‘spring, well’; kiernica (dial.) ‘spring, well’; krzynica ‘stream, well’
S SIn. krnica ‘deep spot in river or lake, vortex, basin’
The Slovene word in particular agrees very well with Lith. skrieti, dial. skriéti ‘rotate,
circle, fly’ I therefore reconstruct the root as *(s)kr(e)i-.
See also: *kridlo
*kriti v. ‘buy’ ESSJa XII 160-161
CS RuCs kriti ‘buy’
E ORu. kriti ‘buy’
PIE *kvr(e)iho-
Cogn. Skt. krinati ‘buy’; Gk. mpiao@au ‘buy’; Olr. crenaid ‘buy’
See also: *krpnoti
*krojiti v. ‘cut’ ESSJa XII 180-182
E Ru. kroit’‘cut (out); 1sg. krojti, 38g. kroit
W Cz. krojiti ‘cut’; Pl. kroi¢ ‘cut’
S SCr. krojiti ‘cut’, sg. krojim; Cak. krojiti (Vrg.) ‘cut’, 28g. krojis; krojit (Orb.)
‘cut out (garment from cloth); 3sg. kroji; Sln. krojiti ‘split, disrupt, unstitch,
cut (out)’; Bulg. krojd ‘cut out (a garment), devise’
B Latv. krijat ‘skin’
In my dissertation (1996: 271-272) I discussed the accentual properties of the East
Baltic root *krei- ‘skim, fish. Beside solid evidence for an original acute, we find
forms pointing to a circumflex. Schrijver, in his discussion of Lat. cerné (1991: 407-
408), does not commit himself. LIV (366-367) now reconstructs a root *kreh;(i)-
‘sieben, trennen and claims that CS kroiti continues an iterative *kroh,i-éie-, but with
a root *kroih;-, which is supposed to be analogical after the metathesized zero grade.
In view of similar problems connected with roots of the structure CVHI- (cf. >
*gojiti), I think that this is acceptable. The original full grade *kroh,i- seems to be
present in > *krajo.
*krdsno 249
*kroma f. 4 ‘edge, slice’ ESSJa XII 185-186
E Ru. kromd (dial.); kroma (dial.) ‘edge, (thick) slice of bread’; ORu. kroma
‘(thick) slice of bread’
W Pl. kroma (dial.) ‘heel of a loaf, slice of bread’; USrb. kroma ‘edge’; LSrb.
ksoma ‘edge’
Perhaps derived from a root *(s)krom- ‘cut; cf. MoHG Schramme.
See also: *kromé
*kromé prep. ‘except’ ESSJa XII 185-186
CS OCS kromé prep. ‘except, without’; kromé adv. ‘far away’
E Ru. krome prep. ‘except, besides’
Ww Cz. kromé prep. ‘except’; krom prep. ‘except’; Pl. krom (dial.) prep. ‘except,
without’
See > *kroma.
*kropiti v. ‘besprinkle’ ESSJa XIII 8-9
CS OCS kropiti (Euch., Supr.) ‘besprinkle, asperse’, sg. kropljo
E Ru. kropit’ ‘besprinkle, asperse, trickle’ 1sg. kroplju, 38g. kropit
WwW Cz. kropiti ‘besprinkle, splash’; Slk. kropit ‘besprinkle, splash’; Pl. kropi¢
‘besprinkle, drip’
S SCr. krépiti ‘pour, besprinkle’ 1sg. krépim; Cak. kropiti ‘pour, besprinkle’ 2s¢.
kropis; Sin. kropiti ‘besprinkle, asperse’, 1sg. kropim
BSI. *krop-
B Lith. skrepliuoti ‘spit slime’; Latv. krépat ‘spit thick slime’
Etymology unclear.
*krésno n. 0 (c) ‘weaver’s beam, (pl.) loon’ ESSJa XIII 13-17
CS RuCS krosna Npl. ‘canvas, loom’
E Ru. krésna Npl. ‘loom, threads’; krésno (dial.) ‘loom, threads’; krésna Npl.
‘loom’; krosnd Npl. (dial.) ‘loom, canvas, linen’; ORu. krosna Npl. ‘canvas,
loom’
WwW Cz. krosna f. ‘basket (carried over the shoulders)’; krisna f. ‘basket (carried
over the shoulders)’; Slk. krosnd Npl. ‘loom’; Pl. krosna f. ‘loom’
S SCr. krésno (dial.) ‘weaver’s beam’; krdsna ‘loom’; krdsna (dial.) f. ‘loom,
weaver’s beam’; Cak. krésnd (Vrg.) Npl. ‘loom’; kr“ésna (Orb.) ‘(part of a?)
loom; Sln. krésna Npl. ‘loom’; krosne Npl. f. ‘loom’; Bulg. krosn6é ‘weaver’s
beam’; krosna f. ‘cradle’;
Etymology unclear. An analysis *krot-sno, with the root of Lith. krésti ‘shake’
(Vaillant Gr. IV: 584) is semantically not particularly convincing. More promising is
the connection with forms such as Lith. krdsé (obs., dial.), krésé (dial.) ‘chair’, Latv.
kreslis ‘(simple) sledge. The relationship between this root *kres- and the root of >
250 *krotiti
*kréslo < *kré?slo, cf. also Latv. krésls ‘Stuhl, der Teil des Spinnrockens, in dem die
Beine ruher’ is unclear to me. Even the assumption that a lengthened grade yields an
acute brings no solution because the fact that this Balto-Slavic neuter o-stem has
fixed stress must be due to Hirt’s law, which is a retraction of the ictus to a non-
apophonic vowel.
*krotiti v. ‘tame’ ESSJa XIII 17
CS OCS krotiti (Euch., Supr.) ‘tame, reassure’ 1sg. krosto
E Ru. krotit’ (dial.) ‘soothe, restrain, tame, club to death (fish, seals)’
W Cz. krotiti ‘soothe, restrain, tame’; Slk. krotif ‘soothe, restrain, tame’; OPI.
krocié ‘soothe, tame’
S SCr. krotiti ‘tame, calm’; SIn. krotiti ‘tame, restrain; 1sg. krotim
Factitive verb. See >*krdtoko.
*krétpkp adj. o ‘gentle, quiet’ ESSJa XIII 18-19
OCS krotoke ‘tame, placid, quiet’
Ru. krotkij ‘gentle, meek’; Ru. krotok ‘gentle, meek; f. krotkd, n. krotko
Cz. krotky ‘quiet, tame’; Slk. krotky ‘quiet’; OPI. krotki; krotki ‘gentle, tame’
SCr. krétak ‘gentle, meek, quiet, slow, f. krétka, n. krotko; Cak. krdtak (Orb.)
‘tame, calm’; Sln. krotak ‘quiet, gentle, meek’; krotdk ‘quiet, gentle, meek’;
Bulg. krétak ‘quiet, tame, gentle, meek’
Oem O
According to Berneker (I: 624), we must start from a meaning ‘castrate, but there is
little formal support for this hypothesis, Gk. kpotéw ‘rattle, clap, knock, strike’ being
the best example. The connection with *(s)kert- ‘cut’ (> *¢ersti) would require
Schwebeablaut and is therefore not very convincing.
See also: *krotiti
*krovp m. o (b) ‘roof’ ESSJa XII 20-21
CS OCS krovo ‘roof, shelter’
E Ru. krov ‘roof, shelter, Gsg. kréva {1}
Ww Cz. krov ‘roof, shelter’; Slk. krov ‘roof’
S SCr. krév ‘roof, Gsg. krova; Cak. krév (Vrg.) ‘roof, Gsg. kréva, Gsg. krova;
kr“6f (Orb.) ‘roof, Gsg. krova; Sln. krov ‘roof, lid, Gsg. krova
BSI. *krou(?)um
B Latv. krava f. ‘heap, pile’
A derivative of > *kryti.
{1} AP (b) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 134).
*krocina f. 4 ‘gall, anger ESSJa XII 21-22
CS RuCS krucina ‘gall, grief, anger’
E Ru. krucina ‘grief, anguish’; ORu. krucina ‘gall, grief, anger’
*krotiti 251
WwW OPI. kreczynka ‘gorse’
S SCr. krucina (arch., obs.) ‘gall, anger’
The root *krok- has been linked to words meaning ‘bend’ (cf. > *krégo), but the
voiceless root-final velar is awkward and almost isolated within Slavic. Vasmer (s.v.
krucina) mentions Sln. ukrociti, ukrokniti ‘bend’.
*krogl» adj. o ‘round’ ESSJa XIII 23-24
CS CS kroglo
E Ru. kruglyj {1}
Ww Pl. kragty (poet.); kregty (dial.) {2}
S SCr. kriigao; SIn. krégat; Bulg. kragal
Adjective in *-lo-. See > *krégo.
{1} AP (b) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 136}. {2} Cf. Cz. okrouhly, Pl. okrggty ‘round’.
*kr6gb m. 0 () ‘circle’ ESSJa XIII 25-27
CS OCS krogo ‘circle’
Ww Cz. kruh ‘circle’; Slk. kruh ‘circle’; Pl. krag ‘circle, Gsg. kregu
S SCr. krag ‘circle’, Gsg. kriiga; Cak. kriig (Vrg.) ‘circle’, Gsg. kriiga; kriih (Orb.)
‘big stone, rock (in a field), circle, Gsg. kriiga; SIn. krég ‘circle, disc’; Bulg.
krdg ‘circle, sphere’
PIE *krong-o-
Cogn. Olc. hringr m. ‘ring’
*kropéti v. ESSJa XIII 27-28
CS CS kropéti ‘contract’
BSI. *kromp-
B Latv. krumpét ‘shrink’
See also: *kropb
*krop? adj. o ‘short, small’ ESSJa XIII 27-28
CS CS kropo ‘small’; RuCS krupyj ‘small’
WwW OCz. krupy ‘rough, unpolished’; Pl. krepy ‘rather short, thick, strong’
Ss Bulg. krap (dial.) ‘short’
The entry in the ESSJa is *kropo( jv)/*krupojv, but in this case we are rather dealing
with two roots having become confused (cf. > *krupons) than with 9 : u variation.
See also: *kropéti
*krotiti v. ‘turn, twist, twirl ESSJa XIII 30-31
CS CS krotiti se ‘turn, 1sg. kresto
E Ru. krutit’ ‘twist, turn; sg. krucu, 38g. krutit
W Cz. kroutiti ‘turn, twirl’; Slk. kratif ‘turn, twirl’; Pl. krecié ‘turn, twirl
252 *krotp
S SCr. krutiti ‘consolidate, compress’; Sln. krotiti ‘turn, twist’ sg. krotim
See > *kroto.
*kr6tb adj. 0 (c) ESSJa XIII 33-35
CS CS kroto ‘winding’
E Ru. krutdj ‘steep, severe’
WwW Cz. kruty ‘cruel, severe’; Slk. kruty ‘cruel, severe’; Pl. krety ‘winding, crooked’
S SCr. krat ‘hard, coarse, cruel, severe’; Sln. krét ‘fierce’
The meaning ‘steep’ can be linked to Lith. krafitas ‘bank. The root *kront- seems to
have no cognates outside Balto-Slavic.
See also: *krotiti
*kruxp m. o ‘chunk’ ESSJa XIII 41
CS CS kruxe ‘fragment, chunk’
E Ru. krux (dial.) ‘slice, lump’
WwW Cz. kruch ‘piece, lump’; Slk. kruch (dial.) ‘piece, lump, chunk of bread’; Pl.
kruch ‘piece, lump’
S SCr. krith ‘bread, Gsg. kritha; Cak. krith ‘bread’, Gsg. kriiva; krith (Novi,
Orb.) ‘bread Gsg. kritha; Sln. krith ‘bread, Gsg. kriha; Bulg. krux (dial.)
‘piece of salt or sugar’
PIE *krous-o-
Cogn. Gk. kpotw ‘beat’
See also: *krpxa; *krpxb
*kruks m. o ‘raver’ ESSJa XIII 42-43
CS CS kruko ‘raver’
E Ru. kruk (dial.) ‘raven’; Ukr. kruk (dial.) ‘crane’
W Pl. kruk ‘raven’; Slnc. krék ‘raver’
Probably of onomatopoetic origin, cf. OPI. krukac ‘roar’.
*krapa f. 4 (b) ‘grainy substance, groats, hail’ ESSJa XIII 43-45
CS CS krupa ‘grain, groats’ (cf. OCS krupica ‘crumb’)
E Ru. krupa Npl. ‘groats, sleet, Asg. krupu
Ww Cz. kroupa ‘groats, grain; Slk. kriipy Npl. ‘groats, hail’; Pl. krupy Npl. ‘groats’;
OPI. krupy Npl. ‘groats, broth, hail’; Slnc. krapd Npl. ‘groats’
Ss SCr. krupa ‘hail, (arch.) crumb’; kriipa ‘hail, (arch.) crumb’; kriipa ‘hail,
(arch.) crumb’; Cak. kriipa (Vrg.) ‘hail’; krapa (Novi) ‘hail’; Sn. kripa f.(a)
‘barley-groats’; kriipi Npl. f.7) ‘hail’
BSI. *kroupa?
B Latv. kratipa f. ‘wart’
PIE *kroup-ehy
*krpvpnb 253
Cogn. Olc. hryfi f. ‘scabies’
See also: *kruppnb
*kruppnb adj. 0 ‘coarse’ ESSJa XIII 46-47
E Ru. krupnyj ‘big, tall’; ORu. krupnyj ‘consisting of large parts, big’
WwW OCz. krupny ‘coarse’; Pl. krupny ‘coarse’
S SCr. krupan ‘coarse-grained, coarse, big, high’ krupan ‘coarse-grained,
coarse, big, high’; Cak. krapan (Orb.) ‘large, heavy, bulky’; Bulg. kriupen
‘great’
BSI. *kroup-
B Lith. kraupus ‘rough
PIE *kroup-
Cogn. Ole. hrjtifr ‘rough, scabby’
See also: *krapa
*krpxa; *krpxp (b/c) f. 4; m. o lump’ ESSJa XIII 51
CS CS kroxa ‘grain
E Ru. kroxd ‘crumb; Asg. kréxu
WwW Slk. krh ‘bar, touchstone’; krch ‘bar, touchstone’; Pl. krech ‘piece, lump’
S SIn. krh ‘crack, notch, rift, Gsg. krha
BSI. *krusa?
B Lith. krusa f. ‘hail’; Latv. krusa f. ‘hail’
PIE *krus-
Cogn. Gk. kpovw ‘beat’
See also: *kruxb
*krbvpnp adj. 0 ‘bloody, blood(-)’ ESSJa XII] 66-67
CS OCS krovons ‘bloody, of the blood’
E Ru. krévnyj ‘blood(-)’
WwW Cz. krevni ‘blood(-); krevny ‘blood(-)’; Slk. krvny ‘blood(-)’; Pl. krewny
‘sanguineous, bloody, blood(-)’
S SCr. kfvni ‘bloody, sanguineous’ kivni ‘bloody, sanguineous’; kfvan
‘blood(--)’; SIn. kfvan ‘blood(-), sanguineous’; Bulg. kraven ‘blood(-),
sanguineous’
BSI. *kru(w)inos
B Lith. kruvinas ‘bloody’
PIE *kruhg-
Cogn. Skt. kravyd- n. ‘bloody’; OE hréaw adj. ‘raw’
See also: *kr¥
254 *kry
*kry f. a (c) ‘blood’ ESSJa XIII 67-70
CS OCS kry (PsDim.) f.(@); krove f.(a), Gsg. krove
E Ru. krov’ f.(i), Gsg. krovi
WwW Cz. krev f.(i), Gsg. krve; Pl. krew f.(i), Gsg. krwi; OPI. kry £.(i); Slnc. kra £.(i),
Gsg. krévjie; USrb. krej f.4), Gsg. krwé
S SCr. kév f.(i), Gsg. k?vi; Cak. k?v (Vrg.) £.(i), Gsg. k#vi; kri (Cres) f.(i), Gsg.
krvi; k?f (Orb.) £.(), Gsg. kfvi; Sln. kri £.(), Gsg. krvi; Bulg. krav £.(i)
BSI. *kruHs; *krouio
B Lith. kratijas m.(jo)
OPr. krawian; crauyo (EV)
PIE *kruho-s; *kreuho-
Cogn. Skt. kravis- n. ‘raw meat’; Skt. kravyd- n. ‘raw meat’; Gk. kpéac n. ‘meat’; Lat.
cruor m. ‘raw blood’
Like Skt. kravyd-, Lith. kraiijjas m.(jo) and OPr. krawian represent a derivative in
*-jo- of the root noun reflected in Slavic. The Lithuanian form underwent resyllab-
ification.
See also: *krbvpnb
*kryti v. (a) ‘cover, hide’ ESSJa XIII 71-72
CS OCS kryti ‘cover, hide’ 1sg. kryjo
E Ru. kryt’ ‘cover’ 1sg. kroju, 38g. kroet
Ww Cz. kryti ‘hide, keep’; Slk. kryt‘cover, hide, keep’; Pl. kryé ‘cover, hide’
S SCr. kriti ‘hide, keep’; Sln. kriti ‘cover’ 1sg. krijem; Bulg. krija ‘hide, cover’
BSI. *kr(o)ur-
B Lith. krduti ‘heap, pile’; Latv. kraut ‘heap, pile’
PIE *kruH-
Cogn. OE hréodan ‘cover’
According to LIV (371), the *d" of the Old English form was originally a present
suffix.
See also: *krovp
*krpnoti v. ‘buy, take, pay’ ESSJa XIII 74-75
CS RuCsS kronuti
E ORu. krenuti
PIE *kwri-n-ho-
Cogn. Skt. krinati ‘buy’; Gk. mpiao8at ‘buy’; Olr. crenaid ‘buy’
See also: *kriti
*kuéa f. ja ‘heap’ ESSJa XIII 79
E Ru. kuiéa ‘heap, pile’; ktiéa (dial.) ‘hill, shock, hay-cock’
*kukati 255
Ww Cz. kuée (dial.) ‘ump, heap’; Pl. kucza (arch., dial.) ‘heap, pile’; Slnc. kuéa
‘tuft, mane’
S SCr. kuca ‘bunch, bundle, forelock, sheaf’
Derivative in *-jd. See > *kuka I.
*kuditi v. (a) ESSJa XIII 82-83
CS OCS kudeto (Supr.) 3pl. ‘use ill language’
E Ru. kudit’ (dial.) ‘force, persuade’
WwW Slk. kudit' (Jg., Kott) ‘blame, criticize’
S SCr. kiditi ‘slander, reproach, condemn’; Cak. kiiditi (Vrg.) ‘slander,
reproach, condemn’; Sln. kuditi ‘blame, criticize, despise’, 1sg. kuidim
PIE *koud-
Cogn. Gk. xvda¢w jeer at’; Olc. hdta ‘threater’
See also: *Cuditi (se); *Cudo; *kudo; *kuds; *kudp
*kudo n. s ESSJa XIII 83-84
E Ru. kudesd (dial.) Npl. n. ‘miracles performed through an evil force’; kudes’
f.(i) ‘(dial.) sorcery’; ORu. kudeso m. ‘magic, sorcery’
WwW Pl. kudys (dial.) m. ‘evil spirit, devil’
PIE *koud-
Cogn. OHG hosc m. ‘scorn, mockery’
Since o-grade of the root is unexpected in an s-stem, the formation may be
secondary. In Russian dialects, we find an o-stem (> *kudo).
See also: *Cuditi (se); *¢udo; *kuditi; *kuds; *kudp
*kuds; *kudb m. o; f. i ESSJa XIII 84
E Ru. kud (dial.) m. ‘evil spirit, demon, Satan’; kud’ (dial.) f.(i) ‘sorcery’; ORu.
kudb f.(i) ‘will, desire’
See > *kudo.
*kujati v. ESSJa XIII 85
CS OCS kujajosta (Supr.) Gsg. ptc. pres. act. ‘grumbling’
S SCr. kitjati ‘be ailing, doze’; Sln. kujati se ‘sulk, behave capriciously, 1sg.
kujam se
According to the ESSJa, of onomatopoetic origin, but this is far from evident.
Unclear.
*kukati v. ‘cuckoo’ ESSJa XIII 35
E Ru. kukat’ (dial.) ‘cuckoo, call, cry, grieve’
Ww Cz. kukati ‘cuckoo’; Pl. kukac ‘cuckoo’; OPI. kukaé ‘cuckoo, appeal, complain’
256 *kuka I
S SCr. kitkati ‘groan, moan, cuckoo’; SIn. kuikati ‘cuckoo, grieve’, sg. kukam;
Bulg. kuikam ‘cuckoo, grieve’
*kika I f. 4 (a) ESSJa XIII 86-87
E Ru. kika ‘fist, lever, handle’; Bel. kuka ‘big wooden hammer’; Ukr. kuika ‘big
wooden rattle’
S SCr. kitka ‘hook, poker’; Cak. kitka (Orb.) ‘hook’; Bulg. kiika ‘hook’
BSL. *koukos
B Lith. katikas m. ‘lump’
PIE *kouk
Cogn. Olc. haugr m. ‘hill’; MHG hocker m. ‘hump’; Olr. cuiar adj. ‘crooked’
I suspect that the fixed stress of the Slavic etymon is due to influence of > *kJuka.
See also: *kuéa; *kukonos»; *kpk(b)nb
*kuka II f. a ‘goblin’ ESSJa XIII 86-87
E Ru. kuka (dial.) ‘wood-goblin’; Bel. kvika (dial.) ‘something terrible living in
the dark
WwW SInc. kuka ‘evil spirit’; USrb. kuka ‘intestinal worn’
S SIn. kuka ‘insect, intestinal worm, pig’
BSI. *koukos; *kouka?
B Lith. katikas m. ‘goblin’
OPr. cawx ‘devil’
Possibly etymologically identical with > *kuka I.
*kukonos» adj. 0 ‘hook-nosed’ ESSJa XIII 91-92
CS CS kukonoso ‘hook-nosed’; RuCS kukonosyj ‘hook-nosed’
S SCr. kukonos ‘having a hooked nose’
See > *kuka I and > *néso.
*kip m. o (a) ‘heap, mound’ ESSJa XIII 114-115
CS OCS kupo (Supr.) ‘heap’; vokupv adv. ‘jointly, at the same time’; vakupo
(Mar.) adv. jointly’; vokupé adv. ‘together, at the same time’; RuCS kupo ‘hill,
burial mound’
E Ru. vkuipe (obs.) adv. ‘together’
S SCr. kip ‘heap, pile, crowd’; Cak. kiip (Vrg.) ‘heap, pile’; kiip (Orb.) ‘heap,
pile’; Sln. kup ‘heap, mass, Gsg. kupa; vkup adv. ‘together’; vkipe(j) adv.
‘together’; Bulg. kup ‘heap, pile, crowd, mass’
BSI. *ka?upo-
B Lith. katipas 4 ‘heap’; kdupas (dial.) 1 ‘heap’
PIE *keh2up-o-
Cogn. OHG hubil m. ‘hill’ (cf. Latv. kdpa ‘dune, hillock, snowmound’)
*kurp 257
*kurenpje n. io (b) ESSJa XIII 119
CS OCS kurenije (Euch.) n.(io) ‘burning of incense, steam, fire’
E Ru. kurén’e n.(io) ‘tobacco’
WwW Cz. koureni n.(io) ‘fumigation, evaporation’
Noun derived from the past passive participle *kureno of > *kariti.
See also: *kdriti
*kurica f. ja ‘hen’ ESSJa XIII 121-122
E Ru. kurica her
WwW Cz. kurica (dial.) ‘hen’; Pl. kurzyca (a5th-17th c.) ‘hen; Slnc. kéfdca ‘young
her’
S SIn. kurica ‘pullet, little hen’; kurica ‘female genitals’
See > *kuro.
*kariti v. (b) ‘smoke’ ESSJa XIII 123-125
CS OCS kurito se (Euch.) 3sg. ‘smokes’
E Ru. kurit’ ‘smoke; 1sg. kurju, 38g. kurit
WwW Cz. kouriti ‘smoke’; Slk. kirit ‘kindle, smoke’; Pl. kurzy¢ ‘raise dust, smoke’
S SCr. kuriti (dial.) ‘smoke, set fire to’; Cak. karit (Orb.) ‘smoke (ham, etc.);
1sg. kitrin; Sn. kuriti ‘kindle, smoke’ 1sg. kurim
B Lith. kurti ‘light, kindle’; Latv. ku7t ‘light, kindle’
If *kiriti is cognate with Lith. kurti, the vocalism *a# < *ou must be secondary. The
Lithuanian verb, which also means ‘make, create’ has been connected with Skt. krnoti
‘do, make’ < *kvr-. This etymology is not implausible, though the fact that the East
Baltic evidence points to a root-final laryngeal is problematic. One may consider an
extended root *k”rH-, which would not be unprecedented. A reconstruction with a
labiovelar has the advantage that it explains why we find *ur instead of *ir. It seems
to me that if we also wish to establish a link with Lat. carbé ‘charcoal’, Go. hauri n.
‘coal, Olc. hyrr m. ‘fire; it might be best to give up the above-mentioned etymology
and simply reconstruct *kerH-.
See also: *kurenpje
*kurb m. 0 ‘cock’ ESSJa XIII 129-130
CS OCS kuro ‘cock
E Ru. kur (dial.) ‘cock’
WwW OCz. kur ‘cock’; kur (?) ‘cock’; Pl. kur ‘cock’; Slnc. kéér ‘cock’
S SCr. kiir (RJA: N. Cak. and Kajk.?) ‘cock’; SIn. kiir ‘cock, Gsg. ktira; Bulg. kur
‘cock, penis’
It is sometimes assumed that *kuro derives from a root *ku- ‘cry, which may be
onomatopoetic in nature. The connection with > *kujati is semantically not very
258 *kutiti
convincing. As possible cognates containing an r-element, Latv. katrét ‘howl, cry
and Lat. caurire ‘howl (of panters)’ have been mentioned.
See also: *kurica
*kutiti v. ESSJa XIII 139-140
CS CS kutiti ‘devise’
E Ru. kutit’ ‘live a disorderly life, booze’ 1sg. kucu, 38g. kutit
WwW Cz. kutiti ‘design, plan, venture’; kutiti se ‘rummage (in)’; Slk. kutif’ ‘look for,
rummage (in), venture’
S SCr. kutiti (RJA) ‘plunge completely into illness’; SIn. kutiti se ‘bend, hide
oneself, squat’
Etymology unclear.
*kuzna f. ja (b) ‘smithy’ ESSJa XIII 124-125
E Ru. kuiznja (dial.) ‘smithy’
WwW Cz. kuzha (dial.) ‘smithy’; kouzer (Dobrovsky) f.(i) ‘smithy’; Slk. kuzra
(dial.) ‘smithy’; kuzen (dial.) f.(i) ‘smithy’; kuzria (dial.) ‘smithy’; Pl. kuznia
‘smithy’; Slnc. k#znd ‘smithy’
S Bulg. kuznja ‘smithy’
Derivative of > *kovati. The suffixes *-zna/zna and *-znb are not uncommon, cf.
OCS ukorizna ‘insult, bojaznv ‘fear. The root is not acute because it is a recent
formation.
See also: *kpznp; *kyjp
*kvasb m. 0 (c) ‘leaven, fermented drink ESSJa XIII 153-155
CS OCS kvaso ‘leaven, fermented drink, kvass’
E Ru. kvas ‘kvass, fermented drink, Gsg. kvdsa
W Cz. kvas ‘leaven, kvass, fermented drink’; Slk. kvas ‘leaven, mud’; Pl. kwas
‘sourness, (arch.) fermented drink
S SCr. kvds ‘leaven, kvass, malted drink, Gsg. kvdsa; Cak. kvds (Vrg.) ‘yeast’
Gsg. kvdsa; kvds (Orb.) ‘yeast, Gsg. kvdsa; Sln. kvds ‘leaven, ferment’; Bulg.
kvas ‘leaven, kvass’
Cogn. Lat. cdseus m. ‘cheese’
For Lat. cdseus, Schrijver (1991: 252) has tentatively suggested that it is based on a
collective *kHu-6s. See > *kysati for a discussion of the root.
*kvét m. 0 (c) ‘flower’ ESSJa XIII 162-163
CS OCS cvéto ‘flower’
E Ru. cvet (obs.) ‘flower’, Gsg. cvéta, Npl. cvety; cvetok ‘flower’, Npl. cvety; kvet
(dial.) ‘flower’
W Cz. kvét ‘flower’; Slk. kvet ‘flower’; Pl. kwiat ‘flower’; USrb. kwét ‘flower’
*kpde 259
S SCr. cvijet ‘flower, bloom, Gsg. cvijeta; Cak. cvit (Vrg.) ‘flower, white wheat
flour’ Gsg. cvita; cv'ét (Orb.) ‘bloom; Sln. cvét ‘flower’ Gsg. cvéta, Gsg. cvetii;
Bulg. cvjat ‘bloom’
PIE —*kuoit-o-
In Balto-Slavic, PIE *k was depalatalized before *y followed by a back vowel. The
second palatalization affected *kw- in South and East Slavic (North Russian
excepted), but not in West Slavic.
See also: *kvisti; *svétja; *svétb; *svptéti
*kvisti v. (c) ‘bloom, blossom’ ESSJa XIII 167-168
CS OCS cvisti (Supr.), 1sg. cvoto
E Ru. cvesti, isg. cvetu, pret. sg. m. cvél
W Cz. kvésti, sg. kvetu, kvétu (obs., dial.); kvisti, sg. kvetu, kvétu (obs., dial.);
OCz. kvisti, sg. ktvu; OPI. kwisé
Ss SCr. cvasti, 1sg. cvatém; Cak. cvds (Orb.), 38g. cvaté; Sln. cvésti, 1sg. cvétem;
cvasti, isg. cvatém; cvasti, 1sg. cvatem
BSI. *kweit-/*kwit-
B Latv. kvitét ‘shimmer, glimmer’
PIE —*ku(e)it-
The *k of Balto-Slavic *kw(e)it- is analogical after forms with o-grade, where the
palatovelar was depalatalized.
See also: *kvéts; *svétja; *svétb; *svptéti
*kp(n) prep. ‘to’ ESSJa XIII 173-174
CS OCS ko
E Ru. k(o)
W Cz. k(e/u) ; Slk. k(uv) ; Pl. ku; OP]. k(u) (by the beginning of the 18th
century, the variant ku had ousted k, which still occurs dialectally).
S SCr. k(a) ; Sln. k; Bulg. kam; Mcd. kon
Possibly cognate with the Sanskrit particle (after datives) kam.
*kpde adv. ‘where’ ESSJa XIII 173-174
CS OCS kode ‘where’
E Ru. gde ‘where’
WwW Cz. kde ‘where’; Slk. kde ‘where’ Pl. gdzie ‘where’
S SCr. gdjé ‘where’; Cak. kadé (Orb.) ‘where’; SIn. kjé ‘where’; kjé ‘somewhere’;
Bulg. gde ‘where’
BSL. *ku
B Lith. ku7 ‘where’
PIE *kvu-dhe
260 *kpxati
Cogn. Skt. kusha adv. ‘where?’; Lat. nécubi conj. ‘lest somewhere’
*kpxati v. ‘cough, sneeze’ ESSJa XIII 176
S SCr. kahati (dial.) ‘push, shove’; SIn. kdhati ‘cough loudly’ 1sg. kaham
See > *kyxati.
*kpxnoti v. ‘cough, sneeze’ ESSJa XIII 176
CS CS koxnoti ‘sneeze’
S SCr. kdhnuti ‘cough, sneeze’; kahnuti ‘cough, sneeze’; Sln. kéhniti “sneeze
(once); 1sg. kghnem
See > *kyxati.
*kpjp prn. ‘who, what, which’ ESSJa XIII 116-117
CS OCS kei ‘who, what, which; f. kaja, n. koje
E Ru. koj ‘what, which’
W SIk. ky ‘what, which; f. kd, n. ké; Pl. ki (arch., dial.) ‘what, which; f. ka, n. kie
S SCr. koji ‘what, which; f. koja, n. kojé; Bulg. koj ‘who, which; f. koja, n. koé
BSI. *kos
B Lith. kas ‘who, which’
PIE *ko-
Cogn. Skt. ka- ‘who, which, someone’; Go. Was ‘who?’
*kpk(b)nb m. jo? ESSJa XII 177
CS OCS kokon’u (Supr.) Ldu. ‘shins’
See > *kuka I.
*kplbp m. jo ‘gudgeon’ ESSJa XIII 182-183
E Ru. kolb’ (dial.) m.(jo)
WwW Pl. kielb m.(jo); kietb m.(o); Kash. ketb m.(jo); ketp m.(jo)
BSI. *kulb-/*kilb-
B Lith. kilbas (obs.) m. 1; kélbas (obs.) m. 3
See > *kolpv-.
*kplka; *kplks f. 4; m. 0 ‘bony stump’ ESSJa XIII 188
E Ru. kolk (dial.) m. ‘bony stump underneath a horn of a cow or bull’
WwW Cz. kelka (obs.) f. ‘stump of an arm or leg, artificial limb’
S SCr. kik m. ‘thigh, hip, (dial.) ham, rock; Gsg. kuka; Cak. kik (Vrg.) m. ‘hip,
rock, Gsg. kaka; kitk (Novi, Orb.) m. ‘hip’; Sln. kotk m. ‘thigh, hip, cliff’;
Bulg. kdlka f. thigh, hip’; kldka (dial.) f. ‘thigh, hip, side, bend of a river’
BSI. *kultk-
*korb 261
B Lith. kulksnis f.(i) 4 ‘ankle(-bone)’;; Latv. kulksnis m.(io) ‘tarsal joint, hough’
PIE *klHk-?
Cogn. Lat. calex f. ‘heel’
*kolpp f. i; m. jo ESSJa XIII 189-190
E Ru. kolp’ (dial.) f.(i) ‘spoonbill’; ORu. kolp» dial.) f.@) ‘spoonbill’
WwW Kash. kwif m.(jo) ‘swan’; kélp m.(jo) ‘swan’; SInc. ké-up m.(jo) ‘swan, Gsg.
ké-upja {1}; USrb. kolp m.(jo) ‘swan’, Gsg. kotpja
S SCr. kip (Herc.) m.(0) ‘swan’; kif (Dubr.) m.(0) ‘swan, pelican’
BSI. *kulpis; *gulbis
B Lith. gulbis f.(i) 4 ‘swan’; gulbis (Zem.) m.(io) 2 ‘swan’; Latv. giilbis f.(i) ‘swan’
OPr. gulbis (EV) ‘sway’
Cogn. Olr. gulban m. ‘beak, sting’; W gylfin m. ‘bird’s bill, beak, snout, sharp-
pointed nose’; W gylf m. ‘bird’s bill, beak, nose, mouth, sharp-pointed
instrument’
In view of the variations k/g and b/p, the geographical distribution of the root, and
the semantic field to which the etymon belongs, I consider this a North European
substratum word of non-Indo-European origin (see Derksen 1999). Note also that in
view of the Celtic forms the sequence *ul does not reflect a syllabic resonant.
{1} Place-names deriving from kiefp- occur in various parts of Poland (see Barikowski 2000a:
665-666).
See also: *gplbp; *kalbp
*kpl» m. 0 ‘fang, tusk’ ESSJa XIII 192-193
E Ru. kol (dial.) ‘sharp lower tooth of a horse, fang, tusk’
Ww Cz. kel ‘fang, tusk, shoot, Gsg. klu; Slk. kel ‘fang, tusk, Gsg. kla; Pl. kiet
‘canine (tooth), fang, tusk, Gsg. kta
S SCr. kal ‘canine (tooth), fang, tusk’; SIn. kal ‘tusk (of a pig), Gsg. kla
Derivative containing the zero grade of the root of > *kolti.
See also: *k6lss; *kolti; *koltiti; *koltp; *kolta; *kolto; *kolb
*kbrb m. jo ESSJa XIII 242
E ORu. koro ‘cleared spot, shrubbery’; koro ‘cleared spot, shrubbery’
Ww Cz. ker ‘bush; Gsg. kere; ker (lit., poet.) ‘bush, Gsg. ke; Slk. ker ‘bush, Gsg.
kra; Pl. kierz ‘bush, Gsg. krza, Gsg. krzu
BSI. *kur-/*kir-
B Lith. kirna (dial.) f. 1 ‘root of a tree or shrub on a riverbank that is hollowed
out by water, soggy spot overgrown with bushes, spot with fallen trees’
OPr. kirno ‘bush’
A jo-stem containing the zero grade of the root of > *korenv.
See also: *Cernovit; *¢ernovp; *Cern II; *¢ernp II; *korenb
262 *kprkati
*korkati v. ESSJa XIII 216
WwW Cz. krkati ‘croak’; Slk. kfkat ‘croak’; Pl. karkaé‘cackle
S SCr. krkati ‘stuff oneself’; k?kati (Elez.) ‘eat greedily’; Bulg. kdrkam ‘gurgle,
rumble, stuff oneself, booze’
Verb of onomatopoetic origin.
See also: *krakati; *kprkati
*kprknoti v. ESSJa XIII 216
CS OCS kroknoti (Supr.) ‘squeak’
W Cz. krknouti ‘belch’
S SCr. k?knuti ‘bang, crash, squeak’; SIn. k/kniti ‘squeak, 1sg. k?knem
See the previous lemma.
See also: *krakati
*kprma I f. a ‘stern’ ESSJa XIII 220-222
CS OCS kroma (Zogr., Mar.) ‘stern’
E Ru. kormd ‘stern
S SCr. kéma ‘stern, helm’; Cak. krmd (Vrg., Novi) ‘stern, helm’; Sln. kfma
‘stern’; Bulg. karma ‘ster’
PIE *kvr-m-
See also: *Cern; *Cernp I; *kprnb
*kprma II; *kprmp f. 4; m. o ‘food, fodder’ ESSJa XIII 222-223; XIII 227
CS OCS kroma (Supr.) f. ‘food’
E Ru. korm m. ‘fodder, forage’; ORu. korms m. ‘food, feast, banquet’; kormo m.
‘food, feast, banquet’
Ww Cz. krm (obs.) m. ‘fodder’; Slk. krm m. ‘fodder’; krma (dial.) f. ‘fodder,
mother’s milk’; Pl. karm (arch, dial.) m. ‘food, fodder’; Slnc. karma f. ‘fodder’
S SCr. kfma f. ‘fodder’ (according to the RJA, the original meaning ‘food’
occurs until the 16th century); Cak. krmad f. ‘(cattle) fodder’, Asg. k7méd; Sln.
kfma f. ‘nourishment, fodder, hay’; Bulg. karmd f. ‘fodder, mother’s milk
The root of this etymon may be reconstructed as *krhs-, cf. Gk. kopévviut ‘satiate’
Lith. sérti ‘feed’, with depalatalization before syllabic *r.
*kprnb adj. o ‘maimed’ ESSJa XIII 236-237
CS CS krone ‘mutilated (with ears slit or cropped)’
E Ru. korndj (dial.) ‘stocky, thickset’; kérnyj (dial.) ‘stocky, thickset’
Ww SInc. karn m. ‘notch’
S SCr. kfn ‘broken off, dented, knocked out (teeth), maimed’; kfnja ‘crop-
eared, snub-nosed, toothless’; krnja ‘crop-eared, snub-nosed or toothless
person’; Sln. kin ‘maimed, mutilated’
*kpspn'b 263
BSL. *kurnos
Latv. ku?ns ‘deaf’
PIE *kr-no-
Cogn. Skt. karna- ‘eared, crop-eared’; LAv. karana- ‘deaf’
I assume that in Slavic this root was secondarily associated with *krH- ‘to cut’
(Derksen 1996: 226-227).
See also: *¢ern I; *¢ernn I; *kprma I
*kbrpa f. 4 (a) ESSJa XIII 237
CS OCS kropa ‘texture, fabric’
WwW Slk. krpa ‘earthenware pot’; Pl. karpa (dial.) ‘stump and roots of a felled tree’;
OPI. karpa ‘stump and roots of a felled tree’
S SCr. k?pa ‘rag, patch’; Cak. k?pa (Vrg.) ‘rag, patch’; k?pa (Vrg.) ‘piece of
cloth, rag, towel’; Sln. kfpa ‘patch, stain’; Bulg. karpa ‘piece of cloth, towel’
BSL *kuir?p(i)a?
B Lith. kurpé f.(€) ‘shoe’; Latv. ku7pe f.(8) ‘shoe’
OPr. kurpe (EV) ‘shoe’
Cogn. Gk. kapBativat Npl. f. ‘shoes of undressed leather, brogues’; Gk. kapmdtivov
(Hesych.) n. ‘shoe of undressed leather, brogue’
If the Greek words, which are formally incompatible with the Balto-Slavic forms, are
cognate, we are probably dealing with a substratum word (cf. Beekes 2000: 28).
*kprzpno n. 0 ‘fur’ ESSJa XIII 244
CS CS kroz(v)no ‘piece of clothing made of fur’
E ORu. korzno ‘cloak (also korzno, korvzno, krozno, korozno)
W Cz. krzno ‘military cloak’
S SCr. kfzno ‘fur’; k¢zno ‘fur’; Sln. kfzno ‘skin, pelt, fur’
This Slavic etymon was apparently borrowed into Germanic, cf. OHG kursi(n)na,
krusina, OS krusina f. ‘cloak made of fur’ (Kluge-Seebold: 495). The relationship with
Lat. crocina (Gaul.) f. ‘pelt, fur’ is uncertain. According to Vasmer (s.v. kérzno), Slavic
borrowed this word from an eastern language, cf. Osset. kerc ‘fur.
*kpspnb adj. 0 ‘slow ESSJa XIII 246-247
CS CS kosne (Nik) ‘slow
E Ru. késnyj ‘inert, sluggish’
S SCr. kdsan ‘late, tardy’; kdsno (Vuk) adv. ‘late, tardy’; Cak. kdsan (Vrg.) ‘late,
tardy’; kdsan (Orb.) ‘late, tardy’; Sln. kasdn ‘sluggish, slow, late’; kdsan
‘sluggish, slow, late’; Bulg. kasen ‘late’
BSL. *kus-no-; *kus-lo-
B Lith. kuslas (dial.) ‘blind, weak (plants), small’; Latv. kusls ‘stiff, small, weak’
264 *kesiti
The ESSJa rejects the connection with the Baltic forms and links *kosons to *kyselo,
etc. As a parallel Lat. séréscere ‘become dry and sérus ‘belated’ are adduced, but these
words may very well derive from different roots.
*knSiti v. ‘cast lots’ ESSJa XIII 247
CS CS koSiti ‘cast lots
E ORu. kositisja ‘cast lots’
Derivative of > *koso.
*kbSp m. jo ‘lot, fate’ ESSJa XIII 247
CS RuCsS kosp; kosp
E ORu. koS0; kos
Etymology unclear.
See also: *kySiti
*kpto prn. ‘who’ ESSJa XIII 248
CS OCS koto
E Ru. kto
W Cz. kdo; OCz. kto; chto; Pl. kto; OPI. kto; chto
S SCr. tk6; kd; SIn. kdd
BSI. *kos
B Lith. kas ‘who, what’
The pronoun *k”o- (> *kojv) + *tod
See also: *neknto; *nékbto
*kpznp f. i ‘art’ ESSJa XIII 249
CS OCS koznv (Ril., Supr.) ‘art, manner’; RuCS keznv ‘occupation, profession,
art
E Ru. kézni Npl. ‘machinations, intrigues’; ORu. koznb ‘occupation, profession,
art’
Considering that the root is *kuh- (> *kovati), the vocalism *o < *u is unexpected.
We may be dealing with a productive ablaut pattern, however.
See also: *kuzna; *kyjb
*kydati v. ‘throw, fling ESSJa XIII 252-253
E Ru. kidat’ ‘throw, fling, cast, sg. kidaju; Ukr. kydaty ‘throw, fling, cast, cease’
Ww Cz. kydati ‘throw, muck out’; Slk. kydat’ ‘throw, muck out’; Pl. kidaé (dial.)
‘throw, fling, cast’; OPI. kida¢ ‘throw, fling, cast’
S SCr. kidati ‘tear, muck out’ 1sg. kidam; Cak. kidati (Vrg.) ‘tear, muck out,
2sg. kidas; Sln. kidati ‘throw out, throw aside, muck out} 1sg. kidam; Bulg.
kidam (dial.) ‘soil, stain’
*kyla 265
PIE *(s)kud-
Cogn. Skt. cédati ‘impel’; Olc. skjéta ‘shoot, shove’
An example of Winter’s law.
See also: *kydnoti
*kydnoti v. ‘throw, fling’ ESSJa XIII 252-253
E Ru. kinut’ ‘throw, fling, cast’, isg. kinu; Ukr. kynuty ‘throw, fling, cast, cease’
WwW Cz. kydnouti ‘throw, fling’; Slk. kydnut ‘throw, fling, strike’; Pl. kingé (dial.)
‘throw, fling, cast’; OPI. kingé ‘throw, fling, cast’
S SCr. kinuti se ‘get away from’; Sln. kiniti ‘nod’, 1sg. kinim; Bulg. kina (dial.)
‘tear’
PIE *kud-
See also: *kydati
*kyxati v. ‘sneeze’ ESSJa XIII 254-255
E Ru. kixat’ (dial.) ‘laugh loudly, cough’; ORu. kixati ‘sneeze’
W Cz. kychati ‘sneeze’; Slk. kychat‘sneeze’; P|. kichadé ‘sneeze’
S SCr. kihati ‘sneeze’, 18g. kiham, 18g. ki8ém; Cak. kihati (Vrg.) ‘sneeze’, 289.
kises; kihat (Orb.) ‘sneeze, isg. kisen; Sln. kihati ‘sneeze’, 1sg. kiham, 1sg.
kisem; Bulg. kixam ‘sneeze’
Undoubtedly onomatopoetic in origin. In view of the forms with *kox-, we are
dealing here with an intensive verb.
See also: *¢ixati; *¢pxati; *kpxati; *kpxnoti
*kyjp m. jo ‘stick, club’ ESSJa XIII 257-258
CS RuCS kyi ‘hammer, club’; kii ‘hammer, club’
E Ru. kij (dial.) ‘stick, wooden hammer, pestle’
WwW Cz. kyj ‘stick, club’; Slk. ky; ‘stick, club’; Pl. kij ‘stick, cane’
S SCr. kij (asth c.) ‘hammer’; Sn. kij ‘big wooden beetle, corn-cob’
BSI. *kutios
B Lith. kijis ‘hammer’
OPr. cugis (EV) ‘hammer’
A jo-derivative of *ky < *kuhz. See > *kovati.
*kyla f. a (a) ‘outgrowth, hernia’ ESSJa XIII 262-263
CS kyla ‘hernia’; kila ‘hernia
Ru. kild ‘hernia, outgrowth on plants’; Ukr. kyla ‘hernia’; kyld ‘hernia’
Cz. kyla ‘hernia’; Slk. kyla ‘hernia’; Pl. kifa ‘hernia
SCr. kila ‘hernia, oedema, swelling, outgrowth (on plants)’; Cak. kila (Vrg.)
‘hernia, swelling’; SIn. kila “scrotal hernia, outgrowth (on plants)’; Bulg. kila
‘hernia’
nemo
266 *kypéti
BSL *kurlar
B Lith. kiila (dial.) f. ‘lump, hernia, stalk’; kiilas (dial.) m. ‘lump, hernia’
PIE *khyu-l-ehy
Cogn. Olc. haull f. ‘hernia’; OHG héla f. ‘hernia
For the colour of the laryngeal cf. Gk. kavAdc ‘stalk, shaft’ = Lith. kdulas ‘bone’.
*kypéti v. (c) ‘boil, seethe’ ESSJa XIII 265
CS OCS kypéti (Euch., Supr.) ‘seethe’
E Ru. kipét’ ‘boil, seethe’ isg. kiplju, 38g. kipit
WwW Cz. kypéti ‘boil, overflow’; Slk. kypiet boil, overflow’; Pl. kipied ‘boil’
S SCr. kipjeti ‘boil, overflow’; Cak. kipét (Orb.) ‘boil’, 38g. kipi; Sln. kipéti ‘boil,
overflow, isg. kipim; Bulg. kipja ‘boil, overflow’
BSI. *kup-
B Lith. kapéti ‘boil over’, 38g. kupa
In my opinion, Schrijver (1991: 260-263) correctly separates kypéti from Latv. kiipét
‘smoke, steam’, vapor ‘steam, heat’ etc., which he derives from a root *k™h2,up- (>
*kopotv). An analysis of the East Baltic material alone nearly suffices to establish the
roots *kiip- ‘smoke, steam’ and *kup- ‘boil, seethe’, e.g. Latv. kiipt, ktipét ‘smoke, steam’
vs. kupét, kupuét ‘seethe. The latter root may go back to PIE *kup-, cf. Skt. kupyati
‘swell, heave or boil with rage or emotion, be angry, be angry with; Lat. cupié ‘desire’.
LIV distinguishes between *keyp- ‘innerlich beben, *kueh,p- ‘sieden, and *kuep-
‘hauchen’ The root *kueh,p- is posited on the basis of forms that do not or not
necessarily require a laryngeal, such as Lith. kipéti ‘boil over’ (cf. Lith. kupti, Latv.
kupt ‘rise (bread)’ and OCS kypéti, the etymon under discussion. The forms that do
require a laryngeal, viz. Latv. kipt and kiipét ‘smoke, steam’ have a different meaning
and can be linked to the forms mentioned under *kuep- if we adopt Schrijver’s
reconstruction.
*kyprp adj.o ESSJa XIII 267
CS RuCsS kypryj ‘porous’
WwW Cz. kypry ‘ironed, rounded’; Slk. kypry ‘mellow, soft’; USrb. kipry ‘weak,
powerless’
Ss Bulg. kipar (dial.) ‘beautiful, neat’
The connection with > *kypéti, as advocated by the ESSJa, is semantically
unconvincing.
*kysati v. (a) ‘turn sour’ ESSJa XIII 269
WwW Cz. kysati ‘turn sour, rot’; Pl. kisa¢ (arch.) ‘turn sour, ferment, pickle’
S SCr. kisati (arch.) ‘turn sour, boil’; kisati (RSA) ‘rise (dough), pickle’; Cak.
kisati (Vrg.) ‘leave to rise (bread)’; se kisa (Orb.) 3g. ‘rises (dough)’; SIn.
kisati ‘pickle’ 1sg. kisam, 1sg. kisem; Bulg. kisel ‘sour, fermented’
*lajati I 267
BSI. *kurs-ar-
Latv. kiisdt ‘boil’
LIV (374) derives Slavic *kys- from an aorist stem *kuth2-s. The root is reconstructed
as *kuatha-, cf. Skt. kvathant- (YV+) ptc. prs. act. ‘bubbling, boiling, Go. apo f.
‘foam. I seriously doubt the necessity to reconstruct *a for this root, but my main
objection is that the fact that the root is acute is not explained, cf. also Ru. kvasit’
‘make sour, pickle, SCr. kvdsiti ‘moisten, dip. If we want to stay close to LIV’s
reconstruction (the presence of a dental before *s would explain that in the zero
grade we do not see the effects of the ruki-rule, but perhaps this is due to analogy),
we may posit *kuHth-s-, but of course there is a possibility that the Slavic root is not
cognate with Skt. kvath-.
See also: *kvasp; *kyselp; *kyséls; *kys(b)Ib
*kysel; *kysélp adj. 0 (a) ‘sour’ ESSJa XIII 271
CS OCS kysélu (Euch.) Dsg.n. ‘sour, young (wine)’
WwW Cz. kysely ‘sour’; Pl. kisiaty (arch.) ‘sour’
S SCr. kiseo ‘sour’, f. kisela; Cak. kisé (Vrg.) ‘sour’ f. kiseld, n. kiselo; kisel (Orb.)
‘sour, f. kisela, n. kiselo; Sin. kiset‘sour’; Bulg. kisel ‘sour, fermented’
See > *kysati.
*kys(b)Ip adj. 0 (a) ‘sour’ ESSJa XIH 275
E Ru. kislyj ‘sour’
WwW Slk. kysly ‘sour’; Pl. kisty (arch., dial.) ‘sour, fermented’
S SCr. kisao (arch., dial.) ‘sour’; Sln. kisat ‘sour’
See > *kyselo, *kysélo.
*kyvati v. ‘nod’ ESSJa XIII 283-284
CS OCS kyvati ‘nod’
E Ru. kivat’ ‘nod’
W Cz. kyvati ‘wink, nod, move, shake’; Slk. kyvat ‘wink, nod’; Pl. kiwac¢ ‘wink,
nod, wag’
S Sln. kivati ‘nod, 1sg. kivam
PIE *khyu-
Cogn. Lat. cévére ‘move the haunches in a lewd or effeminate manner’
uaF
*Jajati I v. (a) ‘bark’ ESSJa XIV 20
CS OCS lajati (Supr.) ‘bark; 1sg. lajo
E Ru. ldjat’ ‘bark’; ORu. lajati ‘bark’; Bel. Idja¢ ‘curse’; Ukr. Idjati ‘curse, scold’
268 *Jajati I
WwW Cz. lati ‘scold, bark’; OCz. lati ‘scold’; Slk. laf ‘scold’; Pl. fajac ‘curse, scold,
bark’; OPI. fajac ‘curse, scream’; Slnc. fajac ‘bark, curse’; LSrb. fajas ‘bark,
scold, curse’
S SCr. lajati ‘bark, swear’, 1sg. lajém; Cak. ldjati (Vrg.) ‘bark, swear’, 2s¢. ldjes;
lajati (Orb.) ‘bark, 3sg. laje; Sln. Idjati ‘bark, scream, curse; 1sg. ldjam, 1s.
lajem; Bulg. laja ‘bark, scold’; Mcd. lae ‘bark, swear’
BSL. *lar-
B Lith. /6ti ‘bark’; Latv. lat ‘bark, scold’
PIE *leho-
Cogn. Skt. rayati ‘bark (if not from PIE *Hreh,-); Lat. ldtrare ‘bark’
*Jajati II v. ‘ambush, lie in wait for’ ESSJa XIV 21
CS OCS lajati ‘ambush, lie in wait for’, 1sg. ajo; RuCS lajati ‘ambush, lie in wait
for, engage in intrigues’
PIE *leha-
Cogn. Gk. \18w ‘be hidden? Lat. latére ‘be hidden’
See also: *lakati
*lakati v. ‘lie in wait for’ ESSJa XIV 23
W OCz. lakati ‘lie in wait for’; USrb. fakaé ‘lie in wait for’; LSrb. fakas (dial.) ‘lie
in wait for, threaten’
Apparently, an extended root *leh,-k™-.
See also: *lajati
*lamb m. 0 ‘hollow, bend’ ESSJa XIV 26
E Ru. lam (dial.) ‘(Psk.) meadow covered with small trees and bushes that is
occasionally flooded, (Novg.) wasteland’
W Pl. fam (obs.) ‘quarry, bend’
S SCr. lém (RSA: dial.) ‘knee-joint, underground passage’; SIn. lam ‘pit, (dial.)
quarry’
BSI. *lom-
B Lith. loma f. 4 ‘hollow, valley, plot, lump’; Latv. lama f. ‘hollow, pool
See > *lomiti. The sustained tone of the Latvian form reflects the root-final laryngeal
(pace Schrijver 1991: 142).
*lapa f. 4 (a) ‘paw’ ESSJa XIV 26-28
E Ru. [dpa ‘paw’; ORu. lapa ‘paw’
WwW Cz. tlapa ‘paw’; dlapa (dial.) ‘paw; lapa (Jg.) ‘snare, trap’; Slk. laba ‘paw’;
tlapa ‘paw’; Pl. tapa ‘paw’ dlapa (dial.) ‘paw
Ss SCr. lapa (RSA: dial.) ‘paw’; SIn. /dpa ‘snout, mouth’; lapa ‘paw’; Bulg. ldpa
paw
‘Vaziti 269
BSI. *la?par
B Lith. ldpa (dial.) 1 ‘paw’; lopd (dial.) 2 ‘paw’; Latv. lapa ‘paw’
Cogn. Go. lofa m. ‘flat of the hand’
The problem with a reconstruction *lehz,p-ehz is the fact that *ldpa seems to be
related with > *lopata ‘spade, shovel’. Besides, Latv. [@pa ‘paw’ points to *leh,p-. One
could reconstruct *loh;p- for *lapa, but *a for stressed *6 is not that common.
Perhaps we are dealing with two separate roots, *lehap- and *lep-, which became
confused, cf. Lith. lépeta vs. PSI. > *lopata.
*laska f. a (a) ESSJa XIV 46
E Ru. ldska ‘caress, endearment, kindness’
W Cz. ldska ‘love’; Slk. Idska ‘love’; P|. faska ‘favour, mercy’; Slnc. laské ‘favour,
mercy’
S SCr. laska ‘flattery’; Bulg. Jdska ‘caress, tenderness’
Deverbative d-stem (> *laskati).
*laskati v. ‘flatter, caress’ ESSJa XIV 46
CS OCS laskaase (Supr.) 3sg. impf. ‘flattered’
E Ru. laskat’ ‘caress, fondle, (obs.) comfort, console’ 1sg. laskdju
W Cz. laskati ‘caress’; Slk. laskat‘caress’; OPI. faskanie n.(jo) ‘soothing’
S SCr. ldskati ‘flatter’, 1sg. laskam; SIn. ldskati ‘flatter’, 1sg. laskam; Bulg. laskdja
‘flatter, caress’
PIE *lehzs-sk-
Cogn. Lat. lascivus ‘playful
See also: *laska; *lasb
*lasb adj. o ‘greedy’ ESSJa XIV 46
E Ru. ldsyj ‘greedy, eager, affectionate’; Ukr. ldsyj ‘greedy, eager’
W Pl. tasy (obs., dial.) ‘greedy, eager’
BSI. *lars-
B Lith. loksnus 4 ‘sensitive’
PIE *lehzs-o-
See also: *laska; *laskati
*laziti v. (a) ‘crawl, creep’ ESSJa XIV 64-67
CS OCS izlaziti (Supr., Hil.) ‘come out of} 1sg. izlazo
E Ru. ldzit’ ‘climb, clamber’, 18g. lazu, 38g. lazit
W Cz. laziti ‘crawl, climb, walk slowly’; Slk. lazif ‘drag onself along, crawl’; Pl.
lazi¢ ‘crawl, tramp’
270 *lazp
S SCr. ldziti ‘crawl, creep’; Sln. ldziti ‘crawl, creep, sneak, ldzim; Bulg. ldzja
‘crawl, climb’
Iterative of > *lézti. See also > *lazo.
*lazb m. 0 ESSJa XIV 72-76
Ww Cz. laz ‘part of a furrow that has not been ploughed up’; az ‘slope where the
forest has been uprooted but the earth has not been worked’; OCz. laz ‘strip
of land, ploughed field, field’; Jaz ‘strip of land, ploughed field, field’; Slk.
lazy Npl. ‘kind of mountain settlements’; lazy Npl. ‘ploughed fields,
meadows, houses on a slope’; Pl. faz ‘mountain path, pasture’; OPI. faz ‘strip
of worked land in the woods’
S SCr. ldz (Vuk) ‘small field, place with many felled trees’; /dz ‘cleared field,
narrow passage, hole in a fence’; Cak. ldz (Vrg.) ‘hole in a fence’; Sln. laz
‘clear spot in the woods, virgin soil’
PIE —*loh"-0-
Cogn. Ol. ldgr adj. ‘low
See also: *laziti; *lézti
*1édb m. o(/u) (c) ‘ice’ ESSJa XIV 91-92
CS OCS led (Supr.)
E Ru. léd, Gsg. Ida; Ukr. lid, Gsg. l’'odu
WwW Cz. led; Slk. lad; P|. lod, Gsg. lodu; USrb. lod, Gsg. lodu, Gsg. loda
S SCr. léd, Gsg. léda; Cak. léd (Vrg.), Gsg. léda; léd (Novi), Gsg. léda; liét
(Orb.) ‘ice, cold, frost’, Gsg. léda; SIn. léd, Gsg. léda, Gsg. ledii; Bulg. led
BSI. *ledus
B Lith. /édas m.(0) 4; ledus m.(u) 4; Latv. Iegdus m.(u)
OPr. ladis (EV)
The PIE proto-form would be */led*-u-s, but cognates from outside Balto-Slavic seem
to be lacking. The connection with Gk. \i®oc ‘stone’ seems rather fanciful.
*legti v. (a) ‘lie (down)’ ESSJa XIV 99-100
CS OCS lesti ‘lie (down); 1s¢. lego, 28g. lezesi
E Ru. lec’ ‘lie (down); 1sg. [jdgu, 38g. ljdZet; legci (dial.) ‘lie (down), 1sg. lecu;
legti (dial.) ‘lie (down)’; ORu. leci lay (down)’; Ukr. [jagty ‘lie (down)’
Ww Cz. léci ‘lie (down)’; Slk. [ast dial.) ‘lie (down)’; PI. lec ‘lie down, fall; 1sg.
legne; Igc (arch., dial.) ‘lie down, fall’; OPI. lec ‘lay (down)’
S SCr. lééi ‘lie (down); isg. [ézém, pret. m. légao, pret. f. légla, pret. n. léglo; Cak.
léci (Vrg.) ‘lie (down); 2sg. [éZes, pret. m. léga, pret. f. légla; léé (Orb.) ‘lie
down, 2s¢. liéZen, pret. m. léga, pret. f. légla; Sln. Iéci ‘lay (down), go to sleep,
isg. [éZem
PIE —*legh-
*lezati 271
Cogn. Gk. déxopat (Hes.) ‘go to sleep’; Go. ligan ‘lie’
The present stem contains a nasal.
See also: *leZati; *légati; *logp; *lond; *lozZe; *loZesno; *loZiti
*lemexs m. o ‘ploughshare, plough’ ESSJa XIV 106-107
E Ru. lémex ‘ploughshare’; leméx (dial.) ‘ploughshare’; lémex (dial.) ‘plough’;
ORu. lemexo ‘ploughshare’; Bel. émex ‘ploughshare’
W Cz. lemech (dial.) ‘back of a chair’
See > *lemesSb, *lemeso.
*lemesp; *lemezZp m. jo ‘ploughshare, plough’ ESSJa XIV 108-110
CS OCS lemes» (Bes.) ‘plough’
E Ru. lémes ‘ploughshare’; Jemés ‘ploughshare’; Bel. [jamés ‘ploughshare’; Ukr.
lemis ‘ploughshare’, Gsg. lemesa
WwW Cz. lemes ‘ploughshare’; Slk. lemes ‘ploughshare’; Pl. lemiesz ‘ploughshare’;
OPI. lemiesz ‘ploughshare’; lemiesz ‘ploughshare’; limiesz ‘ploughshare’; SInc.
lemjes ‘ploughshare’; lem(z ‘ploughshare’
Ss SCr. lémes ‘ploughshare’; lémez ‘ploughshare’; Cak. lemés (Orb.)
‘ploughshare, Gsg. lemésa; Sln. lémes ‘ploughshare’; lémez ‘ploughshare’;
Bulg. leméz ‘ploughshare’; Mcd. lemés ‘ploughshare’
BSI. *lemes-
B Lith. lémezis m.(io) ‘wooden part of the plough’ lamezis (dial.) m.(io)
‘wooden part of the plough’; Latv. lemesis m.(io) ‘sharp plough’
The */- must originate from *lem-.
See also: *emex'b; *emesp; *emezZp; *lemex; *lams; *lomiti
*letéti v. (c) ‘fly’ ESSJa XIV 145-148
CS OCS letéti ‘fly, 1sg. lesto
E Ru. letét’ ‘fly; 1sg. lecui, 38g. letit
WwW Cz. letéti ‘fly’; Slk. letiet“fly’; Pl. leciec ‘fly, 1sg. lece
S SCr. létjeti ‘fly’, 1sg. létim; Cak. (Vrg.) letiti ‘fly’, 28g. letis; (Orb.) letét ‘fly’ 3s¢.
leti; Sln. letéti ‘fly; 18g. letim; Bulg. letja ‘fly’
BSI. *lekt-
B Lith. lékti ‘fly’, 3g. lékia; Latv. lékt ‘jump, (rarely) fly; 3sg. lec
Cogn. MHG lecken ‘hop’
According to Meillet (Et. I: 180), *letéti derives from *leto < *lek-to-.
*leZati v. (c) ‘lie’ ESSJa XIV 161-165
CS OCS leZati ‘lie, be (situated); 1sg. leZo, asg. lezisi
E Ru. lezat’ ‘lie, be (situated), 1sg. leZzi, 38g. lezit; Ukr. lezaty ‘lie, be ill’ 1sg. lez
272
*“légati
Cz. lezeti ‘lie, lie asleep, lie ill’; OCz. lezéti ‘lie, lie asleep’; Slk. leZaf'‘lie, sleep,
lie ill’; Pl. lezed ‘lie, be situated’; Slnc. liezéc ‘lie’; USrb. lezeé ‘lie’; LSrb. lazas
‘lie, rest’
SCr. léZati ‘lie, be ill, 1sg. lezim; Cak. lezati (Vrg.) ‘lie, be ill, 28g. lezis; lezat
(Orb.) ‘lie’ 28g. lezis; Sln. léZati ‘lie’ 1g. lezim; Bulg. lezd ‘lie, spend the night,
be ill’; Mcd. /eZi ‘lie, be in custody, be situated’
Verb with the stative suffix *-éti. See > *legti.
*légati v. ‘lie’ ESSJa XIV 182-183
CS OCS légati (Euch.) ‘lie’ sg. lézo
E Ru. legat’ (dial.) lie down’ [jagat’ (dial.) ‘lie down’; ORu. légati ‘lie’
Ww Cz. lehati ‘lie down’; Pl. lega¢ (obs., dial.) ‘lie down (frequently)’; USrb. léhaé
S
‘lie, be situated’; LSrb. légas ‘lie down, lie’
SCr. lijégati (se) ‘lie down, put to bed’; Cak. ligdti (Vrg.) ‘lie down, put to
bed’; SIn. légati ‘lie down, lie} isg. légam; Bulg. ljagam ‘lie, lie down, go to
sleep’
Iterative of > *legti. The root has lengthened grade.
See also: *leZati; *l6gp; *lono; *loze; *lozesno; *loziti
*1éxa f. 4 (b) ‘strip of land, bed’ ESSJa XIV 184-187
CS OCS léxa (Zogr., Mar.) ‘row’
E Ru. lexd (dial.) ‘strip of land, furrow, bed’; Jéxa (dial.) ‘strip of land, furrow,
bed’; Ukr. ljaxd ‘bed (garden)’
WwW Cz. licha ‘narrow strip of land’; OCz. lécha ‘strip of land’; Pl. lecha (obs.)
‘row, file’; OPI. lecha ‘strip of land, bed (garden)’
S SCr. lijéha ‘small patch of farmed land, ridge between furrows, flower bed’;
Cak. liehd ‘flower bed, vegetable plot, row of plants (in a garden); Asg. liého;
SIn. [éha ‘furrow, strip of land, gap in a field’; Bulg. lexd ‘flower bed’
B Lith. lysé £.(@) 1 ‘bed (garden)’
OPr. lyso (EV) ‘bed (field)’
PIE *lois-ehz
Cogn. Lat. lira f. ‘ridge between two furrows’; OHG wagan-leisa f. ‘track of a cart’
The acute of the Lithuanian form is unexpected.
*Jénivs adj. ‘lazy, sluggish’ ESSJa XIV 204-205
CS OCS lénivo (Ass., Sav., Supr.) ‘lazy’
E Ru. lenivyj ‘lazy, sluggish’
WwW Cz. lenivy ‘lazy, sluggish’; Slk. lenivy ‘lazy, sluggish’; Pl. leniwy ‘lazy, sluggish’
S SCr. fjéniv ‘lazy’; SIn. leniv ‘lazy, sluggish’; Bulg. leniv ‘lazy, sluggish’
See > *léno.
*lépp I 273
*lénb adj. 0 (c) ‘lazy, slow’ ESSJa XIV 209-211
CS OCS léno (Zogr., Mar.) ‘lazy’
E Ru. [jdnoj (dial.) ‘lazy’; lendj (dial.) ‘lazy’; ORu. lénz ‘lazy, slow’
Ww Cz. liny ‘lazy, slow’; OCz. lény ‘lazy, slow’; OPI. leny ‘lazy, slow
S SCr. lijen ‘lazy, slow’ f. lijéna; Cak. lin (Vrg.) ‘lazy, slow’ f. lind, n. lino; lén
(Novi) ‘lazy, slow’; lién (Orb.) ‘lazy, slow, f. liend; SIn. lén ‘lazy, slow, f. léna
BSI. *le?nos; *lénos
B Lith. lénas ‘lazy’; Latv. léns ‘lazy’; léns ‘lazy’; léns ‘lazy’; léns” (Biel. Gr.) ‘soft,
mild’
PIE *leh;-(e)no-
Cogn. Lat. lénis ‘soft’
For the reconstruction, cf. Schrijver 1991: 125, Derksen 1996: 227-228.
See also: *lénivs; *lénp; *létp
*lénp f. i ‘laziness’ ESSJa XIV 211
CS CS léno ‘laziness’
E Ru. len’ ‘laziness’
WwW Cz. lén (obs., dial.) ‘laziness’; OCz. lén ‘laziness’; Slk. lievi (poet., dial.)
‘laziness’; OPI. len ‘lazy person’
Ss SCr. lijen ‘laziness’; SIn. len ‘laziness’
Abstract i-stem. See > *léno.
*lépiti v. (b) ‘smear, stick’ ESSJa XIV 247-249
CS OCS prilépiti ‘stick, 1sg. prilépljo
E Ru. lepit’ ‘model, mould, stick; 1sg. lepljui, 38g. lépit
Ww Cz. lepiti ‘glue, stick’; Slk. lepit“glue, stick’; Pl. lepi¢ ‘glue, stick’
S SCr. lijépiti ‘cover with clay’ 1sg. lijepim; Cak. lipiti (Vrg.) ‘cover with clay;
2sg. lipis; Sln. lepiti ‘stick, 1sg. lepim (the homonym lepiti ‘clean, embellish’
derives from /ép ‘beautiful’); Bulg. lepja ‘stick, smear’
BSI. *loip-
B Lith. lipinti ‘glue, stick’; Idipioti (dial.) ‘glue, stick
PIE *loip-eie-
Cogn. Skt. lepayati ‘smear’; Gk. Auttaivw ‘oil’
See also: *léps I; *lép» II;*lnnoti
*1épp I m. 0 (c) ‘glue’ ESSJa XIV 224-225
CS CS lépo ‘glue’
Ww Cz. lep ‘glue’; Slk. lep ‘glue’; Pl. lep ‘glue’; Slnc. lep ‘bird-lime’; USrb. lép ‘glue’
S SCr. lijep ‘glue, bird-lime, mortar’; Sln. lép ‘glue, bird-lime, mistletoe’
Deverbative o-stem. See > *lépiti.
274 *lépp II
*1épp II adj. 0 (c) ‘beautiful’ ESSJa XIV 225-228
CS OCS lépo ‘appropriate, beautiful’
WwW Cz. lepy ‘beautiful’; Slk. lepy ‘beautiful’
S SCr. lijep ‘beautiful’, f. lijépa; Cak. lip ‘beautiful’ f. lipa, n. lipo; lip (Novi)
‘beautiful, f. lipd; l'ép (Orb.) ‘beautiful, f. l’epd, f. liépa, n. liépo; Sin. lép
‘beautiful; f. lépa
The communis opinio is that this adjective derives from the root ‘smear. The
semantic development is supposed to be from ‘fat’ to ‘rich, abundant, of good quality’,
cf. MoDu. vet (pop.) ‘cool, neat, great’ (see the ESSJa for more parallels).
See also: *lépiti; *lépp I; *Ibnoti
*1éska f. 4 (b) ‘hazel’
E Ru. [jazga (dial.) ‘hazel’; Bel. [jdska ‘stick, cane’
W Cz. liska ‘hazel’; laska (Sil.) ‘hazel’; Slk. lieska ‘hazel’; Pl. laska ‘stick, staff’;
SInc. lduskd ‘hazel’; USrb. léska ‘hazel’; LSrb. léska ‘hazel switch’
S SCr. lijéska ‘hazel’; Sn. léska ‘hazel’; Bulg. leska ‘hazel’
B Lith. lazda ‘stick, staff, (OLith., dial.) hazel’; Latv. lazda ‘hazel’; lagzda ‘hazel’
OPr. laxde (EV) ‘hazel’
In spite of the formal differences, there can hardly be any doubt that the Slavic and
Baltic forms are cognate. For Balto-Slavic, one might posit a medial cluster *-zgd-.
The difference in root vocalism remains unaccounted for, however. Forms such as
SCr. lijésak, Cak. liesik (Orb.) ‘hazel’ must be compared with SCr. mézak ‘brain,
marrow’ vs. Ru. mozg and should not be identified with *lesoko, a diminutive of >
*léso.
See also: *loza
*1ésp m. 0 (c) ‘forest, wood(s)’ ESSJa XIV 249-252
CS OCS lése (Euch., Supr.)
E Ru. les; Ukr. lis
Ww Cz. les; Slk. les; Pl. las
S SCr. lijes; SIn. lés ‘wood (material), forest’, Gsg. lésa, Gsg. lesii; Bulg. les
If there is an etymological connection with OE /és f. ‘pasture’, Gsg. léswe, we might
reconstruct *leh;s-u-. In the case of an u-stem, the fact that Hirt’s law did not cause
the noun to acquire fixed root stress, can be attributed to the influence of trisyllabic
end-stressed case-forms, cf. > *sfne.
*Jéto n. o (a) ‘summer’ ESSJa XV 8-12
CS OCS /éto ‘summer, year’
E Ru. /éto ‘summer, (pl.) age, years’; léto (dial.) ‘South, south wind’
WwW Cz. léto “summer, year’; Slk. leto ‘summer, (dial.) year’; Pl. Jato ‘summer,
(arch.) year’
PIE
Cogn.
*létp fi
CS
E
PIE
Cogn.
*ezti 275
SCr. [jéto ‘summer, year’; Cak. lito (Vrg.) ‘summer, year’; léto (Novi, Orb.)
‘summer, year’; Sln. /éto ‘summer, year’; Bulg. [jdto “summer, (obs.) year’
*leh,-tom
Olr. laithe n. ‘day’
ESSJa XV 18-19
OCS léto ‘it is allowed’ {1}; RuCS léto ‘it is allowed’ {2}; SerbCS lijet ‘it is
allowed’
Ru. let’ (arch.) ‘it is allowed’; ORu. léto ‘it is allowed’ {2}
*leh,-ti-
Go. letan ‘let
{1} The construction is léte/létijo jesto. {2} Also létiju (est).
See also: *lénivs; *léns; *lénp
*léviti v.
PIE
Cogn.
ESSJa XV 28
Uk. leviti ‘weaken, diminish’
Cz. leviti (obs., poet.) ‘facilitate, alleviate, diminish’; leviti (Jg.) ‘reduce, give
up, release, drop’
SCr. léviti (dial.) ‘waste time, loaf”
*lerw-(V)-; *ljoru-(C)-
Lith. liduti ‘stop’; Latv. Jaiit ‘allow, (refl.) stop, yield, rely or
OPr. aulait ‘die’
*lehu-
Go. lewjan ‘betray’
According to LIV (399), the *u was originally a present suffix. The basic root *leh;- is
assumed to occur in > */énz, etc.
*lévp adj. 0 (c) ‘left’ ESSJa XV 29-31
CS OCS léve
E Ru. lévyj
WwW Cz. levy; Slk. lavy; Pl. lewy
S SCr. lijevi; Cak. livi (Vrg.); liévi (Orb); Sin. lév, f. léva; Bulg. lav
PIE *Theiuo-
Cogn. Gk. hatdg; Lat. laevus
*Jézti v. (a) ‘crawl, climb’ ESSJa XV 36-38
CS OCS izlésti ‘go out of? 18g. izlézo
E Ru. lezt’‘climb, crawl, drag oneself along’ 1sg. lézu, 38g. lézet
W Cz. lézti ‘climb, crawl, drag oneself along’; Slk. liezt’ ‘crawl’; PI. lezé ‘climb,
crawl upwards, drag oneself along’; Slnc. liesc ‘crawl’
276 *ledvaje; *ledvaja
S SCr. [jésti ‘crawl, climb’ 1sg. ljéZém; Cak. listi (Vrg.) ‘crawl, climb’, 1sg. liZes;
Sln. lésti ‘crawl, drag oneself along’ 1sg. lézem
BSI. *le?z-
B Latv. lézét ‘slide’
OPr. lise ‘crawls’
PIE —*lehng-
See also: *laziti; *lazp
*ledvpje; *ledvpja n. io; f. ia ‘loins’ ESSJa XV 48-50
CS OCS ledvije (Ps. Sin., Euch.) Npl. f. ‘loins’; CS ledvije n. ‘loins’; ledvija f.
‘loins’; ledvije Npl. f. ‘loins’
E Ru. [jddveja (arch.) f. ‘thigh’
WwW Cz. ledvi (arch.) n. ‘thigh, groin (horse), entrails’; ladvi (arch.) n. ‘thigh(s),
loins’; OCz. ledvie f. ‘thighs’; Slk. ladvie (arch.) n. ‘loins’; Iadva f. ‘kidney’; Pl.
ledzwie Npl. f. ‘loins’
S SCr. ledvija Npl. n. ‘loins’; lédva Npl. n. ‘side, thigh’; lédva f. ‘side, thigh’; SIn.
lédija f. ‘calf, thigh’; lédeja f. ‘calf, thigh’; ledavjé n. ‘loins’; ledovjé n. ‘loins’;
lédje n. ‘loins’; lédje Npl. f. ‘loins’; lédvije Npl. f. ‘kidneys’
PIE *lend'-u-
Cogn. Lat. lumbus m. ‘loin’; OHG lentin f. ‘kidneys, loins’
*lega f. 4 (a) ‘depression’ ESSJa XV 52-53
E Ru. [jaga (N. dial.) ‘swampy place, swamp, depression, cavity (usually filled
with water), puddle’; ORu. [jaga ‘damp low place’
WwW SInc. léga ‘low place, depression’
BSI. *len?g(i)ar
B Lith. /éngé (arch.) f.(é) ‘depression, small meadow between two hills’; lénké
f.(é) ‘vale, depression, moist and boggy place, meadow, marsh’; linka f.(a)
‘depression’
See > *légo.
*lekati; *lecati v. ESSJa XV 59-61
CS OCS lecote (Supr.) 3pl. ‘set traps’
E Ru. [jakdt’ (dial.) ‘scare, chase a fish caught in a net’
WwW Cz. lekati ‘scare’; léceti ‘lay snares, set traps’; liceti ‘lay snares, set traps’; OCz.
léceti ‘lay snares, set traps’; Pl. lekac sie ‘be afraid’
S SCr. lécati se ‘not feel well, fear’; lécati se ‘not feel well, fear’; SIn. lécati ‘bend,
lay snares, tremble, be scared’, 1sg. lécam
The form *lecati shows the regular reflex of the second palatalization. See > *lekti for
the etymology of the root.
*libp 277
*lekti v. ‘bend’ ESSJa XV 62-63
CS CS lesti ‘bend’
WwW Cz. léci (arch.) ‘bend’; lict (dial. ‘lay snares (for birds)’; USrb. lac (arch.) ‘set
traps, grow ears’; LSrb. léc ‘set traps’
BSL. *lenk-
B Lith. lefikti ‘bend’; Latv. liekt ‘bend’
As a verbal root, */Jenk- seems to be limited to Balto-Slavic.
See also: *lekati; *lecati; *lek; *lociti; *locpje; *loka; *lokavs; *l¢kp
*lek» adj. 0 ‘bent’ ESSJa XV 63
E Ru. [jdkij (arch.) ‘bent, hunchbacked’
BSL. *linkas
Latv. liks ‘bent’
See > *lekti. In view of the Latvian form, we must probably reconstruct zero grade of
the root, though in that case we would in principle have expected the velar to be
affected by the progressive palatalization.
*libavs; *libévs; *libivs; *libov» adj. o ‘lean, thin’ ESSJa XV 70-71
CS CS libavo ‘slender, thin’; libévo ‘slender, thin’; libivo ‘slender, thin’
E Ru. [jubdvyj (dial.) ‘lean (meat)’; libivyj (dial.) ‘gaunt, weak’; libivoj (dial.)
‘gaunt, weak’; [jubivoj (dial.) ‘gaunt, thin’; [jubovyj (dial.) ‘fleshy, meaty’; Bel.
[jubava f. ‘lean pork
WwW Cz. libovy ‘lean’; libivy (Kott) ‘lean, fleshy, meaty’; OCz. libévy ‘lean, thin’; Pl.
lubawy (dial.) ‘lazy, weak, sluggish, lean (meat)’; Slnc. lébavi ‘lazy, sluggish,
excessively tall, thin, lean (meat)’; lébavi'‘slow, lazy, sluggish’
S SCr. libav ‘agile, flexible’; libiv ‘big, fat, fleshy, meaty’
See > *libo. We find o-grade of the root in the rare adjective */ébavo, e.g. Cz. lebavy
Jg., Kott: Mor.) ‘bald’.
*libs adj. o ‘thin’ ESSJa XV 74-75
W OCz. libi ‘lean, thin’; OPI. /uby ‘thin, frail’ {1}; Slnc. lébi ‘weak, soft, frail’
BSI. *lei?bos (*le?ibos?)
B Lith. ldibas 3 ‘thin, tall, high’; lfebas (dial.) 3 ‘thin-legged’
Cogn. OE /éf ‘infirm, diseased, ill
If Lith. liesas, Latv. liéss ‘thin, lean, arid’ belong here, we may reconstruct *leiH-b'o-
or *leh,i-b"o-.
{1} According to Bankowski (2000b: 67), the single gloss we are dealing with here may be an
instance of luby ‘dear, beloved’ In that case we must assume that the scribe misunderstood Lat.
gracilem.
See also: *libav; *libév5; *libivs; *libovp
278 *licé
*Ticé n. jo (b) ‘cheek, face’ ESSJa XV 75-78
CS OCS lice n. (jo./s.) ‘face, person, Gsg. lice, Gsg. licese
E Ru. licé ‘face, person’; ORu. lice ‘face’; lico ‘face’
W Cz. lice ‘face, (lit.) cheek’; OCz. lice ‘cheek’; PI. lice ‘cheek, (pl.) face’
S SCr. lice ‘face, appearance’; Cak. licé (Vrg.: obs.) ‘face, appearance’, Npl. lica;
licé (Novi) ‘face, appearance’, Npl. lica; licé (Orb.) ‘cheek’, Npl. lica; Sln. lice
‘cheek, face’; Bulg. licé ‘face, appearance, person’
BSI. *lik-/*loik-?
B OPr. laygnan (EV) ‘cheek’
PIE —*I(o)ik-o-
Cogn. Or. lecca n. ‘jaw, cheek’
Since the third palatalization is generally considered not to have operated after *ei,
one may advance the hypothesis that the root originally had zero grade (Kortlandt,
p.c.).
*lixo adv. ESSJa XV 89-91
CS OCS lixo adv./prep. ‘abundantly, above, beyond’
E Ru. lixo (dial.) adv. ‘very, (it is) bad, heavy, boring’; lixo (dial.) n. ‘evil, harm’;
Ukr. lyxo n. ‘misfortune, grief’; lyxo (dial.) adv. ‘very, badly, disgustingly’
WwW Pl. licho adv. ‘badly, unsuccessfully, insufficiently’; licho n. ‘evil, misfortune,
devil’; OPI. licho (Ps. Flor.) adv. ‘unjustly, badly’
S SCr. liho adv. ‘unevenly, above, beyond’
See > *lixo.
*lixn adj. o ‘superfluous, incorrect’ ESSJa XV 99-102
CS OCS lixs ‘excessive, superfluous’
E Ru. lixdj ‘brave, quick, swift, evil, heavy, difficult’; lixdj (dial.) ‘sharp, strong’
W Cz. lichy ‘lonesome, isolated, empty’; OCz. lichy ‘unequal, wrong, evil,
simple, empty’; Slk. lichy (lit.) ‘deceptive, empty, incorrect’; lichy (dial.)
‘deceptive, empty, incorrect, poor, insignificant’; Pl. lichy ‘poor, miserable,
insignificant, mean, (dial.) evil’; OPI. lichy ‘incorrect, evil, poor, pitiful,
insignificant
S SCr. Ith ‘exclusive’; lth ‘unnecessary, false, empty, odd (number)’; Sln. /ih
‘uneven, odd (number)’
In order to explain the *x, we may reconstruct *leik”-so-. For the root see >
*ot(o)léko.
*likb m. 0 ESSJa XV 107
CS OCS liko ‘round dance, chorus’
E Ru. lik (eccl.) ‘assembly’
WwW Pl. lik ‘assembly, detachment’
Cogn. Go. laiks m. ‘dance’; OHG leich m. ‘play, melody, song’
‘list 279
A borrowing from Germanic.
*lipa (a) ‘lime-tree’ ESSJa XV 114-116
E Ru. lipa
W Cz. lipa; Sik. lipa; P|. lipa
S SCr. lipa; SIn. lipa; Bulg. lipa
BSL. *léi?pa? (lé?ipar)
B Lith. léepa 1; Latv. liépa
The acute root precludes a connection with *leip- ‘smear’.
*lisa f. a ‘fox’ ESSJa XV 137-139
E Ru. lisa ‘fox’; ORu. lisa ‘fox, vixen’; Bel. lisd ‘fox’; Ukr. lysa ‘fox’
W OCz. lisa ‘fox, vixen’
S Bulg. lisa ‘fox’; Mcd. lisa ‘fox’
If we reconstruct *leipsa, the closest cognate is Latv. lapsa ‘fox. This would still leave
us facing considerable problems, cf. also Skt. lopdsa- ‘a jackal, fox, or a similar animal’
with yet another vocalism of the root.
See also: *lis; *lisica
*lisica f. ja ‘fox, vixen’ ESSJa XV 140-141
CS CS lisica ‘fox’
E Ru. lisica ‘fox, vixen”
W Pl. lisica ‘vixen’; Slnc. ldsdcd ‘vixen’; Plb. laisaiéd ‘fox’
S SCr. lisica ‘fox’; Sln. lisica ‘fox’; Bulg. lisica ‘fox’; Mcd. lisica ‘fox’
See > *lisa.
*lisb m. 0 ‘fox’ ESSJa XV 150
CS OCS liso ‘fox’
E Ru. lis (obs.) ‘fox, Gsg. lisa
Ww PL. lis ‘fox’; Slnc. as ‘fox’
Ss SCr. lis (Vuk) ‘(male) fox’; SIn. lis ‘fox, Gsg. lisa
See > *lisa.
*listb m. 0 (c) ‘leaf’ ESSJa XV 147-148
CS OCS listo (Ps. Sin., Supr.) ‘leaf’
E Ru. list ‘leaf, Gsg. lista, Npl. list’ja; list ‘sheet’, Gsg. lista, Npl. listy {1}
W Cz. list ‘leaf, sheet, letter’; Slk. list ‘leaf, sheet, letter’; Pl. list ‘letter’; Slnc. last
‘letter’
Ss SCr. list ‘leaf, sheet’; Cak. list (Vrg.) ‘leaf, sheet’, Gsg. lista; lis (Orb.) ‘leaf’
Gsg. lista; Sln. list ‘leaf, sheet, letter’, Gsg. lista, Gsg. listii; Bulg. list ‘leaf, sheet’
B Lith. laiskas 4 ‘letter’; Idiskas (E. Aust.) 3 ‘letter’
280 *ViSiti
OPr. crixti ldiskas “Taufbiichleir’
A reconstruction *leh,i-sk-to-, containing the verbal root ‘let, leave; would raise the
question why Hirt’s law did not generate fixed stress. Instead, we might posit *leid-
sk-to-, cf. Lith. léisti ‘let, leave’, provided that this root exists (see LIV: 402-403).
{1} AP (c) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 137).
*lisiti v. deprive of’ ESSJa XV 155-156
CS OCS lisiti ‘deprive of 18g. liso
E Ru. lisit’ ‘deprive of, 1sg. list, 1sg., 38g. lisit
WwW Cz. lisiti ‘distinguish, (se) differ’; lisiti (Jg.) ‘spoil, (se) take care’; Slk. lisit’ sa
‘distinguish oneself, differ’; Pl. liszyé (arch.) ‘deprive of’; liszyé sie ‘lose, be
deprived of’; OPI. liszyé sig ‘worsen, deteriorate’
S SCr. lisiti ‘deprive of, (I. se) sell, give away; lisim
A derivative of > *lixs.
See also: *lixo; *otplékp
*liti v. ‘pour’ ESSJa XV 157-159
CS OCS -liti, 18g. -lijo (izliti ‘pour out, proliti ‘id. etc.)
E Ru. lit’, sg. ju, 38g. Pét
WwW Cz. liti, isg. liji; OPI. lic
Ss SCr. liti, isg. lijém; Cak. liti (Orb.), 18g. lijén, 1sg. lijen; Sln. liti, 1sg. lijem;
Bulg. léja
BSI. *lefi-
B Lith. lieti; Latv. liét
OPr. pralieton ‘shed’
PIE *lehyi-
Cogn. Gk. deiBw ‘shed, pour’; MW di-llyd ‘pour out’
See also: *léjs; *Injati; *sblojp
*lizati v. (b) ‘lick ESSJa XV 162-163
CS OCS lizaase (Supr.) 38g. impf. ‘licked’
E Ru. lizdt’ ‘lick; 18g. liZu, 38g. lizet
WwW Cz. lizati ‘lick’; Slk. lizatlick;; PI. lizaé ‘lick’
S SCr. lizati ‘lick’, isg. lizém; Cak. lizdti (Vrg.) ‘lick; 28g. lizes; lizat (Orb.) ‘lick,
asg. lizes; Sln. lizati ‘lick; 18g. lizem; Bulg. liza ‘lick
BSL. *leiz-
B Lith. liéZti ‘ick’; laizyti ‘lick’; Latv. Idizit ‘lick (also laizit (W. Latv.), with
metatony)
PIE —*leig-
Cogn. Skt. réh- ‘lick’; Gk. hétyw ‘lick’; Lat. lingere ‘lick’; Go. bilaigon ‘lick (at)’
*luby 281
*Jabiti v. (b) ‘love’ ESSJa XV 174-176
CS OCS [jubiti ‘love, desire, worship; sg. [jubljo
E Ru. [jubit’ ‘love, like} 1sg. Ijublju, 38g. ljubit
WwW Cz. libiti se ‘please’; OCz. libiti ‘love, like, prefer’; libiti sé ‘be inclined’; Slk.
lubit ‘love, like’; Pl. lubic¢ ‘love, like’
S SCr. [jubiti ‘love, desire, kiss; 18g. [jabim; Cak. lubiti (Vrg.) ‘love, desire, kiss,
asg. ibis; Sln. Ijubiti ‘love, caress, promise’, 1sg. [jubim; Bulg. ljubja ‘love’
PIE *leubt-
Cogn. Skt. Iubhyati ‘desire’; Lat. (arch.) lubet ‘pleasede’} OHG liuben ‘please, be
dear’
See also: *]ubo; *]ubs; *]uby
*Jubo conj. ‘or’ ESSJa XV 177
CS OCS Ijubo
E Ru. libo; ljubo
WwW OCz. lubo; luibo; lib(o) ; Pl. lub; OPI. lubo
S SCr. [jubo (arch., lit.); ibo (arch., lit.)
See > *Jubo.
*Jubs adj. o ‘sweet, pleasant’ ESSJa XV 181-182
CS OCS Ijubo ‘sweet, pleasant’
E Ru. [jubdj ‘any, either
WwW Cz. liby ‘sweet, pleasant’; Slk. luby ‘dear, pleasant’; Pl. Iuby ‘dear, beloved,
pleasant’
S SCr. [jub ‘dear, beloved’; Sln. [jib ‘sweet, dear’, f. Ijuba
PIE *leub'-o-
Cogn. Go. liufs ‘dear, sweet’
See also: *]ubiti; *]ubo; *]uby
*luby f. a ‘love’ ESSJa XV 185-186
CS OCS Ijuby f.(a) ‘love, passion, Gsg. [jubove {1}
E Ru. [jubov’ f.7i) ‘love’; ORu. Ijuby £.(@) ‘love’; [jubove f.(i) ‘love’
W OCz. luby f.(a) ‘love; Gsg. lubve
S SCr. ljtibav f.(%) ‘love’; Ijuibov f.(i) ‘love’; Cak. Jabdav (Vrg.) f.(i) ‘love’, Gsg.
lubdvi; lubav (Novi) f.(i) ‘love’; Ijubaf (Orb.) f.(i) ‘love, Gsg. [jubdvi; Sln.
Ijubdv f.(4) ‘love, friendly turn, kindness’; Bulg. Ijubov f.(i) ‘love’
BSI. *loub-
B Lith. liaupsé f.(€) 4 ‘praise, eulogy’
PIE *leub*-uH
Cogn. Go. liufs ‘dear, sweet’
282 *ludins; *ludina
{1} Secondary Nsg. forms are [jubove (En.) and Ijubove (Sav.). Interestingly, the Asg. is juby in
the expressions ljuby déjati, tvoriti, sotvoriti ‘commit fornication.
See also: *]ubiti; *Jubo; *Jubp
*Judin; *ludina m. 0; m. a
CS OCS proste ljudine (Euch.) ‘layman’
E Ru. [judina (dial.) ‘man (pej.)’; Ukr. jiudyna ‘mar’
S SCr. udina ‘strong man’
Singulative of > *Jids.
See also: *]aidnje
*Jiida m. 0 (c) ‘people’
CS CS judo
E Ru. [jud (coll.)
W Cz. lid; OCz. lud; Slk. lud; Pl. lud
S SIn. [jiid
BSI. *Tjoud-
B Lith. lidudis f.(i) 1; Latv. Jaudis Npl. m.(i)
PIE *h,leud*-o-
Cogn. OHG Jiut m.
See also: *]udins; *]udina; *|Gdnje
*laidpje Npl. m. (c) ‘people’
OCS [judvje
Ru. [judi
Cz. lidé, Gsg. lidi; OCz. ludie; Slk. Iudia; Pl. ludzie
SCr. jadi; Cak. liidi (Vrg.); Jadi (Orb.); SIn. Ijudjé
BSI. *Tjoudejes
B Lith. lidudis f.(i) 1; Latv. Jaudis Npl. m.(i)
PIE *h,leud'-ei-es
Cogn. OHG liuti Npl.
See also: *]udins; *Judina; *]ids
nemo
*Jatiti v. (b) ‘be angry’
CS CS [jutiti se ‘rage’
E Ru. [jutit’sja ‘be angry’; Ukr. [jutyty ‘anger, irritate’
W
ESSJa XV 192
ESSJa XV 194-200
ESSJa XV 194-200
ESSJa XV 224-225
Cz. lititi se (obs.) ‘become angry’; lititi (Jg., Kott) ‘anger, (se) become angry’;
OCz. lutiti ‘anger, (sé) become angry’
S SCr. [juititi ‘anger’, 1sg. ljitim; Cak. ]atiti (Vrg.) ‘anger, 28g. Jatt; Sln. ljutiti
‘anger; 1sg. [jiitim; Bulg. Ijutja ‘bite, burn, (I. se be annoyed, be angry)’; [jutja
(BTR) ‘anger’
*lokati 283
See > *uto.
*lutp adj. o ‘fierce’ ESSJa XV 231-236
CS OCS [juts ‘fierce, wicked, strong’
E Ru. [juityj ‘ferocious, fierce, cruel’
Ww Cz. lity (lit.) ‘fierce, ferocious’; OCz. luty ‘fierce, ferocious, sharp’; Slk. lity
‘strong, sharp, fierce’; Pl. luty ‘fierce, ferocious, wild’
S SCr. [jit ‘bitter, sharp, angry, fierce’ f. Ijiita, n. Ijvito; Cak. Jat (Vrg.) ‘intense,
strong, severe, sour, f. Jitd, n. Jato; jit (Orb.) ‘strong (of brandy and of
food), sour, hot; f. jata, n. [jiito; SIn. [jut ‘strong, sharp, fierce, bitter’ f. Ijuta;
Bulg. [jut ‘sharp, pungent, angry, horrible’
The proto-form must be reconstructed as */eut-o. Cognates seem to be lacking,
however. Gk. Avooa f. ‘rage’ is generally considered a derivative of hbkog ‘wolf’.
See also: *]atiti
*lobpzati v. ‘kiss’ ESSJa XV 241-243
CS OCS lobozati ‘kiss, 1sg. lobozo
E Ru. lobzat’ (obs.) ‘kiss’
S SCr. lobzbat (Cres) ‘kiss (?)
PIE *labh-
Cogn. Gk. haptoow ‘swallow greedily’; Gk. Aantw ‘lap’; Lat. lambere ‘lick; OHG
laffan ‘lick’; Arm. lap‘em ‘lick’
Apparently a verb with “European a”.
*logpb m. 0 (c) ESSJa XV 248-250
E Ru. log ‘ravine, broad gully, Gsg. loga
S SCr. l6g ‘lair, den, riverbed; Gsg. léga
Cogn. Gk. \dxoc m. ‘ambush’
See also: *legti; *lezati; *légati; *loze; *lozZiti
*16jp m. jo (c) ‘tallow, suet’ ESSJa XV 259-262
CS CS loi ‘fat, suet’
WwW Cz. li ‘tallow, suet’, Gsg. loje; Slk. loj ‘tallow’; PI. 16; ‘tallow, Gsg. foju
S SCr. 16j ‘tallow, fat, suet’, Gsg. dja; Cak. 16j (Vrg.) ‘tallow, fat, suet’, Gsg. dja;
I"6j (Orb.) ‘tallow, fat’; Sln. 16j ‘tallow’; Bulg. loj ‘tallow’
Since */oh,i-o- would have yielded **lajo, we must reconstrcut a secondary full grade
*loih,- or *lhjoi-.
See also: *liti; *Ibjati; *sblojp
*lokati v. lap’ ESSJa XVI 6-7
CS CS lokati ‘lap’
284 *loky
tH
Ru. lakdt’ ‘lap’; lokdt ‘lap’
Ww Cz. lokati ‘gulp, swallow’; Pl. fokaé (dial.) ‘lap’; OPI. tokac ‘lap, gulp, gobble’
S SCr. lokati ‘lap, guzzle’, isg. 16ceém; Cak. lokati (Vrg.) ‘guzzle’, 28g. ldces; lokat
(Orb.) ‘drink (of animals), booze, guzzle’ 2sg. 1éces; Sln. lékati ‘lap, slobber’,
1sg. ldkam, 18g. ldcem
BSI. *lak-
B Lith. lakti ‘lap’; Latv. lakt lap’
PIE *lak-2?
Cogn. Arm. lakem ‘lick
Another expressive (onomatopoetic?) verb that seems to contain “European *a’, cf.
> *lobozati.
*loky f. a (b?) ‘puddle’ ESSJa XVI 10
CS OCS lokevi (Euch.) Gsg. ‘puddle’
S SCr. lékva f.(a) ‘puddle, pool, swamp, (arch.) lake’; Cak. lokva (Vrg.) f.(a)
‘puddle, pool, swamp’; [6kva (Novi) f.(a) ‘puddle, pool, swamp’; Sln. lékav
f.7i) ‘puddle, pool, pond, lagoon’ Gsg. Iékve; Iékva f.(a) ‘puddle, pool, pond,
lagoon’; Bulg. ldkva f.(a) ‘puddle, pool’; Idkva (dial.) f.(a) ‘field on a
riverbank with rich alluvial soil, grassy meadow at the bend of a river’
PIE *lok-uH-
Cogn. Gk. ddxkocg m. ‘pond’; Lat. lacus m. ‘lake, reservoir’; Lat. laciina f. ‘cavity,
deep, abyss’; OHG lahha f. ‘pool, puddle’; OE lagu f. ‘lake’; Olr. och n. ‘lake’
For this etymon one has often suggested a substratum origin, mainly in view of the
supposed *a of the root. It is uncertain, however, if we must reconstruct *a (cf.
Schrijver 1991: 423-424, 475). Crucial in this respect is Lat. lacus, where, according to
Schrijver, la- may originate from *lo-. If this is correct, we may posit *lok-uH- for PSI.
*loky, cf. Lat. lactina, in which case the Greek form does not belong here unless it
contains ha- < *J.
*lomiti v. (b) ‘break’ ESSJa XVI 16-19
CS OCS lomiti ‘break; 1sg. lomljo
E Ru. lomit’ ‘break; sg. lomlju, 38g. lomit
WwW Cz. lomiti ‘break’; Slk. lomit ‘break’; Pl. fomi¢ (a4th-17th c., dial.) ‘break,
plough across a field’
S SCr. lomiti ‘break, plough for the first time’ 1sg. Jomim; Cak. lomiti (Vrg.)
‘break, 2sg. lomis; lomit (Orb.) ‘break, burst’, isg. lomin; Sln. lémiti ‘break,
isg. 16mim; Bulg. lomja ‘break’
BSL. *lom?-
B Lith. émti ‘decide, determine’ Latv. lernt “decide, determine’
OPr. lembtwey (1) ‘break’; limtwey (II) ‘break’; limtwei (II) ‘break’
*108b 285
The Baltic evidence is slightly in favour of a root containing a laryngeal (see Derksen
1996: 68-69).
See also: *emex; *emesp; *emezZp; *lemexs; *lemesp; *lemeZp; *lamb
*lono n. 0 (b) ESSJa XVI 32-35
CS OCS lono ‘breast, bosom’
E Ru. ono (obs.) ‘bosom, lap’; Iino (dial.) ‘abdomen’; !uno (dial.) ‘abdomer’ {1}
Ww Cz. lino ‘womb, (lit.) lap’; OCz. ono ‘bosom, lap’; Slk. lono ‘lap, womb’; Pl.
tono ‘lap’; Slnc. leone ‘breast, inside’
S SIn. long ‘lap’ (according to Pletersnik, this is a borrowing); Bulg. léno ‘lap’
In view of > *loZesno, this etymon has been reconstructed as *log-s-no-.
{1} AP (b) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 135).
*lopata f. 4 ‘spade, shovel’ ESSJa XVI 39-43
CS OCS lopata ‘shovel, fan’
E Ru. lopata
Ww Cz. lopata; Slk. lopata; P|. fopata
S SCr. lopata; Cak. lopdta (Vrg., Orb.); SIn. lopdta; Bulg. lopdta
B Lith. lopeta 1; Latv. lapsta
OPr. lopto (EV) ‘spade’
The relationship with > *lapa is problematic. A Baltic cognate with a short vowel
may be Lith. lapas ‘leaf’.
*lososb m. jo ‘salmor’ ESSJa XVI 88-90
E Ru. losds’ m.(jo); ésos’ m.(jo); lox (dial.) m.(0) ‘salmon which has become
thinner after spawning’; Bel. Jasés m.(jo); Ukr. losds’ m.(jo)
Ww Cz. losos m.(0); Slk. losos m.(0); Pl. fosos m.(jo); Slnc. I#eses m.(0)
S SIn. lésos m.(0)
BSI. *losos-
B Lith. lasisa f.(ja) 2; Latv. lasis m.(io)
OPr. lalasso [lasasso] (EV) m.
PIE *loks-os-
Cogn. Olc. lax m.; OHG lahs m.; Toch. B laks m. ‘fish’; Fi. lohi ‘salmon’; Osset.
leseg.
*108b adj. jo (b) ‘bad’ ESSJa XVI 92-94
E Ru. 16sij (dial.) ‘bad} f. lésja, n. 16s’e
S SCr. lds ‘poor, bad, evil’ f. loSa, f. loga, n. ldSe, n. loge; Cak. 16 (Vrg.) ‘poor,
y
bad, evil; f. JoSa, n. ldo, n. ldse; Bulg. los ‘bad, evil, angry
286 *loviti
Cogn. Go. lasiws adj. ‘weak’; OE. lyso adj. ‘bad, wrong, evil’
The ESSJa rejects the traditional comparison with PGmc. *lasiwa- for semantic
reasons, but in view of OE lyso this is hard to understand. On the other hand, OE
lyso < *lusiwa- may not belong here.
*loviti v. (c) ‘(try to) catch’ ESSJa XVI 106-108
CS OCS loviti ‘catch, hunt; 1sg. lovljg
E Ru. lovit’ ‘(try to) catch; 1sg. lovlju, 38g. lovit {1}
WwW Cz. loviti ‘(try to) catch, fish’; Slk. lovit'‘(try to) catch, fish’; Pl. towic “(try to)
catch, fish’
S SCr. loviti ‘(try to) catch, fish’, isg. lovim; Cak. loviti (Vrg.) ‘(try to) catch,
fish, 28g. lovis; lovit (Orb.) “(try to) catch, fish, 1sg. lovin; SIn. loviti “(try to)
catch, fish’ isg. lovim; Bulg. lovjd ‘seize, (try to) catch, fish, hunt’
Lith. lévinti ‘train, develop’ must derive from lavis ‘adroit, dexterous’ (> *lovoke) and
is therefore not to be compared directly with *loviti. Latv. lavit ‘catch’ is probably a
borrowing from Slavic.
{1} AP (c) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 138).
See also: *l6vb
*l6vb m. o (c) ‘hunt, hunting’ ESSJa XVI 111-113
CS OCS love (Ps. Sin., Supr.) ‘hunt, hunting’
E Ru. Jov ‘hunting, catching, catch’
Ww Cz. lov ‘hunting, catching, catch’; Slk. Jov ‘hunting, catching, catch’; Pl. tow
‘hunting, catching, catch’, Gsg. fowu
S SCr. lév ‘hunting, catching, Gsg. lova; Cak. lov (Vrg.) ‘hunting, catching’
Gsg. lova; Sln. lov ‘hunt, catch’ Gsg. léva; I6v f.(i) ‘catch, catching’; Bulg. lov
‘hunt, game, catch’
See > *lovoko.
lévbks adj. 0 (c) ‘adroit, dexterous’ ESSJa XVI 111-113
E Ru. lovkij ‘adroit, dexterous, cunning, smart (dial.) beautiful, good’; lovok, f.
lovka, n. lovko; Ukr. lovkyj ‘beautiful, good, tasty’
S SCr. lévak (RSA) ‘clever at catching smth.; f. lovka, f. lovka, n. lovko
BSI. *low-
B Lith. lavits ‘adroit, dexterous, clever’
To my knowledge, there are no cognates outside Balto-Slavic. One may even wonder
if Lith. lavus is a borrowing.
See also: *loviti; *lovp
*loza f. 4 (c) ‘vine’ ESSJa XVI 118-120
CS OCS loza ‘vine’
*loziti 287
Ru. lozd ‘rod, vine’, Asg. lozu {1}
Cz. loza (dial.) ‘vine’; OCz. loza ‘tree-trunk (?)’; Slk. loza ‘vine, sapling’; Pl.
toza ‘willow, osier, vine’
S SCr. léza ‘vine, umbilical cord’, Asg. lézu; Cak. lozd (Vrg.) ‘vine’, Asg. ldzu;
SIn. 16za ‘shoot, vine, wood, grove’; Bulg. loza ‘vine’
=m
This word for ‘vine’ is usually compared with Lith. lazda ‘stick, staff, (OLith., dial.)
hazel’, Latv. la(g)zda, OPr. laxde ‘hazel’, which are semantically closer to > *léska. In
addition, the latter etymon contains a consonant sequence that can be linked to
Baltic *(g)zd. On the other hand, the root vocalism of Joza is the same as in the Baltic
forms meaning ‘hazel’ The problem is to explain the relationship between the *-z- of
*loza and the consonant sequences that occur in the Slavic and Baltic words for
‘hazel’. Possible parallels are > *grezti vs. Lith. grimzd- ‘sink and > *borzdo, Lith.
burzdus, vs. > *borzo.
{1} AP (c) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 138).
*loze n. jo ‘bed’ ESSJa XVI 125-126
CS OCS loZe ‘bed, den’
E Ru. 16Ze ‘bed, den’
W Cz. loze ‘bed, den’; OCz. loze ‘womb’; Pl. foze ‘bed’
S SCr. 16Ze ‘bed, den’; Sln. 16Ze ‘den, afterbirth’; Bulg. léZe ‘bed’
PIE *log*-io-m
Cogn. Gk. Adxo¢ m. ‘ambush’?; Olc. lag n. ‘situation’
Deverbative jo-stem. See > *legti.
*lozesno n. 0 ‘womb’ ESSJa XVI 126-128
CS OCS lozesna Npl. ‘womb’ (the singular loZesno occurs once in the Codex
Suprasliensis)
E ORu. lozesno ‘womb ; lozesna Npl. ‘womb’
S SIn. lozesna Npl. ‘womb’
An old derivative in *-no- of an s-stem, cf. > *lond. The root is generally identified
with the root of > *legti ‘lie down, cf. Gk. Aéxoc ‘bed, bedstead, marriage’, Adytog
‘belonging to child-birth. The vocalism of the root may have been influenced by >
*loze.
*loziti v. (b) ‘Tay’ ESSJa XVI 127-128
CS CS loZiti ‘lay’
E Ru. loZit’sja lie down’; polozit’ lay down’; Ukr. lozyty ‘lay, put’
WwW Cz. loziti ‘lay, put’; Slk. loZit’ ‘lay, put, kindle’; Pl. fozy¢ ‘lay out, bestow; SInc.
lueZéc ‘lay, put’; LSrb. foZys ‘lie, rest’
S SCr. loziti ‘spread out, heat, kindle, make a fire’, isg. lozim; Cak. lozZiti ‘heat,
kindle, make a fire’, 1sg. 162i3; logit (Orb.) ‘heat, make a fire, burn (as fuel);
38g. 162i; Sln. ldziti ‘lay, put’ 1sg. lgzim
288 *16citi
PIE *logh-eie-
Cogn. Go. lagjan ‘lay’
See also: *legti; *lezati; *légati; *légp; *lono; *lozZe; *lozesno
*19diti v. (b) ‘separate’ ESSJa XVI 132-134
CS OCS lociti (Supr.) ‘separate’ 18g. loco
E ORu. luciti ‘accomplish, reach’ (cf. Ru. razlucit’ ‘separate’)
W Cz. louciti (lit.) ‘separate, (arch.) unite’; OCz. luciti ‘separate’; Slk. lucit sa
‘separate, part’; Pl. fgczy¢ ‘separate, unite’
S SCr. Iuciti ‘separate, herd together’, 1sg. lacim; Sln. [dciti ‘bend, separate’, 1sg.
locim
BSL. *lonk-ei/i-
B Lith. lankyti ‘visit’; Latv. luocit ‘bend repeatedly, move, arrange’
See > *lekti.
*locpje n. io ‘rush’ ESSJa XVI 134
CS CS Ioéije n.(io) ‘rush’
W Pl. tgcze (obs.) n.(io) ‘snare’
S SIn. /6éje n.(io) ‘reed, rush’
Derivative in *-vje of the root *lek- ‘bend’ (> *lekti).
*l6gb m. 0 (c) ‘depression’ ESSJa XVI 139-141
CS OCS loga (Ps. Sin.) Gsg. ‘wood(s)’
E Ru. lug ‘meadow’
WwW Cz. luh ‘damp depression overgrown with shrubs and trees’; OCz. luh ‘forest,
wood(s), grove, wooded meadow’; Slk. Juh ‘damp wood with tall trees, grove
near water’; Pl. fgg ‘damp or flooded wood, meadow or pasture near a river
or in a depression; Gsg. legu
S SCr. lig ‘forest, wood(s), shrub(s), (dial.) meadow, depression, Gsg. liga;
Cak. lig (Vrg.) ‘ashes, Gsg. liga; lh (Orb.) ‘lye’, Gsg. lagd; Sln. l6g ‘grove’;
Bulg. lag ‘meadow, depression, grove (on a damp spot)’
BSI. lon?g-
OPr. Langa ‘name of a brook}; Langodis ‘name of a swamp’
I have grouped together a number of etyma where the vacillation between *k and *g
as well as between roots with and without a nasal could be interpreted within the
context of a substratum origin. To a certain extent, influence of */enk- ‘bend’ must be
taken into consideration (cf. > */6ka).
See also: *léga; *lugs; *luZa; *Ibkno
*1oka f. 4 (b) ‘low-lying medow, water-meadow’ ESSJa XVI 141-142
CS OCS loka (Supr., Euch.) ‘ruse’; CS loka ‘bay, swamp’
‘labs 289
E Ru. lukd ‘pommel, bend, (dial.) flood plain, Asg. Iuku; ORu. loka ‘bay, bend,
ruse’; Ukr. luka ‘flood plain; Asg. luku
WwW Cz. louka ‘meadow, hayfield’ (in the plural also luk); Slk. Iuka ‘meadow,
hayfield’; Pl. fgka ‘meadow’
S SCr. luka ‘bay, harbour, port, fertile field, meadow near a river’; Cak. lika
(Vrg.) ‘bay, harbour’; lakd (Novi) ‘bay, harbour’, Asg. liki; Sln. Idka ‘swampy
meadow in a valley, harbour’; Bulg. [aka ‘meadow in the bend of a river’
BSI. *lonka?
B Lith. lanka 4 ‘water-meadow, swamp’; Latv. lafika ‘bend of a river, big low-
lying meadow, big puddle’
See > *lekti.
*lokavp adj. o ‘curved, cunning’ ESSJa XVI 143-144
CS OCS lokavo ‘evil, sly, cunning’
E Ru. lukdvyj ‘sly, cunning’
WwW Cz. lukavy (Jg., Kott) ‘sly, cunning’
S SCr. Iutkav ‘sly, cunning’; Sn. lokav ‘sly, cunning’
See > *lekti.
*16kp m. 0 (c) ‘bow ESSJa XVI 148-149
CS OCS loko ‘bow
E Ru. luk ‘bow
Ww Cz. luk ‘bow, saddle-bow, shaft-bow’; Slk. luk ‘bow, shaft-bow, arch’; Pl. lek
‘saddle-bow, shaft-bow, curvature, bow’
S SCr. lak ‘shaft-bow, bow; Gsg. lika; Cak. lak (Orb.) ‘bow (on the cover of a
well)’; SIn. 16k ‘shaft-bow, bow, rainbow’; Bulg. lak ‘bow
BSL. *lonkos
B Lith. lavikas ‘shaft-bow, hoop, bow’; Latv. Iuoks ‘shaft-bow, rin’
OPr. lunkis (EV) ‘corner’
See > *lekti.
*labp m. 0 (c) ‘bast’ ESSJa XVI 156-158
E Ru. lub ‘bast’, Gsg. luba
WwW Cz. lub ‘rim, hoop’; Slk. lub ‘wooden rim’; PI. tub ‘bast’
S SCr. lib ‘bast’; Sln. lib ‘bast’
PIE *loub!-o-
Cogn. Lat. liber m. ‘bark, book’
The root of this etymon seems to have a variant with *p (>*lupiti). One might
consider a substratum origin.
See also: *lbbp
290
*laca f. ja (b) ‘ray, beam” ESSJa XVI 160
CS OCS luéa (Euch., Supr.) ‘ray, beam’
W Cz. louce (Kott) ‘ray, beam’
S SCr. litéa ‘ray, beam’ (probably a Church Slavicism)
See > *luicb.
*ludciti v. (c) ESSJa XVI 162-163
CS OCS luciti se (Zogr., Supr.) ‘happen’; RuCS luciti ‘accomplish, find, meet’;
lucitisja ‘happe
E Ru. lucit’ (dial.) ‘allow’; [ucit’sja (dial.) ‘happen’; ORu. [uciti ‘accomplish, find,
meet’; lucitisja ‘happer’ {1}
WwW Cz. luciti ‘throw’; Slk. lucit ‘throw’; OPI. fuczy¢ ‘aim, reach, attain, find’
S SCr. luciti (RJA) ‘find, receive’; luciti (MazZur.) ‘attain’; SIn. luciti ‘throw, fling’,
isg. lucim
PIE *louk-eie-
Cogn. Skt. rocdyati ‘let shine’
{1} AP (c) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 140).
See also: *laca; *luc; *luna
*]ucb m. jo (b) ‘Tay, torch’ ESSJa XVI 163-164
CS RuC$ lucv m.(jo) ‘ray, light, shining’
E Ru. lué m.(jo) ‘ray, beam, (dial.) torch’
WwW Cz. loué f.(i) ‘torch’; OCz. luc f.(i) ‘torch’; Slk. ué f.(a) ‘ray, (dial.) torch’
S SCr. Jaé m.(jo) ‘torch, light, ray’; li¢ f.(i) ‘torch, light, ray’; laé (dial.) m.(jo)
PIE
Cogn.
‘torch, resinous tree’; Cak. laé (Vrg.) m.(jo) ‘core of pinewood (used as
fuel), Gsg. acd; Sln. Iué f.(i) ‘light (from fire)’
OPr. luckis ‘torch, log’
*louk-
Skt. rocis- f. ‘light, splendour’; Lat. lx f. ‘light
See also: *ladéa; *luciti; *luna
*liaids adj. 0 (c) ‘crazy ESSJa XVI 168-169
CS CS ludo ‘foolish’
E Ru. Jud (Dal’: arch.) ‘stupid, mad, crazy’
S SCr. lid ‘stupid, crazy, immature’, f. Iida, n. Ivido; Cak. lid (Vrg.) ‘stupid,
crazy, immature} f. lidd, n. liido; Sin. lid ‘crazy’, f. luda; Bulg. lud ‘crazy,
insane, wild’
B Lith. litidnas ‘sad’
PIE *loud-o-
Go. liuts ‘hypocritical’
*luska 291
The Lithuanian form has a lengthened zero grade. The palatalization of the /|
originates from the (unattested) e-grade *liaud-.
*lugb m.o ESSJa XVI 169-170
WwW Pl. fug (arch., dial.) ‘meadow, grove’; OPI. tug ‘swamp, marsh, lake, grove’;
SInc. #ig “swamp, marsh, lake, grove’; Plb. laug‘meadow’
S Sln. aig (dial.) ‘meadow’
See > *légo.
*luna f. ‘moon’ ESSJa XVI 173-174
CS OCS luna ‘moor
E Ru. lund ‘moon, (dial.) ray of light, firmament, echo’; Ukr. lund ‘reflection,
glow, echo’
W Cz. luna (poet.) ‘moon; Slk. [una ‘moon’; Pl. tuna ‘reflection, glow, moon,
flame’; OPI. tuna ‘moon, reflection, glow
S SCr. lina ‘moon’; Cak. land (Orb, ‘full moon, phase of the moon; Asg. land;
Sln. Iuina ‘moon’; Bulg. lund ‘moor’
BSI. *louksna?
B OPr. lauxnos Npl. ‘luminary’
PIE *louk-s-nehg
Cogn. Av. raoxsna- adj. ‘shining’; Lat. lana f. ‘moor
Dybo (1981: 20) classifies this etymon as belonging to AP (b). The absence of length
in West Slavic is puzzling, however.
See also: *laca; *lucp; *luciti
*lapiti v. (b) ‘peel’ ESSJa XVI 183-18
E Ru. lupit’ ‘peel, bark, thrash; 1sg. luplju, 38g. lupit
W Cz. loupiti ‘rob’; Slk. lipit'‘steal’; P|. tupi¢ ‘plunder, loot’
S SCr. lupiti ‘clean, peel’; Cak. lapit (Orb.) ‘peel (potatoes etc.) § 18g. Iapin; SIn.
lupiti ‘clean, peel, 1sg. lupim
BSI. *loup-ei/i-
B Lith. laupyti ‘tear off’; Latv. laupit ‘peel, rob, lunder’
See > *lubo.
*luska f. a ‘peel, shell, pod, scale’ ESSJa XVI 188-191
E Ru. luska (Dal’) ‘skin, peel, chaff’
Ww Cz. luska (obs.) ‘pod, husk’; OCz. Iuska ‘iron scale’; Pl. fuska ‘pod, shell, scale
(of fish, reptiles)’; USrb. tuska ‘pod’
S SCr. Jjiiska ‘shell, pod, scale (of fish, reptiles)’; Iuska (arch.) ‘skin, shell, pod,
scale (of fish), splinter’; Cak. laskd (Orb.) ‘splinter’, Asg. laské; Sln. liska
‘scale, bran’
292 *luskati
BSI. *lou(?)ska?
B Latv. lauskas? Npl. ‘flake, dandruff’
According to Vaillant (Gr. IV: 122), *luska derives from the verb *luskati < *lup-sk-ati
(< *loup-). Though the accentuation of several forms is in conflict with this
etymology, it is nevertheless an attractive solution. The East Latvian form lduskas*
may very well differ etymologically from Jaiska ‘something broken, potsherd,
splinter, the breaker (personification of frost), which clearly derive from laiizt ‘break.
This raises the question to what extent */oug-sk- may be present in Slavic. Though
*loug-sk- would regularly yield */usk- in Balto-Slavic, it is only to be expected that the
glottal stop originating from Winter’s law was occasionally restored.
See also: *luskati; *lusks; *luspa; *lusciti; *luzga
*luskati v. ‘peel, shell, pod’ ESSJa XVI 192-194
E Ru. luskat’ ‘peel, shell, pod’; luiskat’ ‘peel, shell, pod’
W Pl. fuskaé ‘peel, shell, pod’
S SCr. [jiiskati (dial.) ‘peel, shell, pod’; Sln. luskati ‘peel, shell, pod, clean (fish)’;
Bulg. !’uiskam (dial.) ‘peel, shell, pod’
BSI. *lou(?)skar-
B Latv. lduskat? ‘flake, peel’
See also: *luska; *lusks; *luspa; *lusciti; *luzga
*luskb m. o ‘peel, shell, pod’ ESSJa XVI 197-198
E Ru. lusk (Dal’) ‘skin, peel, chaff’
W Cz. lusk ‘pod, husk’; Slk. lusk (lit.) ‘pod, husk’; OPI. tusk ‘skin, peel, rind’
S Sn. liisk ‘pod, bran, flake of ski’
See > *luska.
See also: *luskati; *luspa; *lusciti; *luzga
*luspa f. a ‘peel, shell, pod, scale’ ESSJa XVI 199-200
CS RuCS luspa ‘shell, skin, peel, scale’
E ORu. luspa ‘shell, skin, peel, scale’; Ukr. luspa (dial.) ‘shell, skin, peel, scale’;
luspd (dial.) ‘shell, skin, peel, pod, scale (of fish, snakes)’
S SCr. [jiispa (dial.) ‘scale, peel, shell’; Bulg. ljuspa ‘scale, peel, rind’; Iuspa
‘scale, peel, rind’
The most likely explanation for the sequence *sp is contamination of *Iusk- (>
*luska) and *lup- (> *lapiti).
See also: *luska; *luskati; *lusks; *lusciti; *luzga
*lustiti v. ‘peel, shell, pod’ ESSJa XVI 207-209
E Ru. lus¢it’ ‘shell, hull, pod, crack, remove stubble (from), (dial.) guzzle, cram
oneself; 1sg. luscu, 38g. luscit
*lbbp 293
WwW Cz. lustiti ‘solve, pod, shell, hull’; OCz. lusciti ‘pod, shell’; lustiti ‘pod, shell’;
SIk. lustit ‘pod, shell, hull, try to solve’; Pl. tuszczyé ‘peel, pod, shell’
S SCr. [justiti ‘skin, peel, shell, eat or drink greedily; isg. [jaistim; Sln. lisciti
‘skin, peel, pod, shell, 1sg. luscim; Bulg. [justja ‘skin, peel, shell, pod’; lustja
‘skin, peel, shell, pod’
Verb in *-iti created alongside *luskati.
See also: *luska; *luskati; *lusks; *luspa; *luzga
*luzga f. a ‘peel, shell, pod’ ESSJa XVI 213
E Ru. luzgd ‘husks, (dial.) scales (of fish), chaff, peel, membrane’
Ss SCr. luzga (dial.) ‘scale (of fish), snake-skin’
BSI. *I(o)uzg-
B Lith. /:zgana 1 ‘scale (of fish)’
Variant of > *luska. This type of vacillation is quite common.
See also: *luska; *luskati; *lusks; *luspa; *lusciti
*luzZa f. ja (a) ‘puddle, pool’ ESSJa XVI 217-219
CS CS luza ‘marsh’
E Ru. luza ‘puddle, pool’
Ww Cz. louze ‘hollow with stagnant water, puddle, pool’; OCz. luzZe ‘puddle, pool,
swamp’; Pl. tuza (dial.) ‘pit, hollow, puddle, pool’; Plb. Jauze ‘swamp, puddle,
pool’
S SCr. liza ‘puddle, pool, mud, bog’; SIn. luZa ‘puddle, pool’
B Lith. lidignas m. 2 ‘puddle’; litigas m. 2 ‘puddle, little marsh, mud, quagmire’;
lagas m. 1/2 ‘hollow overflown by a river, muddy branch of a river, marsh,
quagmire’; Latv. Juga f. ‘aspic, pulp’; luga f. ‘marshy deposit of a lake that is
silting up’
Cogn. Ill. Aobyeov ‘swamp’
See > *l6go, where it is argued that we are probably dealing with a borrowing from a
substratum language. Most of the Baltic forms do not match the acute of the Slavic
etymon.
*Ipbp m. o ‘skull’ ESSJa XVI 225-228
CS CS lobo ‘skull’
E Ru. lob ‘forehead, brow, Gsg. Iba
WwW Cz. lebka f.(a) ‘skull’; leb (lit) f.@) “skull Gsg. I(e)bi, Gsg. Iba (arch.); leb
(lit.) ‘skull, Gsg. [(e)bu (Jungmann also mentions an obsolete Gsg. /ba);
OCz. leb ‘skull, Gsg. Iba; leb f.(i) ‘skull, Gsg. Ibi; Slk. leb (lit., arch.) ‘skull,
Gsg. leba; leb (arch., lit.) f.(i) ‘skull, Gsg. lebi; Pl. feb ‘head of an animal,
(coll.) head, pate, Gsg. tba
S SIn. Jab ‘skull, forehead; Gsg. laba
294 *lpgati
PIE *lub"-o-
See also: *lubs; *lapiti
*Ipgati v. (b) ‘lie’ ESSJa XVI 233-237
CS OCS legati ‘lie’ 18g. lozo
E Ru. Igat’ ‘lie’, 1sg. IZu, 38g. [zét
W Cz. lhati ‘lie’; OCz. Thati ‘lie, 1sg. Zu; Slk. luhat ‘lie’; Ihat ‘deceive’; Pl. tgac
‘deceive, lie’ 1sg. ize
S SCr. lagati ‘lie’? 1sg. lazém; Cak. lagati (Vrg.) ‘lie’ 28g. Ides; SIn. lagati ‘lie’, 18g.
lézem; Bulg. ldza ‘lie’
BSI. *lug-
B Lith. lagoti ‘request, beg’ (possibly of Latvian origin); Latv. Ingt ‘request,
invite’
PIE —*lugh-
Cogn. Go. liugan ‘lie’; Olc. Ijuga ‘lie’} OHG liogan ‘lie’
See also: *lbZa; *lbZp I; *]bZp II
*Ipkno n. o ‘water-lily’ ESSJa XVI 244-247
E Bel. lokno (dial.) ‘yellow water-lily’; Ukr. lokné (dial.), Iuknoé (dial.) ‘water-
lily, yellow water-lily’
Ww Cz. lekno (Jg.) ‘water-lily’; OCz. lekno ‘water-lily’; Slk. lekno ‘water-lily’
S SIn. lekno ‘water-lily’ (in view of the e, probably a borrowing from Czech)
BSI. *luk-n-
B Lith. lagné f.(€) 2 ‘yellow water-lily, (dial.) quagmire, bog’; Iugné (dial.) f.(é)
2 ‘yellow water-lily’; Iukné (arch.) f.(8) 2 ‘yellow water-lily’
Here, too, we find variation regarding the phonation type of the root-final velar. The
East Slavic forms can be found in Nepokupnyj 1976 (34-35).
See also: *lega; *l6gs; *lugs; *luza
*lpskp m o ‘shine’ ESSJa XVI 251-252
E Ru. losk ‘lustre, gloss, shine’, Gsg. loska
WwW Cz. lesk ‘lustre, gloss, shine’; OCz. lesk ‘shine, metal’; Jésk ‘shine, metal’; SIk.
lesk ‘lustre, gloss, shine’; Pl. tysk (obs., dial.) ‘lightning’
S SIn. Jask ‘shine, shimmer; Gsg. laska
Derivative of the hardly attested verb *loskati < *luk-sk-, cf. Cz. leskati (Jg.) ‘shine’.
See also: *laca; *lucs; *luditi; *luna
*InZa f. ja ‘lie’ ESSJa XVI 256-257
CS OCS loza
E Ru. [Za (arch.)
Ww Pl. #2a (dial.); OPI. #za ‘deceit, lie’; Slnc. 1Za
*lyko 295
S SCr. laZa (coll.); Sln. laza; laza; Iza; Bulg. laza
Cogn. OHG lugif.; OE lyge m.
Derivative in *-ja of > *legati. The d-stem */oga is not as widespread.
See also: *lbZp; *lbZb
*lpip I f. i ‘lie’ ESSJa XVII 5
E Ru. loz’; ORu. loZo; loz
Ww Cz. lez; OCz. lez; Slk. loz; Pl. fez (arch., dial.); OPI. fez; Slnc. 1az
S SCr. 142; Cak. ldz (Vrg.); las (Orb.); SIn. az, Gsg. lad, Gsg. lazi; 132, Gsg. lazi
Derivative i-stem synonymous with > */eZa.
See also: *lngati; *lbZa; *lbZp
*IbZp II adj. jo ‘false’ ESSJa XVII 6-7
CS OCS lop ‘lying, false’
E Ukr. loz’ ‘deceptive’
PIE *lugh-i-o-
Cogn. OHG luggi ‘lying, mendacious’; OE lycge ‘lying, mendacious’
See also: *lngati; *lbZa; *IbZp
*lyda; *lyta f. a ‘thigh, calf’ ESSJa XVII 22-23
E Ru. lydy (dial.) Npl. f. ‘long legs’
WwW Slk. lido (dial.) n. ‘thigh’; Pl. tyda n. ‘calf’; tyta (dial.) n. ‘calf’; OPI. tyda n.
‘long leg, thigh’
See > *lysto.
*lydpka; *lytpka f. a ESSJa XVII 23, 55-57
E Ru. lytki Npl. f. ‘calves, shins’; lytka (dial.) f. ‘leg, calf, shin, thigh, heel’; ORu.
lytka f. ‘leg, shin, ham’; Ukr. lytka f. ‘calf?
WwW Cz. lytko n. ‘calf’; lytka (Jg.: obs.) f. ‘calf’; OCz. lytka f. ‘calf’; Pl. tydka f. ‘calf’;
OPI. lytka f. ‘calf?
S Sln. litka f. ‘calf’
See > *lysto, *lyste, *lysta.
*lyko n. 0 (a) ‘bast’ ESSJa XVII 28-31
E Ru. lyko; Ukr. lyko
WwW Cz. lyko; Sk. lyko; Pl. tyko
S SCr. liko; lik m.; Sln. liko ‘bast fibre, fibre’; Bulg. liko
BSI. *luntko
B Lith. lunkas m. 1; Latv. liks m.
OPr. lunkan
296 *lysto; “lyst; *lysta
PIE *InH-k-6-m
Cogn. Fi. lunka ‘remnants of bark’ (a borrowing from Baltic)
*lysto; *lyst; *lysta n. 0; m. o; f. a ‘shin, calf? ESSJa XVII 43-44
CS OCS lysto (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) n. ‘shin’; CS lysto m. ‘shin’
WwW Cz. listo n. ‘shin-bone’; Slk. listd (dial.) f. ‘calf’; Pl. tyst (arch.) m. ‘calf’; tysta
(arch., dial.) f. ‘calf, shin’; OPI. tyst m. ‘calf?
S SCr. list m. ‘calf’; Mcd. list m. ‘calf?
A neuter derivative in *-to- of a root *lyd- or *lyt-. Schuster-Sewc’s suggestion (1963)
that *lyd-/lyt- is cognate with Ru. gliida (dial.) ‘lump, clod; SIn. *glita ‘lump’ seems to
have gained some acceptance in spite of that fact that the “simplification” of *gl- to I-
seems completely ad hoc.
See also: *lyda; *lyta; *lydbka; *lytpka
*lysb adj. o ‘bald, having a white spot on the forehead’ ESSJa XVII 45-50
E Ru. lysyj ‘bald’; Lys, f. lysd, n. lyso
WwW Cz. lysy ‘bald, (animals) having a white spot on the forehead’; Slk. lysy ‘bald’;
Pl. tysy ‘bald, (animals) having a white spot on the forehead’; Slnc. lasi ‘bald,
having a noticeable spot’
S SCr. lis (dial.) ‘having a white spot on the forehead, bald; f. lisa, n. liso; Bulg.
lis ‘bald, (animals) having a white spot on the forehead’
The comparison with Skt. rusant- ‘shining, bright (Vasmer s.v.) does not seem
promising. A connection with > *lysto ‘shin, calf’ (Lubotsky, p.c.) is semantically
feasible, cf. > *golénv vs. > *golo.
*Ibdza f. ja ‘possibility’ ESSJa XVII 108
CS OCS lwzé (Cloz., Supr.) adv. “(1. jesto) it is possible’ {1}; CS lodza ‘possibility’
E Ru. [’zja (obs., dial.) adv. ‘it is possible’
Ww Cz. Ize adv. ‘it is possible’; OCz. Izé adv. ‘it is possible’; OPI. Idza adv. ‘it is
possible’; Iza ‘it is possible’
Originally a Dsg. of *lvdza or ‘loga. The *dz results from the progressive
palatalization. For the etymology, see > *logoko.
*Ipga f. a ESSJa XVII 64
E Ru. [’ga (dial.) ‘facilitation, possibility’; Bel. /’ha (dial.) ‘facilitation, pos-
sibility’
Ultimately identical with > */odza. The *g must have been restored on the basis of
forms where the progressive palatalization did not operate, e.g. > *logoko.
See also: *Ibdza; *lbgpks; *polbdza
*lpnénb 297
*Ipgpks adj. o ‘light, easy’ ESSJa XVII 64
CS OCS logoke (vocalization of the first jer is quite common in this word;
Euch. also has two instances of lek-)
E Ru. légkij
W Cz. lehky; Slk. lahky; Pl. lekki
S SCr. lak; lahak (arch.); lagak (arch., dial.); Cak. lak (Vrg.: obs.), f. lakd, n.
lako; lagak (Orb.), f. lahka; SIn. lahdk, f. lahka; Idhak, f. lahka; lagak, f. lahka;
lagak, f. lahka; Bulg. lek ‘light, light-hearted’
B Lith. lefigvas 4 ‘light’; Latv. liégs ‘gentle’
PIE *hyleng*-u-
Cogn. Skt. raghui- (RV+) ‘fast’; Skt. laghti- (RV+) ‘light, small, easy’; Gk. éhaxvc
‘small, little’; Gk. thagpds ‘light, dexterous, fast, little’; Lat. levis ‘light, fast,
small, scanty’; Go. leihts ‘light
The root vocalism *» is problematic because it can neither continue *4 nor *en,
which is what we find in most languages, nor *e, as in Lat. levis.
See also: *lbdza; *lbdga; *polbdza
*Ipjati v. (c) ‘pour’ ESSJa XVII 80-81
CS OCS lijati (Mar., Supr.), 1sg. léjo
WwW Cz. liti, sg. leji; OCz. léti; Pl. lad, 1sg. leje
S SCr. lijati (arch., Cak.); SIn. léja
See > *liti.
*Ipnoti v. ‘stick’ ESSJa XVII 92-93
CS OCS prilonoti ‘stick, 1sg. prilone {1}
E Ru. l’nut’ ‘stick, cling’
W Cz. Inouti ‘stick’; Pl. Igngé ‘stick’; OPI. Ingé ‘stick’; SInc. Indyc ‘stick’
BSI. *lip-
B Lith. lipti ‘stick
PIE —“lip-
Cogn. Skt. limpdati ‘smear’; Gk. Atnaivw ‘oil’
{1} For instance in i praxo prilepesii (Zogr., prileposei Mar., prilepvsii Ass.) ‘the dust that
cleaveth to us’ (Luke 10:11).
See also: *lép; *lépiti; *lépp
*Ipnénb adj. o ‘flaxen, linen’ ESSJa XVII 82-83
CS CS Ionéno (Supr.) Asg. f. ‘linen’
WwW Cz. Inény ‘flaxen, linen’; Pl. Iniany ‘liner’
S SCr. Idnen ‘flaxen, linen’; SIn. lanén ‘flaxen, linen’; Bulg. lénen ‘flaxen, liner’
Material adjective derived from > *léno.
298 *lbnb
*lbnb m. 0 (b) ‘flax’ ESSJa XVII 87-90
CS CS lone
E Ru. lén, Gsg. na
WwW Cz. len, Gsg. Inu; Slk. lan; Pl. len, Gsg. Inu; USrb. len, lena, Gsg. lenu
S SCr. lan; Cak. lan (Orb.), Gsg. Idina; SIn. lan, Gsg. lana, Gsg. lanii; Bulg. len
‘flax, liner’
BSL *linum
B Lith. linai Npl. 4; Latv. lini Npl.
OPr. linno
Cogn. Gk. Aivov n. ‘flax’; Lat. Jinum n. ‘flax, linen’; OI. lin n. ‘flax, linen, cloth’; Go.
lein n. ‘canvas
The widespread vacillation between long and short i makes it impossible to establish
a common IE proto-form. Ablaut *ei : *i can only be assumed if the Celtic and
Germanic forms are borrowings from Latin. We are probably dealing with a non-IE
culture word. For Balto-Slavic we must reconstruct a barytone neuter o-stem.
Accentual mobility is secondary.
See also: *Ipnénb
*léstb f. i (c) ‘ruse’ ESSJa XVII 97-99
CS OCS lost ‘ruse, deceit, error’
E Ru. lést’ ‘flattery’; Ukr. lést’ ‘flattery’
W Cz. lest ‘cunning, craftiness, Gsg. Isti; Slk. lest‘cunning, craftiness, ruse, Gsg.
lesti, Gsg. Isti; OPI. lesé ‘hypocrisy, cunning, lie’; USrb. les¢ ‘cunning, Gsg.
lesée
S SCr. last (arch., dial.) ‘craftiness, cunning, lie’; last ‘use’; Sln. last ‘ruse,
cunning; Gsg. lasti; last ‘rest, leisure, easiness, Gsg. lasti
Cogn. Go. lists f.(i) ‘ruse’
Probably a borrowing from Gothic.
*M
*maxati v. ‘wave’ ESSJa XVII 123-126
CS CS maxati, 1sg. maxajo
E Ru. maxat’, sg. mast, 38g. maset
W Cz. machati; Slk. machatswing’; Pl. machac ‘wave, swing’
S SCr. mdhati, 1sg. masém; Cak. mahdati (Vrg.), 28g. mages; mahat (Orb,), 18g.
masen; Sln. mahati, sg. mdham; Bulg. maxam
BSI. *maHs-
B Lith. mosuioti
*makp 299
PIE *mehys-
In spite of the fact that the x in *maxati is not the regular reflex of *s in this position,
I assume that we are dealing with a Balto-Slavic enlargement s of the root *meh- ‘to
beckon’ (cf. Vaillant Gr. III: 332), for which see > *majati, *mavati.
*majati; *mavati v. ‘wave, beckon’ ESSJa XVII 133-135, XVIII 21-22
CS OCS namaiaaxo (Supr.) 3pl. impf. ‘beckoned’; RuCS pomavati ‘give a signal
with one’s hand or head’
E Ru. mdjat’ ‘exhaust, harass’; mavat’ (dial.) ‘wave’; ORu. majati ‘beckon,
agitate, vibrate’; pomavati ‘give a signal with one’s hand or head’
W Cz. mdvati ‘wave’; Slk. mdvat‘wave’; LSrb. mawa§ ‘wave, rock’
S SCr. majati ‘beckon, keep, detain’; Sln. mdjati ‘move about, shake’ 1sg.
mdjam, 1sg. mdjem; Bulg. maja ‘dawdle, detain
BSI. *maH-
B Lith. moti ‘beckon’; Latv. mat ‘beckon’
PIE *mehp-
Cogn. Go. afmauips ‘tired’; OHG muoan ‘alarm, worry’
It is clear that *majati and *mavati continue one and the same verb, j and v being
“Hiatustilger”. While majati ‘to beckon’ cannot be separated from Lith. médti, Latv.
mat ‘id’, majati ‘to detain, to tire, to exhaust’ has been linked to Germanic forms like
OHG muoan and Go. afmauips (cf. Stang 1972: 35). The respective roots in Pokorny
are ma- (693) and m6- (746). If we assume that *majati indeed continues *mehz- as
well as *mehs- (LIV: 382), we have to settle for semantic arguments. Since it is also
possible to argue on semantic grounds that *majati ultimately continues *mehp- ‘to
beckon’ only (ESSJa XVII 134), it is to a certain extent a matter of taste which
solution one prefers.
See also: *maxati; *mamiti; *maniti; *ma4m+; *manoti; *matati; *mara; *mora
*maks m.o (a) ‘poppy ESSJa XVII 149-151
CS CS mako
E Ru. mak, Gsg. maka
Ww Cz. mak; Sl. mak; Pl. mak
S SCr. mak, Gsg. maka, Gsg. maka; Cak. mak (Vrg.), Gsg. makd; SIn. mak,
Gsg. maka; Bulg. mak
ies)
Lith. aguona f. 2; maguoneé (dial.) f.1 {1}; Latv. maguone f. {2}
OPr. moke (EV)
Cogn. Gk. kv f., Dor. paxwv f£.; OHG maho m.; OHG mago m.; OS magosamo
m. ‘poppyseed’; OS mécopin (K6nigsberg) m.; OSw. valmoghe m. {3}; Est.
magun; Liv. maggon
300 *malp
The Germanic forms show grammatischer Wechsel as well as an alternation *@ : *a.
The vocalism, which could reflect PIE *eh; : *h;, does not match the @ of the Greek
and the Slavic forms, which leads us to assume that the vowel alternation arose when
at a comparatively late stage the root mak- was borrowed into Germanic (cf. Kluge-
Seebold: 565). The Lithuanian and Latvian forms are usually considered borrowings
from Germanic, whereas OPr. moke may have been borrowed from Polish. The
Estonian and Livonian forms must be borrowings from Baltic, probably Latvian. It is
generally agreed upon that ultimately we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-
European (Mediterranean?) origin.
{1} Besides, we find the variants maguona and magiina. The forms with m are restricted to the
area around Klaipéda. {2} I have found the variants maguona’, magana, magane and magiine.
The initial m of the word for ‘poppy’ was apparently lost in Lithuanian but not in Latvian. The
Lithuanian dialect forms with m- may be due to the influence of the (Latvian) language of the
fishermen of the Curonian Isthmus (cf. Baga RR III: 320). Sabaliauskas (1960: 71-72) suggests
dissimilatory loss of m, parallel to the loss of r in arotai : rarotai, akrittas : rakritas, Latv.
ruodere : uodere, iikeris : itkeris. {3} The first element means ‘sleep’ cf. Nw. vale (dial.) ‘deep
sleep; Sw. valbjérn (dial.) ‘Schlafdorn.
*malp adj. o (a) ‘small, little’ ESSJa XVII 173-178
CS OCS malo
E Ru. malyj
WwW Cz. maly; Slk. maly; Pl. maty
S SCr. mao; Cak. mali (Vrg.); mali (Orb.); SIn. mali; Bulg. mal (BTR)
PIE *moh,-lo-
Cogn. Gk. pfjov n. ‘small cattle, goat, sheep’ (Doric also has n); Olr. mil ‘(small)
‘animal’; Go. smals m. ‘small, insignificant’; Olc. smali m. ‘small (live) ‘stock,
sheep’
The question is whether *mala can be linked to PIE *melH-, as has been advocated
by Varbot, for instance (1972: 63). In view of the acute root vowel, I consider this
unlikely: we would have to posit a lengthened grade root of which the acute
intonation is analogical after forms with full or zero grade. Thus, I prefer to
reconstruct a root *mh;-, which in the etymon under discussion is followed by an I-
suffix (cf. Vaillant Gr. IV, 545, where the root is assumed to be identical with the root
of Ru. mdjat’, which I reconstruct as *meh2-). The Germanic forms would have s
mobile and zero grade of the root. Notice that Pokorny classifies CS méloko under 1.
mel-, mela- ‘zermalmen, schlagen, mahlen, etc., while OCS mals can be found under
mélo-, smélo- ‘kleines Tier’.
See also: *malpks; *méls; *mélakp
*malpks adj. 0 (a) ‘small’ ESSJa XVII 173-178
E Ru. mdlok (folk.) ‘child, teenager’
S SCr. mdlak ‘small, little, f. mdlka; Sln. mdlak m. ‘small man, dwarf, devil’;
Bulg. mdlak ‘small, little’
Derivative of > *malo (cf. Vaillant IV: 545, Varbot 1972: 63-64).
*mara 301
*mamiti; *maniti v. ‘deceive’ ESSJa XVII 189-190, 197-199
CS CS mamiti ‘deceive’; maniti ‘deceive’
E Ru. manit’ ‘beckon, attract, lure; (dial.) ‘deceive, lie, linger, loiter’, 1sg. manju,
38g. manit
W Cz. mdmiti ‘stun, deceive, seduce’; Slk. mamif ‘stun, deceive’; Pl. mamié
‘deceive, seduce, lead astray’; manic (dial.) ‘deceive, seduce, lead astray’; Slnc.
manic ‘attract, lure, deceive’; LSrb. mamis ‘deceive, enchant’; manis ‘deceive,
enchant’
S SCr. mdmiti ‘attract, lure, seduce’; Cak. mdmiti (Vrg.) ‘attract, lure, seduce’;
méaniti (dial.) ‘lure’; Sln. mdmiti ‘stun, deceive, seduce, fool’, 1sg. mamim;
Bulg. mdmja ‘deceive, seduce, lead astray’; manja (dial.) ‘deceive’
B Lith. ményti ‘practise sorcery’; Latv. manit ‘mislead, deceive
According to van Wijk (1934: 73), *mamiti is the original denominative verb (>
*mamo), while *maniti arose through dissimilation, which was probably favoured by
the existence of *manoti. Van Wijk’s hypothesis is supported by the fact that there is
more or less a geographical distribution. The form *mamiti occurs in West and
South Slavic, whereas *maniti occurs in East Slavic and in certain West and South
Slavic regions. I consider both the Latvian and the Lithuanian forms to be
borrowings from Slavic. Endzelins is inclined to regard Latv. mdnit as an inherited
word.
*mampb m. 0 (c) ‘deceit’ ESSJa XVII 190-191
CS CS mamo adj. ‘foolish’
WwW Cz. mam ‘deceit, error, (dial.) ‘apparition, ghost’; Slk. mam “deceit, mirage’
S SCr. mém ‘lure, bait, temptation, charm, frenzy’
Derivative in *-mo-. See > *majati, *mavati.
*manoti v. ‘beckon’ ESSJa XVII 200-201
CS CS manoti ‘beckon’
E Ru. manut’ (dial.) ‘beckon, lure’; mdnut’ (dial.) ‘beckon, lure’; ORu. manuti
‘nod, beckon’
S SCr. manuti ‘nod, beckon, wave’
Vaillant (Gr. III: 332) regards *manoti as the original perfective of > *majati.
*mara f. 4 ‘ghost, apparition’ ESSJa XVII 204-207
CS RuCs mara ‘ecstasy’
E Ru. mdra, mard ‘apparition, mirage, (dial.) house-sprite, evil spirit’; Bel.
mara, mara ‘dream, apparition, nightmare; mdra (dial.) ‘witch, demon’; Ukr.
mara ‘apparition, ghost, witch
WwW Slk. mara ‘ghost, apparition’; Pl. mara ‘dream, illusion, ghost, (dial.) nightly
spirit that attacks people and horses in their sleep’; Slnc. mara ‘dream,
apparition, ghost’; USrb. mara ‘goddess of illness and death’
302 *maslo
S Bulg. Mara ‘name of a fairy-tale monster’
PIE *mehz-rehg
There are basically two views on the origin of *mara. According to a hypothesis put
forward by Franck (1904: 129, against Solmsen 1908: 580-582) and advocated by a.o.
Schuster-Sewc (HEW 885ff), *mara continues PIE *mora and differs from *mora
only in having lengthened grade. The alternative etymology, which can at least be
traced to Zubaty 1894, connects *mara with the root ma- < *meh2- of *majati,
*mamp, etc. Though at a first glance it seems unsatisfactory to separate *mara from
*mora — in Polish, for instance, mara and mora are synonymous -, it is awkward that
in most Slavic languages both apophonic variants would occur side by side. Perhaps
we have to start from *mara ‘illusion, apparition’ beside *mora ‘female demon that
tortures people with nightmares, which later became confused. This scenario may
also offer an explanation for the fact that the accentual paradigm of both words is so
hard to determine. We would expect *madra (a) - in view of Hirt’s law - beside *mora
(b) or (c). Nevertheless we find forms like Ru. mora and mara (beside mara). I think
that in this respect, too, we have to reckon with analogy.
See also: *maxati; *majati; *mavati; *mamiti; *maniti; *mam>; *manoti; *matati; *mora
*maslo n. 0 (a) ‘oil, butter’ ESSJa XVII 230-232
OCS maslo ‘oil, butter’
Ru. mdslo ‘butter, oil’
Cz. maslo ‘butter’; Slk. maslo ‘butter’; Pl. masto ‘butter’
SCr. maslo ‘butter, oil’; Cak. mdslo (Vrg.) ‘butter, cream’; mdslo (Orb.)
‘butter’; Sln. maslo ‘lard, butter’; Bulg. mdslo ‘butter, oil, fat’
nemo
If *mazati is cognate with Lith. mézti ‘manure, muck out’ Latv. mézt ‘muck out,
sweep, *maslo < *maz-slo < PBSI. *mo?z-slo closely matches Lith. méslas 1/3, Latv.
mésls ‘manure’ < PEBI. *méz-sla < PBSI. *me?z-slo. Here I must add that Slavic *maslo
is sometimes derived from *maz-tlo.
See also: *mastb ; *mazati; *mazp; *mazpb
*mastp f. i (c) ‘ointment’ ESSJa XVII 30-31
CS OCS mast ‘chrism, ointment’
E Ru. mast’ ‘colour of wool or feathers’
W Cz. mast ‘ointment’; Slk. mast ‘ointment, fat, lard’; Pl. masé ‘ointment’
S SCr. mast ‘fat, lard, grease, ointment, colour’; Cak. mds (Orb.) ‘fat, grease’
Gsg. mdsti; Sln. mast ‘fat, lard, Gsg. masti; Bulg. mdsti Npl. ‘animal fat’
Derivative in *-to of > *mazati.
*matati v. ESSJa XVII 235-236
Ww Cz. matati (dial.) ‘frighten’; Slk. mdtat ‘haunt, frighten’; OP]. matac ‘deceive,
swindle’; Slnc. méautdc ‘swindle, lie’
S SCr. matati (Stulli, dial.) ‘bait, attract’
*mators; *materb 303
The root must be an enlargement of *mehz- in > *majati, *mavati.
*materpstvo n. o ‘motherhood’ ESSJa XVII 254
CS OCS materostva (Ps. Sin.) Gsg. ‘old age’
WwW Cz. materstvo (Jg.); materstvo (Kott); Slk. materstvo
S SCr. materstvo (Stulli); Sln. materstvo
Derivative of > *mati.
*mati f. r (a) ‘mother’ ESSJa XVII 254-259
CS OCS mati, Gsg. matere
E Ru. mat’, Gsg. materi; ORu. mati, Gsg. matere
Ww OCz. mati, Gsg. matere; OPI. mac, Gsg. macierze
S SCr. mati, Gsg. materé; Cak. mati (Vrg.), Gsg. mdteré; mat (Novi, Orb.),
Gsg. materi; Sln. mati, Gsg. matere
BSI. *mdafter-
B Lith. moté (OLith, dial.) f.(r) 1 ‘wife, mother’ {1}; Latv. mdte f.(é) ‘mother’
(the accentuation mate, as found in IEW, is incorrect)
OPr. miiti (Ench.); mothe (EV); muti (Gr.)
PIE *mehpter-
Cogn. Skt. matdr- f.; Gk. wtnp f; Lat. mater f; OHG muoter f.; Olr. mdathir f.; Alb.
motré f. ‘sister’
The root stress in this word may be due to Hirt’s law, cf. Skt. mdatar-, but there is a
distinct possibility that it is old, cf. Gk. utp.
{1} The oldest form of the genitive is méteres, which occurs, for instance, in DP and in dialects.
The most important Standard Lithuanian derivatives are moteris ‘wife, mother’ and motina
‘mother. The form moté, which frequently occurs in the older scholarly literature, does not
exist.
See also: *matory; *materb; *matorpn; *materbny; *materpstvo
*mators; *mater adj. o ESSJa XVII 244-249
CS CS matore ‘old’
E Ru. matéryj ‘experienced, full-grown’; materdj ‘full-grown’
S SCr. mator ‘old, elderly’; SIn. matér ‘old’
PIE *mehztor-
While the ESSJa states that *matoro is older than *matero, the same dictionary
considers the o-grade of the suffix in *matorvno as well as the meaning of this
formation (in comparison with materons ‘motherly’) to be late. The point is,
however, that *matorons and *matervno may not be cognate with *mdti at all. Lat.
matirus has been connected with mdnus ‘good, Olt. maith ‘id’? (Pokorny 693,
Ernout-Meillet s.v., Schrijver 1991: 143). In Trubacev’s dictionary, the connection
with the latter form is dismissed. Instead, *matoro is considered cognate with both
*mati and mdatirus (with references to Truba¢év 1959: 32 and - incorrectly - Meillet
304 *matorpn; *materpnb
Et. II: 407, where merely the connection with mane and matirus is considered). Yet
another etymology was proposed by Vaillant, who tried to link the Slavic etymon to
words meaning ‘big, such as OPr. muis ‘bigger’ (1961: 189). In my opinion, Lat.
matirus has the best chance of being cognate with *matoro etc. (pace Vasmer s.v.
matéryj). The connection with *mdti cannot be disproved on formal grounds but
there are sufficient semantic reasons for keeping this word apart. Athough ultimately
we may be dealing with the same root, it is unlikely that *matoro is a recent
derivative of *mati.
Cogn. Lat. matirus adj. ‘ripe, mature, premature’; Lat. manus adj. ‘good’
See also: *materpn; *materbstvo; *mati; *matorpnb
*matorbns; *materbn»d adj. o ESSJa XVII 251-253
E Ru. matérnyj (dial.) ‘big, strong’
Ww OCz. matorny ‘mature, serious’
Ss Sln. mat¢ran ‘elderly, old’; Bulg. matdrnyj ‘old, senile’
Derivative in *-ono of > *matoro, *maters.
*mazati v. (a) ‘smear, anoint’ ESSJa XVIII 23-25
CS OCS mazati ‘anoint, isg. mazo
E Ru. mazat’ ‘smear, oil, grease’, sg. mdZu, 38g. mazet
W Cz. mazati ‘smear, oil, defile’; Slk. mazat ‘smear’; Pl. maza¢ ‘smear’
S SCr. mdzati ‘smear, grease, paint’, 1sg. mdzém; Cak. mdzati (Vrg.) ‘soil,
besmirch, 2sg. mazes; mazat (Orb.) ‘smear, grease, sg. mdZen; Sln. mdzati
‘smear, grease, paint, isg. mazem
BSI. *moré-
B Lith. mézti ‘manure, muck out’; Latv. mézt ‘muck out, sweep’; mudézét
‘gobble, pound, fool, harass, beat’
For the time being I have grouped together Slavic *mazati and Lith. méZti ‘manure,
muck out, Latv. mézt ‘muck out, sweep’ and mudzét ‘gobble, pound, etc’ (cf. OStir
1912: 214, Fraenkel I: 444). It seems to me that the Baltic words can be linked
semantically to *mdzati ‘smear’ if we start from a meaning ‘smear, wipe, sweep’ (for
the semantic development attested in muézét, cf. Ru. smdzat’ ‘strike a blow, MoDu.
afsmeren (dial.) ‘give s.o. a beating’). Another possibility would be to connect *mdzati
with Gk. udoow (aor. pass. payijvat) ‘knead’ (provided that the root is not pak-
instead of jtay-, which, according to Chantraine (670), cannot be determined), Arm.
macanim ‘thicken, stick together’ (Meillet 1916: 122) and OHG mahhon, OS makon,
etc. ‘make’. This would entail a reconstruction *meh2g- (*mag- in IEW), which would
preclude a connection with méZti, Latv. mézt.
See also: *maslo; *mAstp; *mazp; *mazb
*mazp; *maz> f. i; m. o (c) ‘grease, ointment’ ESSJa XVIII 33-34
CS CS maze f.(i) ‘unction’
*medju 305
Ru. maz’ f.(i) ‘ointment’; maz (dial.) m. ‘lover’
Cz. maz m. ‘ointment, grease, glue’; Pl. maz f.(i) ‘grease, oil, tar’; USrb. maz
(dial.) m. ‘ointment, grease’; LSrb. maz f.(i) ‘starch, grease, oil, tar’
S SCr. mdz (arch.) m. ‘ointment, grease’; SIn. mdz f.(i) ‘lubrication, grease,
ointment; Gsg. mazi
=m
Deverbative nouns derived from > *mazati.
*mécb; *mbeéb m. jo (b) ‘sword’ ESSJa XVIII 38-42
CS OCS mec
E Ru. mec’, Gsg. meca
W Cz. mec; Slk. meé; Pl. miecz; USrb. mjec; miecy (Matthaei 1721)
Ss SCr. maé, Gsg. maca; Cak. maé (Vrg.), Gsg. mada; SIn. méé; Bulg. mec
Cogn. Go. mekim.; OS maki m.
This etymon has often been considered a borrowing from Germanic, but the Slavic
short vowel does not match the long vowel of the Germanic forms. The vacillation
between *e and *» may be attributed to the raising of pretonic *e in the vicinity of a
palatalized consonant (see Kortlandt 1984-1985), but this development seems to have
occured prior to Dybo’s law and there is no particular reason to regard *mecv as an
old oxytone noun. The ESSJa advocates a connection with Olr. mecc-, referring to
Odincov 1985.
*medja f. ja (b) ‘border, boundary, balk’ ESSJa XVIII 45-47
CS OCS mezdaxs (Supr.) Lpl. ‘alleys’
E Ru. meZzd ‘boundary, boundary-strip, Asg. mezu; Ukr. mezd ‘boundary,
boundary-strip, Asg. mezu
W Cz. meze ‘balk, border’; Slk. medza ‘balk, border’; Pl. miedza ‘balk, border’;
USrb. mijeza ‘balk, border’
S SCr. méda ‘boundary, border’, Asg. médu; mejd (dial.) ‘boundary, boundary-
strip, Asg. mejil; Cak. mejd (Vrg.) ‘boundary, border, Asg. méju; SIn. méja
‘boundary, fence, shrub(s), grove’; Bulg. mezda ‘balk’
BSI. *med-j-o/a?
B Lith. médZias m.(io) ‘forest’; Latv. meZs m.(io) ‘wood’
OPr. median ‘wood’
PIE *med'-ieh,
Cogn. Skt. mddhya- (RV+) adj. ‘middle, located in the middle’; Lat. medius adj. ‘id’;
Go. midjis adj. ‘middle’
See also: *medju
*medju prep. (b) ‘between, among’ ESSJa XVIII 51-52
CS OCS meZdu (Supr., Ass., Boj.); meZdju (Zogr., Mar., Sav., Cloz.)
E Ru. meZu (dial.); méZu (dial.)
Ww Cz. mezi prep.; mezu (Kott)
306 *medojéda
Ss SCr. médu; Sn. méju; Bulg. mezdu
Originally a dual of > *medja.
*medojéd» m. o ‘honey-eater ESSJa XVII 55
E Ru. medoéd (dial.) ‘honey-lover’
W Cz. medojed (Jg.) ‘honey-lover’
S SCr. médojéd (dial.) ‘death’s head moth’; SIn. medojéd ‘honey-eater, honey-
lover, Gsg. medojéda
For morphological as well as semantic reasons the noun *medojedo must be a more
recent formation than > *medvédo.
See also: *medva; *medvéds; *médb
*medva f. a4 ESSJa XVIII 62
E Ru. medvd (dial. ‘hydromel, sweet must’
S SCr. médva (dial.) ‘kind of white grapes’
Derivative in *-a based on the u-stem *med"u- (> *médo).
Cogn. Skt. mddhu- n. ‘sweet drink, anything sweet, honey’; Gk. yé0v n. ‘wine’;
OHG metu m. ‘mead’; Olr. mid n./m. ‘mead’
See also: *medvédn; *medojéds; *méd
*medvédp m. jo (a) ‘bear’ ESSJa XVIII 55, 65-67
CS OCS medvédv (PsDim.) m.(jo) {1}; CS medvédo (Par., Hval.) m.(jo) {2}
E Ru. medvéd’ m.(jo)
W Cz. medvéd m.(0); Slk. medved’ m.(o); Pl. miedzwiedz (arch., dial.) m.(jo)
3}
S SCr. médvjed m.(o); Cak. medvid (Vrg.) m.(0); medvid (Novi) m.(o);
medvéd (Orb.) m.(0); Sln. médved m.(0), Gsg. medvéda
PIE *med"*u-h,ed-
Cogn. Skt. madhvad- m. ‘honey-eater’
{1} The Psalter of Dimitri belongs to the corpus that was discovered at St. Catherine’s
monastery in 1975. Strictly speaking it might be classified as a Middle Bulgarian text
(Birnbaum and Schaeken 1997: 143). {2} The attestations occur in a Croatian MS from the 14th
century and a Serbian MS from the 15th century, respectively. {3} In West Slavic, we find
secondary forms with n-, e.g. (O)Pl. niedZwiedZ, OCz. nedvéd.
See also: *medva; *médb
*méd>b m. u (c) ‘honey, mead’ ESSJa XVIII 68-72
CS OCS med ‘honey; Gsg. meda, Gsg. medu
E Ru. méd ‘honey, mead; Gsg. méda, Lsg. medi, Npl. medy
Ww Cz. med ‘honey, mead’; Slk. med ‘honey, mead’; Pl. midd ‘honey, mead’, Gsg.
miodu; USrb. méd ‘honey, Gsg. mjedu, Gsg. mjeda
PIE
Cogn.
*melzti 307
SCr. méd ‘honey’, Gsg. méda; Cak. méd (Vrg.) ‘honey, Gsg. méda; méd
(Novi) ‘honey, Gsg. méda; miét (Orb.) ‘honey, Gsg. méda; SIn. méd ‘honey’,
Gsg. méda, Gsg. medi; Bulg. med ‘honey’
*medu-
Lith. medus m.(u) 4 ‘honey’; Latv. medus m.(u) ‘honey’
OPr. meddo (EV) ‘honey’
*med*u-
Skt. mddhu- n. ‘sweet drink, anything sweet, honey’; Gk. ué6v n. ‘wine’;
OHG metu m. ‘mead’; Olr. mid n./m. ‘mead’
See also: *medvéds; *medojéds; *medva
*melko n. 0 (b) ‘milk’ ESSJa XVIII 85-88
CS OCS mléko
E Ru. moloké
WwW Cz. mléko; Slk. mlieko; Pl. mleko; USrb. mloko
S SCr. mlijéko; Cak. mliké (Vrg.); mlikd (Novi); mliekd (Orb.); Sln. mléko;
Bulg. mljako
Since the PIE root for ‘to milk’ is *h,melg- (> *melzti), this etymon is often regarded
as a borrowing from Germanic.
*melti v. (b) ‘grind, mill’ ESSJa XVIII 90-91
CS OCS mléti, isg. meljo
E Ru. mol6t’, isg. melju, 38g. méljet
WwW Cz. mliti; Slk. mliet; P|. mlec, sg. miele; Slnc. mlutec; USrb. mlé¢
S SCr. mljéti, 1sg. méljém; Cak. mliti (Vrg.), 28g. méles; mlét (Orb, ‘grind, mill,
babble, chatter’, sg. méljen; Sln. mléti, sg. méljem; Bulg. mélja
g. meg g. mes g. meg
BSI. *mel?-
B Lith. mdlti; Latv. malt
PIE *melH-
Cogn. Skt. mrnati, mrnati ‘crush, grind’; Hitt. malla- ‘grind’; Lat. molere ‘grind’; Go.
malan ‘grind’; OHG malan ‘grind, mill’; Olr. meilid ‘grind’; Arm. malem
‘crush’
See also: *mélp; *méls; *mlint; *moltiti; *moltb; *molb
*melzti v. ‘milk ESSJa XVIII 95-96
CS RuCS milésti ‘bring down, dislodge’ 1sg. mlozu {1}
W Slk. mizt‘suck’
Ss SCr. miisti, 1sg. muizem; Cak. miisti (Vrg.), 28g. miizes; mils (Orb), 18g.
miuzén; Sln. mlésti, sg. méizem; Bulg. mdlzja (dial.), sg. mlozu
BSI. *mel?z-
B Lith. mélZti, 38g. mélZia; milzti, 38g. mélZia
308 *mene
PIE *homelg-
Cogn. Gk. dyéAyw; Lat. mulgére; OE melcan
{1} Also RuCS meloziti ‘milk. Furthermore, cf. Ru. moldzivo ‘colostrum, beestings.
*mene prn. GAsg. ‘me’ ESSJa XVIII 96-97
CS OCS mene GAsg.
E ORu. mene GAsg.; Ukr. mené GAsg.
Ss SCr. méne GDAsg.; méne (dial.) GDAsg.; Bulg. méne Asg.
B Lith. manés Gsg.
PIE *himene
Cogn. Av. mana Gsg.
See also: *mpné
*merti v. ‘die’ ESSJa XVIII 101-102
CS OCS mréti (Supr., Ass.) ‘die sg. moro
E Ru. mriet’ ‘die (in large numbers); 1sg. mru, 38g. mrét
Ww Cz. mriti ‘die, wither’; Slk. mriet’‘die, wither, thaw’; Pl. mrze¢ ‘die’
S SCr. mrijéti ‘die’, 1sg. mrém; Sln. mréti ‘die, be miserable’ 1sg. mr(j)ém, 18g.
mrjem, 1sg. mfjem
BSL. *mer-; *mir-
B Lith. mifti ‘die’; Latv. mirt ‘die
PIE *mer-
Cogn. Skt. mriydte ‘die’; Lat. morior ‘die’
See also: *merti; *mor; *mprtvp; *spmprtb
*meérZa f. ja (a) ‘net’ ESSJa XVIII 102-103
CS OCS mréZa ‘net’
E Ru. meréZa (dial.) ‘fishing-net’; meréZa (dial.) ‘fishing-net’
WwW Cz. mrize ‘grating’; Slk. mreZa ‘grating’; OPI. mrzeza ‘a type of net’; Slnc.
mrieza ‘small fishing-net’
S SCr. mréZa ‘net’; Cak. mrizZa (Vrg.) ‘net’; mriZa (Novi) ‘net’; mréza (Orb.)
‘lace, net, netting of a sieve’; Sln. mréZa ‘net, grating’; Bulg. mréza ‘net’
BSI. *mer?g(i)ar
B Lith. mdrska ‘sheet, table-cloth, drag-net’; Latv. mafga ‘railing, gallery’;
mefga ‘railing, gallery.
*mesti v. (c) ‘throw, sweep’ ESSJa XVIII 105-108
CS CS mesti ‘throw, sweep, 1sg. meto
E Ru. mesti ‘sweep, 1sg. metu, 38g. metét
Ww Cz. mésti ‘sweep, (Jg., Kott) throw, sweep’; Pl. mies¢ ‘sweep, throw’
*méxb 309
S SCr. mésti ‘sweep’, 1sg. métém; Cak. mésti (Vrg.) ‘sweep, 28g. metés; més
(Orb.) ‘sweep, isg. metén; Sln. mésti ‘sweep, throw, 1sg. métem; Bulg. meta
‘sweep’
BSI. *met-
B Lith. mésti ‘throw; 3sg. méta; Latv. mest ‘throw, 3sg. met
OPr. pomests (Ench.) ptc. perf. pass. ‘submissive’; pomettiwingi (Ench.) Npl.
m. adj. ‘obedient’
According to LIV (442), verbs with the root *met- ‘abmesser’ (cf. Lith. métai ‘year’)
are limited to Balto-Slavic. The meaning of these verbs is supposed to have developed
through an intermediate step ‘aim. Considering the similarity between the
movements ‘sweep’ and ‘mow; I would rather advocate a connection with Lat. meté
‘mow, harvest’ and W medi ‘reap’.
See also: *metati; *motati
*metati v. (b) ‘throw’ ESSJa XVII 112-115
CS OCS metati, 1sg. meto, sg. mesto, 1sg. metajo
E Ru. metdt’, sg. mecu, 38g. mécet
WwW Cz. metati; Slk. metat; Pl. miotac
S SCr. meétati ‘place, put, throw, 1sg. mécém; Sln. métati, 1sg. mécem
See > *mesti.
*médb f. i (a) ‘copper’ ESSJa XVIII 144-146
CS OCS médb ‘copper
E Ru. med’ ‘copper’; Ukr. mid’‘copper’
Ww Cz. méd’ ‘copper’; Slk. med’ ‘copper’; Pl. miedz ‘copper’; USrb. mjedz ‘ore’ {1};
LSrb. méz ‘copper’
S SCr. mjéd ‘copper, brass’; mjéd m.(0) ‘copper, brass’; Sln. méd ‘ore, metal
(esp. copper and alloys of copper), Gsg. medi; méd m.(o0) ‘ore, metal (esp.
copper and alloys of copper)’; Bulg. med ‘copper’
{1} According to Schuster-Sewc (HEW II: 920), médz ‘copper’ is of Czech origin.
*méxs m. 0 (c) ‘bag (made from skin)’ ESSJa XVIII 156-159, 220-221
CS OCS méxo ‘wine-skin’
E Ru. mex ‘fur, (dial.) bag, Gsg. méxa, Npl. mexd (the plural noun mexi means
‘fur bag, wine-skin’); mesok ‘bag, Gsg. meskd
W Cz. méch ‘bag, net’; misek ‘purse, small bag, Gsg. meskd; Slk. mech ‘bag’; Pl.
miech ‘bag, bellows’; Slnc. mijiex ‘bag, bellows’; USrb. méch ‘bag, bellows’
S SCr. mijeh ‘bellows, wine-skin’, Gsg. mijeha; Cak. mih (Vrg,) ‘bellows, wine-
skin’, Gsg. miha; mih (Novi) ‘bellows, wine-skin’; miéh (Vrg.) ‘bellows, bag-
pipes, Lsg. mééhe; Sln. méh ‘fur, wine-skin, bellows, leather bag, Gsg. méha,
Gsg. mehit; mésak ‘small bellows’; Bulg. mjax ‘bellows, bag made from skin’;
mex ‘bellows, bag made from skin’
310 *méls; *mélbks
BSI. *moisos
B Lith. maisas 4 ‘bag, sack’ {1}; Latv. mdiss ‘bag’
OPr. moasis (EV) ‘bellows’
PIE *moiso-
Cogn. Skt. mesd- m. ‘ram’; Olc. meiss m. ‘basket’; OHG meisa m. ‘pannier’
I feel that we should not attach too much importance to De Vries’s observation that
with respect to Germanic it is unwarranted to start from an original meaning
“Tragkorb aus Fell’ (1962: 382). In fact, the same would apply to the Baltic forms. I
consider the semantic similarity between, for instance, Lith. maisas ‘ein aus Schniiren
gestricktes Heunetz’ (note that the meaning ‘net’ is also attested in Slavic), Olc.
heymeiss ‘hay-sack’ and MoE maiz (dial.) ‘large, light hay-basket’ sufficient evidence
for the etymological identity of the Germanic and the Balto-Slavic forms. Molr.
moais ‘bag, hamper, moaiseog ‘wicker basket’ is doubtless a borrowing from
Germanic.
{1} Friedrich Kurschat’s dictionary (1883) mentions the more specific meaning ‘ein aus
Schniiren gestricktes Heunetz’.
See also: *mé8pkb
*mélp; *mélpks adj. 0 (a) ‘small, little’ ESSJa XVIII 168-170
CS CS méloko ‘small, thir’
E Ru. melyj (dial.) ‘small, little’; mélkij ‘small, little’
WwW Cz. mély (Kott) ‘small, little’; mélky “small, shallow’; Pl. miety (obs.) ‘small,
little’; miatki ‘small, refined; Plb. molé Npl. ‘small, little’
S SCr. méok ‘small, shallow’
PIE *(s)meh,-lo-
Cogn. Gk. pov n. ‘small cattle, goat, sheep’ (Doric also has n); Olr. mil ‘(small)
‘animal’; Go. smals m. ‘small, insignificant’; Olc. smali m. ‘small (live) ‘stock,
sheep’
See > *malo.
*mélp; *méls f. i; m. 0 ESSJa XVIII 162-168
CS OCS méla (Supr.) Gsg. m.(0) ‘lime’
E Ru. mel’ f.(i) ‘sand-bank, shoal’; mel m. ‘chalk’
WwW Cz. mél (SSJC) f.(i) ‘spit’; mél (Jg.) f.73) ‘pebble, dust, shoal’; mél (Kott) f.(i)
‘loose earth, powder, pebble’; OCz. mél m.(i) ‘shoal, sand-bank, fodder’; Pl.
mial, miet (dial.) m. ‘dust, chalk, muddy water, fine powder’; OPI. miel f.(i)
‘sand-bank’;; miat m. ‘finely ground substance’
S SCr. mélj (Cak.), Gsg. mélja m.(jo) ‘fine sand’; mél (Cak.) m. ‘dust, powder’
Gsg. mela; Sln. mélj m.(jo) ‘sand-bank’
BSI. *(s)meél-i-
B Lith. smélis m.(io) 2 ‘sand’ (also Standard Lithuanian is smélys 4); Latv.
smélis m.(io) ‘fine sand’ {1}
*mé€niti I 311
PIE *mélH-i-
Cogn. Olc. melr (dial.) m. ‘sand-bank’; Sw. mjdg (dial.) m. ‘sand-hill, high
riverbank’; Sw. smula m. ‘chunk’; Nw. smola (dial.) ‘smash’; Nw. smol (dial.)
m. ‘dust’ {2}
The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root *melH- ‘to grind’,
the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root
noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me (pace Stang
(1.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).
{1} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis
(LKZ) 1/3/4 ‘fine sand, gritty earth. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smilts
and smiltis ‘sand’, however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is
secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). {2} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the
root melH- ‘grind’ preceded by s mobile. Olc. melr and Sw. mjdg (dial.) < *mjalg are mentioned
by Stang in connection with Ru. mel’, etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to
*melha-/melga-. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is
limited to the root.
See also: *melti; *mélb; *méls; *mlins; *moltiti; *mélt; *molb
*ména f. 4 ‘change, exchange’ ESSJa XVII 171-172
CS OCS ména (Supr.) ‘exchange’
E Ru. ména ‘exchange’ {1}
WwW Cz. ména ‘exchange, change’; Pl. miana ‘change’
S SCr. mijéna ‘exchange, change, new moon, metamorphosis’; Cak. mind
(Vrg.) ‘phase of the moon’; SIn. ména ‘exchange, change, phase of the moon’
BSI. *moinat
B Lith. mainas m. ‘exchange’; Latv. maina f. ‘exchange’
PIE *moi-n-
Cogn. Skt. ménd- ‘concubine’; OHG mein adj. ‘false, deceitful’
{1} AP b/c in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 135).
See also: *méniti I
*méniti I v. (c) ‘change, exchange’ ESSJa XVIII 173-174
CS OCS ménito (Supr.) ‘changes’
E Ru. menit’ (dial.) ‘change, exchange’
Ww Cz. méniti ‘exchange, change’; Slk. menit' sa ‘exchange, change’; Pl. mienic¢ sie
‘change colour’
S SCr. mijéniti ‘change’; Sln. meniti ‘change, exchange’, 1sg. menim; Bulg.
menja ‘change, exchange’
BSI. *moin-ei/i-
B Lith. mainyti ‘exchange’, 38g. maino; Latv. mainit ‘exchange’
Derivative of > *ména. The root is *moi-, cf. Skt. mayate ‘exchange, change.
312 *méniti II
*méniti II v. ‘think ESSJa XVII 174-175
CS OCS meéniti ‘suppose, think, reckon, mention; 1sg. ménjo
E ORu. méniti ‘think, suppose, mention, mean, symbolize’
W Cz. miniti ‘think, suppose, intend’; Slk. mienit ‘intend, plan’; Pl. mieni¢
‘think, suppose’
S SCr. mijeniti ‘think, say, remember’; Sln. méniti ‘think, suppose’ 1sg. ménim
Cogn. OHG meinen ‘mea
This formation may be identical with > *méniti I. The original meaning may have
been ‘consequentively present one’s meaning’ (Kluge-Seebold: 551).
*méra f. 4 (a) ‘measure’ ESSJa XVIII 178-181
CS OCS meéra ‘measure’
E Ru. méra ‘measure’
W Cz. mira ‘size, measure, limit’; Slk. miera ‘size, measure, limit’; Pl. miara
‘measure’; USrb. méra ‘measure’
S SCr. mjéra ‘measure, weight’; Cak. mira (Vrg.) ‘measure, 100 liters’; méra
(Orb.) ‘measure, size’; SIn. méra ‘measure, size’
An r-derivative of *meh,- ‘measure; cf. Gk. pitts f. ‘plan, ruse, OE mééd f. ‘measure’.
See also: *mériti
*mériti v. (a) ‘measure’ ESSJa XVIII 183-185
CS OCS mériti ‘measure; isg. mérjo
E Ru. mérit’ ‘measure’
WwW Cz. mériti ‘measure, judge’; miriti ‘aim at, try’; Slk. mierit ‘aim at, compare’;
Pl. mierzy¢ ‘measure, judge, aim at’
S SCr. mjériti ‘measure, weigh’, 1sg. mjérim; Cak. miriti (Vrg.) ‘measure, weigh’
2sg. miris; mériti (Orb.) ‘measure, weigh, 2sg. méris; Sln. mériti ‘measure,
compare, aim at’ 1sg. mérim; Bulg. mérja ‘measure, weigh, aim at’
Cogn. Skt. mimati ‘measure, assign’; Lat. métiri ‘measure’
Denominative verb. See > *méra.
*mésécb m. jo (a) ‘moon, month’ ESSJa XVIII 191-195
CS OCS meéseco ‘moon, month’
E Ru. mésjac ‘month’
Ww Cz. mésic ‘month, moon’; Slk. mesiac ‘month’; Pl. miesigc ‘month’
S SCr. mjéséc ‘month, moon’, Gsg. mjéséca; Cak. miséc (Vrg., Novi) ‘month,
moon, Gsg. miséca; mésec (Novi) ‘moon, month, Gsg. méseca; Sln. mésec
‘month, moon, Gsg. méseca, Gsg. mésca; Bulg. mésec ‘month, moon’
BSI. *mefn-(e)s-
B Lith. ménuo m.(s) 1‘moon, month, Gsg. ménesio; Latv. méness m.(i) ‘moor
OPr. menig (EV) ‘moon’
*mézga 313
PIE *mehin-(e)s-
Cogn. Skt. mds m. ‘moon, month? Gk. pef¢ (Ion.) ‘moon’, Gsg. unvoc; Lat. ménsis
‘month’; Go. mena f.‘moon’; OHG mano f. ‘moon’
PSI. *mésécv apparently reflects *meh,n-s-(e)n-ko-.
*mésiti v. (b) ‘mix, knead’ ESSJa XVIII 119-201
CS OCS mésimo (Supr.) pte. pres. pass. ‘being mixed’
E Ru. mesit’ ‘knead; 1sg. mesu, 38g. mésit
WwW Cz. misiti ‘mix, confuse’; Slk. miesit ‘knead’; Pl. miesi¢ ‘knead’
S SCr. mijésiti ‘knead? 1sg. mijesim; Cak. misiti (Vrg.) ‘knead’, 28g. misis; miesit
(Orb.) ‘knead (dough); 1sg. m‘ésin; Sln. mésiti ‘mix, knead’ 1sg. mésim; Bulg.
mésja ‘mix, knead’
BSL. *mois-ei/i-
B Lith. miésti ‘dilute’; maisyti ‘mix’; Latv. madisit ‘mix’
PIE *moik-
Cogn. Skt. misrdyati ‘mix’; Lat. miscére ‘mix’
*mésto n. 0 (a) ‘place’ ESSJa XVIII 203-206
CS OCS mésto ‘place’
E Ru. mésto ‘place’
Ww Cz. mésto ‘town’; misto ‘place, space’; Slk. miesto ‘place, town’; Pl. miasto
‘town, city’; USrb. meésto ‘city, place’
S SCr. mjésto ‘place, town, city’; Cak. misto (Vrg.) ‘place, town, city’; mésto
(Novi) ‘place, town, city’; mésto (Orb.) ‘place, spot, room, space’; Sln. mésto
‘place, town, city, square’; Bulg. mjdsto ‘place’
As observed by Fraenkel (1: 460), the problem with the connection with Lith. misti
‘feed, live, stay’ is that the acute tone of the root of *mésto is left unexplained. The
same holds for the etymology advocating a f-enlargement of Skt. may- ‘fix, build,
mitd- ‘built, established. To my knowledge, there are no satisfactory alternatives.
*méspkp m. o ‘bag (made from skin)’ ESSJa XVIII 156-159, 220-221
E Ru. mesok ‘bag; Gsg. meska
Ww Cz. misek ‘purse, small bag’
S Sln. méSak ‘small bellows
Diminutive of > *méxo.
*mézga f. 4 (b) ‘sap’ ESSJa XVIII 23-25
E Ru. mezgd (dial.) ‘sap-wood, pulp, membrane, remnants of meat on the
inside of a hide’; ORu. mézga ‘sap, sap-wood, resin’; mjazga ‘sap-wood, resin’
314 *me¢
WwW Cz. miza ‘sap’; mizga (Mor. dial.) ‘sap’; OCz. miezha ‘sap’; miezka ‘sap’; Slk.
miazga ‘sap’; Pl. miazga ‘mass, mash, pulp’; Slnc. mjduzga ‘sap’; USrb. méza
‘sap’; LSrb. mézga ‘sap’
S SCr. mézga ‘sap’; mézgra ‘sap’; SIn. mézga ‘sap’; Bulg. mdzga ‘sap’
Obviously, some forms have been influenced semantically and/or formally by >
*mezdra. The original meaning of the etymon seems to be ‘sap of (trees)’ rather than
‘sap-wood. The connection with MoHG Maische, MHG meisch, OE max-wyrt ‘mash
(in a brewery)’ is not unattractive, but becomes less plausible if the Germanic word
derives from OHG miscen, OE miscian ‘mix. The ESSJa suggests that the root is
*hsmeig"- (> miZati Il, etc.) and adduces Sln. mazéti ‘trickle, méZiti se ‘begin to
contain sap. The seemingly obvious semantic link may be secondary, however.
*me prn. Asg. ‘me’ ESSJa XVIII 232-233
CS OCS me
E Ru. mja
WwW Cz. mé; Pl. mie
S SCr. me
BSL. *mem
OPr. mien (EV)
PIE *hyme-m
Cogn. Skt. mam; Av. mgm (< *hymé-om)
*meknoti v. (a) ‘become soft’ ESSJa XVIII 241-242
CS CS meknoti
E Ru. mjaknut’
Ww Cz. méknouti; Slk. maknut‘make soft, become soft’; Pl. migkngé
S SCr. méknuti; Sln. mékniti, sg. méknem
BSI. *mintk-
B Lith. minkyti ‘knead’; Latv. micit ‘knead, tread’
PIE *m(e)nHk-
Cogn. OE mengan ‘mix’
LIV (438) acknowledges the Balto-Slavic evidence for the presence of a laryngeal in
the root, but prefers to reconstruct *menk- on the basis of Gk. udoow ‘knead’. The
latter verb does not necessarily contain a nasal, however (> *mazati).
See also: *mékpks; *mociti; *moka
*mékpkp adj. 0 (¢) ‘soft’ ESSJa XVII 248-251
CS OCS mekoko
E Ru. mjagkij; mjdgok; ORu. mjakokyi
WwW Cz. mékky; Slk. makky; Pl. miekki
*méti 315
S SCr. mék, f. mekd; Cak. mék (Vrg.), f. mekd, n. méko; mékak (Orb.) ‘soft,
softhearted} f. méhka, n. méhko; Sln. mehdk ‘soft, softhearted’, f. mehka;
méhak ‘soft, softhearted’, f. méhka; mekdk ‘soft, softhearted’, f. mehka; mékak
‘soft, softhearted; f. méhka; Bulg. mek ‘soft, tender’
BSL. *mintk-
B Lith. minksStas ‘soft’; Latv. miksts ‘soft’
PIE *mnHk-
Cogn. OE mengan ‘mix’
See also: *méknoti; *mo¢iti; *moka
*méso n. 0 (c) ‘flesh, meat’ ESSJa XIX 7-11
CS OCS meso
E Ru. mjdso
W Cz. maso; Slk. médso; Pl. migso
S SCr. méso, Npl. mésa; Cak. méso (Vrg.); méso (Novi), Npl. mésa; miéso
(Orbani¢); Sln. mes6; Bulg. mesé ‘flesh, meat, (pl.) body’
BSI. *méns; *ménsar
B Lith. mésa f. 4; mensa (S. Zem.) f.; Latv. miesa f.
OPr. menso (EV ); mensd (Ench.)
PIE *méms-om
Cogn. Skt. mamsd- (RV+) n.; Skt. mah (RV) n.; Go. mimz n.
See Derksen 1998 for a discussion of the Baltic evidence. Lith. mésd is sometimes
regarded as a borrowing from Slavic, but in my opinion this assumption is
unjustified.
*mesti v. ‘stir, trouble’ ESSJa XIX 12-13
CS OCS mesti ‘trouble, disturb; 1sg. meto
E Ru. mjasti (obs.) ‘trouble, disturb; 1sg. mjatu, 38g. mjatéet
WwW Cz. masti ‘confuse, sg. matu; OCz. miesti ‘confuse’, 1sg. matu; Slk. miast
‘confuse’
S SCr. mésti ‘disturb, mix, stir, 1sg. métém; Sln. mésti ‘disturb, churn; 1sg.
métem
BSI. *ment-
B Lith. mésti ‘mix, 3sg. meficia
PIE *mentH-
Cogn. Skt. manthati ‘whirl, rub’
See also: *motiti
*meéeti v. ‘compress, crumple, scutch’ ESSJa XIX 18-19
CS CS meti ‘compress; 1sg. mong
E Ru. mjat’ ‘work up, knead, crumple, scutch; isg. mnt, 3sg. mnét
316 *mezdra; *mezdro
WwW OCz. mieti ‘rub, knead’, 1sg. mnu; Slk. mat ‘rub, knead’; Pl. migé ‘rumple,
crumple, (dial.) scutch; 1sg. mne
S SIn. méti ‘rub, mince’, isg. manem; Bulg. mana ‘scutch’
BSI. *mint-
B Lith. minti ‘trample, scutch’; Latv. mit ‘trample, scutch.
It is doubtful whether there are any cognates outside Balto-Slavic (cf. LIV: 438).
*mezdra; *mezdro f. a; n. o ‘inner side (of a hide) ESSJa XIX 7-11
CS CS mezdra f. ‘inner side of a rind’
E Ru. mezdra f. ‘inner side (of a hide)’; Ukr. mizdro n. ‘inner side (of a hide)’;
mizdrja f. ‘inner side (of a hide)’
Ww Cz. mdzdra f. ‘pellicle, film, membrane’; Slk. maz(d)ra (dial.) f. ‘membrane
of an egg’; Pl. miezdra (dial.) f. ‘membrane’; OPI. migzdra f. ‘membrane’;
miezdra f. ‘membrane’
S SCr. mézdra f. ‘pellicle on flesh, membrane, inner side (of a hide)’; Sln.
meézdra f. ‘inner side (of a hide), skin on milk, sap-wood’; mézdro n. ‘sap-
wood, bast’; mézda f. ‘membrane’
PIE *méms-ro-
Cogn. Lat. membrum n. ‘limb’
Possibly a derivative of > *méso.
*migati v. ‘blink ESSJa XIX 26-28
E Ru. migat’ ‘wink, blink, twinkle’
W Cz. mihati ‘shimmer, loom; Slk. migdt ‘move quickly, blink’
S SCr. migati ‘blink, twinkle, move’; Cak. migati (Vrg.) ‘wink’; migati ‘blink,
twinkle, move’; miga (Orb.) 3sg. ‘flash (of lightning)’; Sln. migati ‘blink,
wink, twinkle, swarm (with); 1sg. migam; Bulg. migam ‘blink, wink, flicker’
BSI. *meig-
B Lith. miegoti ‘sleep’
OPr. meicte ‘sleep’
PIE *hsmeigh-
See also: *migp; *mpgla; *mpga; *miglb; *mpgnoti; *mbZa; *mpZati I; *mpZati H; *mpZiti I;
*mpZiti II
*migb m.o (c) ‘blink, moment’ ESSJa XIX 30-31
E Ru. mig ‘blink, moment, Gsg. miga
W Cz. mih ‘wink, twinkle, moment; Slk. mih ‘wink, twinkle, moment’
S SCr. mig ‘moment, gesture, Gsg. miga; Sln. mig ‘moment, wink’; Bulg. mig
‘moment’
BSI. *meigos
B Lith. miégas 4 ‘sleep’; Latv. miegs ‘sleep’
*mimo 317
PIE *hsmeigh-
Cogn. Skt. meghd- (RV) m. ‘cloud, gloomy weather’
For a discussion about the relationship between this root and the root of *hsmig'-leh,
see > *mogld.
*mijati v. ‘pass’ ESSJa XIX 31
WwW Cz. mijeti ‘pass’; OCz. mijéti ‘pass’; Pl. mijad ‘pass’; Slnc. mjijac ‘pass’
PIE *mei-
Cogn. Lat. medre ‘go, pass’
See also: *mimo; *minovati; *minoti
*mikati v. ESSJa XIX 31-32
E Ru. mika?’ (dial.) ‘stuff (a bagy
WwW Cz. mikati ‘move abruptly’; Slk. mikat ‘move abruptly, wave’; USrb. mikaé
‘blink’; LSrb. mikas ‘blink, wink, twinkle’
S Sln. mikati ‘make jerky movements, pluck, bite, hackle} isg. mikam, 1sg.
micem
PIE *meik-
Cogn. Lat. micdre ‘tremble, move quickly, sparkle’
See also: *mp¢pta; *mpcptb
*mil» adj. 0 (a) ‘sweet, dear’ ESSJa XIX 46-48
CS OCS milo ‘pitiable’
E Ru. milyj ‘sweet, dear’
WwW Cz. mily ‘sweet, dear’; Slk. mily ‘sweet, dear’; Pl. mily ‘sweet, dear’
S SCr. mio ‘sweet, dear, sympathetic’; Cak. mili (Vrg.) ‘dear’; mio ‘sweet, dear,
sympathetic’; mili (Vrg.) ‘dear’; mili (Orb.) ‘dear (only in religious contexts);
Sln. mit ‘sympathetic, kind?’ f. mila; Bulg. mil ‘sweet, dear’
BSI. *m(e)iflos
B Lith. mielas 3; mylas (Zem.) ‘nice, sweet, dear’; Latv. mils ‘nice, sweet, dear’
OPr. mijls ‘sweet, dear’
PIE *m(e)iH-lo-
Cogn. Lat. mitis ‘soft (of taste)’
See also: *mirb
*mimo adv./prep. ‘by, past’ ESSJa XIX 50
CS OCS mimo adv. ‘by, past’
E Ru. mimo ‘by, past’
WwW Cz. mimo prep. ‘by, past, besides, despite’; mimo ‘by, past, besides, despite’;
Slk. mimo ‘besides, notwithstanding’; Pl. mimo ‘despite, past by’
318 *minovati
S SCr. mimo ‘by, past, besides, through’; Sln. mimo ‘by, past, besides’; mimo ‘by,
past, besides’
Derivative of > *mijati.
*minovati v. ‘pass’ ESSJa XIX 51-52
CS OCS minovati (Supr.), 1sg. minujo
E Ru. minovat’, sg. miniju
W Cz. minovati; Pl. minowaé
S SCr. minovati; Sln. minovati, 1sg. mintijem; Bulg. mindvam
See > *minoti.
*minoti v. ‘pass’ ESSJa XIX 52-53
CS OCS minoti, sg. mino
E Ru. minut’
Ww Cz. minouti; Slk. minut; Pl. mingé
S SCr. minuti; SIn. miniti, 1sg. minem
Verb in *-noti, based on the same root as > *mijati.
See also: *mimo; *minovati
*mirb m. 0 (c) ‘peace, world’ ESSJa XIX 55-57
CS OCS miro
E Ru. mir
Ww Cz. mir; Slk. mier ‘peace’; Pl. mir ‘peace’
S SCr. mir, Gsg. mira; Cak. mir (Vrg., Orb.) ‘peace’, Gsg. mira; SIn. mir ‘peace’
Gsg. mira, Gsg. mira; Bulg. mir ‘peace, (obs.) world’
BSI. *meitros
B Lith. mieras (OLith.) ‘peace’; Latv. miérs ‘peace’
PIE *meiH-ro-
Cogn. Lat. mitis ‘soft (of taste)’
See also: *milb
*mité adv. ‘in turn, alternately’ ESSJa XIX 59
CS OCS mité (Supr.) ‘in turn, alternately’
S SCr. mice (dial.) ‘in turn, alternately’; Bulg. mito (dial.) ‘irregularly’
PIE *meiths-
Cogn. Skt. mithds (RV+) adv. ‘mutually, alternately’; Lat. miituus adj. ‘mutual’; Go.
misso adv. ‘alternately’
See also: *mitusp; *mitva; *mpstb; *mpsta
mocb 319
*mitusb adv. ‘opposite one another, criss-cross’ ESSJa XIX 60-61
CS RuCS mituso ‘opposite one another, criss-cross’
E ORu. mitusv ‘opposite one another, criss-cross; Ukr. mytus’ ‘with their
heads in opposite directions’; mytus’ (dial.) ‘inopportunely’
WwW Pl. mitus (dial.) ‘across, criss-cross, the other way round’
PIE *meitha-u-
Cogn. Skt. mithund- adj. ‘paired’; Av. mi@Bana- adj. ‘paired’; Av. miOBara- adj.
‘paired’; Lat. mituus adj. ‘mutual’
See also: *mité; *mitva; *mpstp; *mpsta
*mitva f. 4 ESSJa XIX 61
WwW Cz. mitvy (dial.) adv. ‘in turn, alternately’
See > *mituso.
*mizati; *mpzéti v. ESSJa XIX 63; XXI 179
S SCr. miZati ‘urinate’ {1}; Sln. mazéti ‘flow, trickle, drip, 1sg. mazim; mzéti
‘flow, trickle, drip’ 1sg. mzim
BSI. *m(e)iz-
B Lith. my2ti ‘urinate’; Latv. mizt ‘urinate’
PIE *hsmeigh-
Cogn. Gk. dpetyw ‘urinate’
{i} In view of *moZati ‘drizzle’, etc., I do not agree with the ESSJa that Bel. mizdé ‘drizzle’
doubtless belongs here.
*mlin’ m. o ‘pancake’ ESSJa XIX 67-68
CS CS mlino ‘placenta’; RuCS mlino ‘pancake’
E Ru. blin ‘pancake’; ORu. mlino ‘pancake’; Ukr. mlin ‘pancake’
W LSrb. mlin (dial.) ‘pancake’
S Bulg. mlin ‘pastry’
Derivative in *-ino. For the root, see > *melti.
*moca; *mocs f. ja; m. jo ‘wetness, puddle, urine’ ESSJa XIX 69-71
CS CS moéa f.(ja) ‘puddle’
E Ru. mocéé f.(ja) ‘urine’
WwW Cz. moé f.(i)/m.(jo) ‘urine (Jg., Kott) wetness, dampness’; Slk. moé m.(jo)
‘urine’; Pl. mocz m.(jo) ‘urine’; USrb. mo¢é m.(jo) ‘urine’
S SCr. mééa f.(ja) ‘piece of bread dipped in meat sauce’; Cak. mdca (Vrg.)
f.(ja) ‘wet period’; mdca (Orb.) f.(ja) ‘wet, rainy time; period with enough
rain (for the crops)’; Sln. mééa f.(ja) ‘wetness, lasting rain, urine’
Derivatives in *-ja and *-jv, respectively, of the root *mok- (> *mokro), cf. Lith. moké
(dial.) ‘big quagmire’, mokas (dial.) ‘thick mud’.
320 *mociti
See also: *mociti; mokrb
*moéiti v. (b) ‘wet’ ESSJa XIX 144
CS OCS moéiti (Zogr., Mar., Supr.) ‘wet’
E Ru. mocit’ ‘urinate, wet, moisten, 1sg. mocu, 38g. mdcit
W Cz. mociti ‘urinate, wet, moisten’; Slk. mocif ‘urinate, wet, moisten; Pl.
moczy¢ ‘wet, moister”
S SCr. méciti ‘wet, soak’, 1sg. mocim; Cak. mociti (Vrg.) ‘wet, soak, 28g. mdcis;
mocit (Orb.) ‘wet, soak, 3sg. mdci; SlIn. médciti ‘wet, moisten, be moist,
urinate; sg. mécim; mociti ‘urinate’
See > *mokro.
*modla f. a ‘idol’ ESSJa XIX 85-86
WwW Cz. modla ‘idol’; modla (Kott) ‘sculpture, statue, temple’; OCz. modla ‘idol’;
Slk. modla ‘idol’; Pl. modta ‘sacrifice (obs.), prayer, idol’
BSI. *molda?
B Lith. malda ‘prayer
OPr. maddla ‘prayer’
See > *modliti.
*modiiti v. ‘pray’ (b) ESSJa XIX 87-92
CS OCS moliti ‘ask, pray, 1sg. moljo
E Ru. molit’ ‘pray, beseech; 18g. molju, 3sg. molit
WwW Cz. modliti se ‘pray’; Slk. modlit sa ‘pray’; Pl. modlic¢ ‘pray’
S SCr. moliti ‘pray, ask, 1sg. mélim; Cak. moliti (Vrg.) ‘pray, ask’, 28g. molis;
molit (Orb.) ‘pray, beg’ 1sg. mélin; Sln. modliti (OSIn., dial.) ‘pray’; moliti
‘pray (for), wish, 1sg. mélim
BSI. *mold-
B Lith. melsti ‘ask, implore, pray, 38g. meldzia; maldyti ‘implore’
PIE *mold*-
Cogn. Hitt. maldi-/mald- ‘recite, make a vow; OS meld6n ‘report, tell’
Various explanations have been presented for the apparent metathesis, like the
presence of an /-suffix or reasons of taboo. Apart from the fact that the development
must have preceded the general metathesis of liquids the matter remains unclear.
See also: *modla
*modrp adj. o ‘blue’ ESSJa XIX, 101-104
CS CS modro
WwW Cz. modry; Slk. modry; Pl. modry; SInc. medri; USrb. médry
S SCr. médar, f. médra, n. médro; modar (Croat.), f. modra, n. modro; Sln.
modar, f. médra
*mogtb 321
Machek (1949) has connected *modro with Hitt. antara- ‘blue’; which requires that
the latter etymon has an < *am-. In view of Winter’s law, we would have to
reconstruct *mod"ro- for Slavic and a zero grade *md"ro- for Hittite.
*mogti v. (b) ‘be able’ ESSJa XIX 107-111
CS OCS mosti, 1sg. mogo, 38g. mozeto
E Ru. moe’, sg. mogu, 38g. mézet
Ww Cz. moci, isg. mohu, 38g. muzZe; Slk. méct, sg. mdzem; Pl. moc, 1sg. moge, 38g.
moze
S SCr. moéi, 18g. mogu, 38g. mdzZé; Cak. mdci (Vrg.), 1sg. mégu, 38g. moze; Moe
rye ¢
(Orb.), 1sg. mdren; Sln. méci ‘be able, must} 1sg. mérem, 1sg. morem; Bulg.
moga ‘be able, be allowed’
BSL. *mog-
B Lith. magéti ‘please, interest, 3sg. mdga (usually in impersonal
constructions)
OPr. massi ‘be able {1}
PIE —*mog"-
Cogn. Skt. maghd- m. ‘power, wealth, gift’; Go. mag 3sg. ‘has power, is able’; Olc.
mega ‘be able’, 38g. md; OHG magan, mugan ‘be able’
The generally accepted apophonic relationship between Slavic *mogti, Lith. magéti,
etc., on the one hand and mégti ‘love, like; Latv. mégt ‘be able, be accustomed to’ on
the other cannot be maintained if one adheres to the view that the lengthened grade
yielded a Balto-Slavic circumflex. The acute of the latter verbs may be due to
Winter’s law (*himeg- if cognate with Gk. nepuyptextéw ‘be aggrieved, chafe’). The o-
vocalism of magéti and the Slavic and the Germanic forms points to an old perfect.
For the semantic development ‘to be able’ > ‘to like’, cf. Go. mag vs. MoHG mégen. As
Pokorny remarks himself, his reconstruction *mag'-, mag'- is entirely based on the
presumed connection of the aforementioned forms with Gk. unyavr ‘means,
instrument; ufxo¢ ‘instrument, apparatus, Dor. udaydava, uayoc, which was rejected
by Endzelins (1931: 183), Fraenkel (1951: 168), Stang (1972: 37) a.o. for various reasons
(cf. ESSJa X: 110) but nevertheless reappears in Lehmann 1986 (239).
{1} The scholarly community is divided with respect to the question whether massi is a
borrowing from Slavic (viz. Polish moze) or a genuine Prussian form (see Maziulis PKEZ III:
114 for the relevant literature).
*mégtp f. i (c) ‘power’ ESSJa XIX 111-113
CS OCS mosto (Euch., Supr.) ‘power’
E Ru. moe’ ‘power, might
WwW Cz. moc ‘ability, influence, power’; Slk. moc ‘ability, influence, power’; Pl. moc
‘power, strength’
S SCr. méé ‘power’; Cak. m“6é ‘power, strength’; SIn. méé ‘power, strength’, Gsg.
moci; Bulg. most ‘power, strength’
PIE *mogh-ti-
322 *mojb
Cogn. Go. mahts f. ‘power, might’
See also: *mogti
*mojb prn. ‘my’ ESSJa XIX 126-128
CS OCS moi, f. moja, n. moje
E Ru. moj, f. moja, n. moé
WwW Cz. muj; Slk. méj; Pl. moj
S SCr. mj, f. mdja, n. moje; Cak. mdj, f. moja, n. mojé; m“6j, f. moja, n. moje;
SIn. mdj; Bulg. moj
BSI. *mojos
B OPr. mais, f. maia
PIE *hmo-io-
Cogn. Lat. meus
*mokrs adj. o (b?) ‘wet, damp’ ESSJa XIX 144
CS OCS mokroi (Supr.) ‘wet’
E Ru. mokryj ‘wet, damp’; mokr ‘wet, damp, f. mokrd, n. mokro {1}
WwW Cz. mokry ‘wet, damp’; Slk. mokry ‘wet, damp’; Pl. mokry ‘wet, damp’
S SCr. mékar ‘wet, damp, f. mékra; mokar ‘wet, damp’, f. mokra; Cak. mokar
(Vrg.) ‘wet, damp’ f. mokrd, n. mokro; mokar (Orb.) ‘wet, f. mékra, n. mékro;
Sln. mékar ‘wet, damp; f. mokra; Bulg. mokdr ‘wet’
BSI. *mok-
B Lith. makéneé f.(é) ‘mud’
Cogn. Arm. mér‘mud’
{1} AP (b) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 136).
See also: *moéa; *mocp; *mociti
*moldenbcp m. jo ‘infant, child, youth’ ESSJa XIX 151-153
CS OCS mladenvco ‘infant’; mladénoco ‘infant’; mladvnvce ‘infant’ {1}
E Ru. mladénec ‘infant’
W Cz. mlddenec (arch., dial.) ‘child, youth, adolescent’; Slk. mlddenec ‘youth,
unmarried young man’; Pl. mlodzieniec ‘youth
S SCr. mlddjenac ‘infant, child, youth’; SIn. mladénac ‘youth’
BSL. *maldenikos
OPr. maldenikis ‘child’
Derivative of > *mdldo.
{1} The variant mladenecb may have adopted the first jer from mladons, which in OCS is
limited to Supr.
See also: *moldpnb
*moltb 323
*méld> adj. 0 (c) ‘young’ ESSJa XIX 174-179
CS OCS mlado
E Ru. molod6j
Ww Cz. mlady; Slk. mlady; Pl. mtody
S SCr. mldd, f. mldda; Cak. mlad (Vrg.), f£. mlddd, n. mlado; mlat (Orb,), f.
mldda, f. mlada, n. mlddo; Sin. mlad, f. mldda; Bulg. mlad
BSI. *mol?dos
OPr. maldai Npl. ‘boy’
PIE *mld-u-
Cogn. Skt. mrdu- ‘soft, tender’; Lat. mollis ‘soft
See also: *moldenncp; *moldpnb
*moldpn® adj. 0 ‘young’ ESSJa XIX 184-185
CS OCS mladono (Supr.) ‘children’s’
Ww OCz. mladny ‘young’; USrb. mlddny ‘young, fresh, blooming’
S SCr. mlddan (RSA) ‘young, youthful’; mladan (RSA) ‘young, youthful’; SIn.
mlddan ‘soft, f. mladna
Derivative of > *méldo.
See also: *moldennbcb
*molp m. jo ‘moth’ ESSJa XIX 203-205
CS CS molv; mol
E Ru. mol’ f.()
W Cz. mol m.(o) ‘moth, scab’; Slk. mol} Pl. mol, Gsg. mola
S SCr. mélj, Gsg. molja; SIn. molj, Gsg. mélja
PIE *molH-(i)o-
Cogn. Go. malo n.; Olc. mglrn.
See also: *melti; *mélb; *méls; *mlin»; *moltiti; *moltb; *molb
*moltiti v. (b) ‘beat, thresh’ ESSJa XIX 192-194
CS OCS ‘beat, thresh’; CS mlatiti ‘beat’
E Ru. molotit’ ‘thresh, 1sg. molocu, 38g. molotit
W Cz. mlatiti ‘thresh, beat’; Slk. mldtif ‘thresh, beat’; Pl. midécié ‘thresh’; USrb.
mtocié ‘thresh’
S SCr. mlatiti ‘thresh, beat, 1sg. mlatim,; Cak. mlatiti (Vrg.) ‘thresh, beat’, 28g.
mlatis; mlatit (Orb.) ‘thresh, beat’ 3sg. mati; SIn. mldtiti ‘thresh, 1sg. mlatim;
Bulg. mlatja ‘beat’
See > *molto.
*moltb m. 0 (b/c) ‘hammer’ ESSJa XIX 197-199
CS OCS mlato (Supr.) ‘hammer’
324 *monisto
E Ru. molot ‘hammer’
WwW Cz. mlat ‘hammer’; Slk. mlat ‘(big) hammer’; Pl. mfot ‘hammer’; miot (obs.)
‘hammer’; SInc. mlvet ‘sledgehammer’; USrb. miot ‘hammer’
S SCr. mlat ‘big hammer, flail’; Gsg. mldta; mldt (Pos.) ‘hammer(?)’; Cak. mlat
(Vrg.) ‘big hammer, flail} Gsg. mldta; mlat (Novi) ‘big hammer, flail’ Gsg.
mldta; Sln. mldt ‘hammer’
PIE *molH-to-
Cogn. Lat. malleus m. ‘hammer’
Traces of AP (b) are sparse in this etymon. Nikolaev (1989: 54, 89) mentions mot,
Gsg. mtota in a archaic dialect of Upper Sorbian, mlat, Isg. mldtom in a grammar of a
Posavian variant of Serbo-Croatian, and a number of end-stressed froms from
Belorussian and NW Russian dialects. Since there are no neuter variants (cf. >
*kélto, where the evidence for AP (b) is much stronger), we might posit an original
masculine o-stem, which become mobile as a result of Illi¢-Svitye’s law. In that case
the accentuation of moltiti could simply reflect the original state of affairs.
See also: *melti; *mélb; *mélt; *mlins; *moltiti; *molp
*monisto n. 0 ‘necklace’ ESSJa XIX 209-211
CS OCS monisto (Euch.) ‘necklace’
E Ru. monisto ‘necklace’
S SCr. monisto (eccl.) ‘necklace’; Bulg. manisto ‘necklace, beads’
PIE *mon(H )-i-
Cogn. Skt. mani- (RV+) n. ‘necklace’; Lat. monile n. ‘necklace’; OHG menni n.
‘necklace’
*mora f. a ‘nightly spirit, nightmare’ ESSJa XIX 211-214
CS SerbCS mora ‘sorceress’
E Ru. mora (dial.) m./f. ‘mythological female creature, ghost, darkness’ {1};
Ukr. mora (dial.) ‘nightmare, house-spirit’
Ww Cz. mura ‘nightmare, mythological creature that suffocates people in their
sleep, moth’ {2}; Slk. mora, mura ‘demonical mythological creature that
torments people in their sleep’; Pl. mora (dial.) ‘nightly spirit that attacks
people and horses in their sleep, nightly apparition, nightmare’; SInc. muord
(dial.) ‘nightmare, its female personification”
Ss SCr. mora ‘nightmare’ {3}; Cak. Mord (Orb.) ‘[personified] nightmare,
female phantom (appears early in the morning, walks with the sound of a
cat tripping); Sln. mora ‘nightmare, ow!’ {4}; Bulg. mora ‘nightmare’
PIE *mor-ehp
Cogn. Olc. mara f. ‘nightmare’; OE mare f. ‘nightmare’; Olr. mor-rigain f. ‘goddess
of the battlefield, female demon’ (see LEIA M-64/65).
The image of a (female) ghost who induces nightmares is apparently common to
Slavic, Germanic and, possibly, Celtic. The root of this creature’s name is unclear.
*morky 325
Pokorny assumes a connection with *mer- ‘aufreiben, reiben; packen, rauben’, which
is not entirely convincing. For a discussion of the relationship between *mora and
*mara, see 8.V. *mara.
{1} The noun also occurs in kikimora m./f. ‘house-sprite that spins at night’ {2} In dialects, we
find a variant mora. {3} The folkloristic belief that the mora is an evil female creature (witch,
sorceress) is mentioned in Karadzi¢’s dictionary (cf. the form from Orb.). {4} There is a variant
m6ra ‘nightmare, house-spirit, creature that at night suffocates people in their sleep and harms
animals’ (Slovar slovenskega knjiznega jezika II: 238.
See also: *maxati; *majati; *mavati; *mamiti; *maniti; *mam»; *manoti; *mara; *matati
*more n. jo (c) ‘sea’ ESSJa XIX 227-230
CS OCS morje n.(jo)
E Ru. more n.(jo), Npl. morja
Ww Cz. more n.(jo); Slk. more n.(jo); Pl. morze n.(jo)
S SCr. more n.(jo); Cak. (Vrg.) mére n.(jo); (Orb.) m“ére n.(jo); SIn. morjé
n.(jo); m6rje n.(jo); Bulg. moré n.(nt)
BSI. *morjo; *morjar
B Lith. mdrios Npl. f. ‘sea, isthmus’
PIE *mor-i-
Cogn. Lat. mare n.; Olr. muir n.; Go. marei f.
*mérks m. o (¢) ‘darkness’ ESSJa XIX 234-236
CS OCS mrako ‘darkness’
E Ru. morok (dial.) ‘darkness, cloud, fog’
WwW Cz. mrak ‘darkness, twilight, cloud’; Slk. mrak ‘big (dark) cloud, twilight,
crowd’; Pl. mrok ‘twilight, shadow, darkness’
S SCr. mrak ‘darkness, Gsg. mraka; Cak. mrak (Vrg.) ‘darkness, Gsg. mraka;
mrdk (Novi) ‘darkness’; SIn. mrak ‘twilight, Gsg. mrdka, Gsg. mraki; Bulg.
mrak ‘darkness’
BSI. *mortk-
B Lith. mérkti ‘close one’s eyes’
PIE *morHk-6-
Cogn. Go. maurgins m.‘morning’
See also: *mprknoti; *mprks I; *morks II
*morky f. 0 ESSJa XIX 234
E Ukr. morokva (dial.) f.(a) ‘quagmire, swamp’
B Lith. me?kti ‘wet, moisten (flax, linen)’; Latv. mérkt ‘wet, moisten, strike’
PIE *mork-
Cogn. Gaul. mercasius m. ‘swamp’; MHG meren ‘dip bread into water or wine’
326 *morvi
*morvi f. i‘ant’ ESSJa XIX 246-249
CS CS mravii f.(ia)
E Ru. muravéj m.(io), Gsg. murav’jd; ORu. morovej m.(io); moravej m.(io);
muravej m.(io); Ukr. muravyj m.(io)
WwW Pl. mrowka f.(a)
Ss SCr. mrav m.(0), Gsg. mrava; Cak. mrav m.(o), Gsg. mrava; mrav (Novi)
m.(0); Sln. mrav f£.(i); mrdv m.(0); mravija f.(ja); Bulg. mravka f.(a)
PIE *moru-iH-
Cogn. Av. maoiri- f£.; OIr. moirb f.
*morb m.o ‘plague’ ESSJa XIX 250-251
CS OCS more (Mar., Zogr., En.)
E Ru. mor
W Cz. mor; Slk. mor; Pl. mér
S SCr. m6r ‘death; plague’; SIn. mor ‘death, plague’ Gsg. méra; Bulg. mor
BSL. *moros
B Lith. madras
PIE *mor-o-
Cogn. Skt. pramard- (RV) m. ‘death
See also: *merti; *mprtvb; *sbmprtb
*morzb m. 0 (a) ‘frost’ ESSJa XX 10-14
CS OCS mraze (Euch., Supr.)
E Ru. mor6z
Ww Cz. mraz; Slk. mraz; Pl. mr6z, Gsg. mrozu; Slnc. marz, Gsg. marzu; mréuz,
Gsg. mru#ezu; USrb. mréz, Gsg. mréza, Gsg. mrézu
Ss SCr. mraz, Gsg. mraza; Cak. mraz (Vrg.), Gsg. mrdza; mraz (Novi); mrds
(Orb.) ‘hoarfrost, frost; Gsg. mrdza; SIn. mrdz ‘cold, frost, hoarfrost’; Bulg.
mraz
Cogn. Alb. mardhé f. ‘frost’
Possibly an example of Winter’s law, in which case we must reconstruct *morg-o-.
See also: *mprzéti; *mprziti; *mprznoti
*méstb m. 0 (c) ‘bridge’ ESSJa XX 30-35
CS OCS mosto (Supr.)
E Ru. most, Gsg. mosta, Gsg. mostd {1}
Ww Cz. most; Slk. most; Pl. most; USrb. most, Gsg. mosta, Gsg. mostu
S SCr. mést, Gsg. mdsta; Cak. mést (Vrg.), Gsg. mdsta; mést (Novi), Gsg.
mosta; m“6s (Orb.), Gsg. mdsta; SIn. mést, Gsg. mésta, Gsg. mostd, Gsg.
mosti; Bulg. most
*motyka 327
PIE *masd-to-?
Cogn. Lat. mdalus m. ‘mast, pole’; OHG mast m. ‘mast’
{1} AP (c) in Old Russian (see Zaliznjak 1985: 137)
*mospna f. 4 ‘small bag, purse’ ESSJa XX 37-39
CS OCS mosoena (Zogr., Mar.) ‘small bag, scrip’
E Ru. mosnd ‘pouch, purse’
WwW Cz. mosna ‘purse’; Slk. mosna ‘pocket’; Pl. moszna ‘purse, pocket, scrotum’
S SCr. mosnja ‘purse, scrotum’; Cak. mdsnja (Orb.) ‘pod, seedcase’; SIn. mésnja
‘purse, scrotun’
BSI. *maks(i)na?
B Lith. maksna ‘case’
OPr. dantimax ‘gums’
PIE *mak-s-in-ehz
Cogn. OHG mago m. ‘stomach’
*motati v. ‘wind’ ESSJa XX 44-47
E Ru. motdt’ ‘reel, wind’; ORu. motati ‘tire, worry’
W Cz. motati ‘wind’; Slk. motat‘wind’; Pl. motaé ‘reel, wind’
S SCr. motati ‘revolve, wind, move, throw, 1sg. motam; Cak. motdti (Vrg.)
‘revolve’, 28g. mdtas; motdt (Orb.) ‘wind (up), roll up; 1sg. motdn; Sln. motati
‘wind, unwind} 1sg. motdm; Bulg. motdja ‘wind’
See also: *mesti; *metati
*motriti v. look at, watch’ ESSJa XX 65-67
CS CS motriti look at, 1sg. mostrjg
E Ru. motrit’ (dial.) ‘look at, watch’
S SCr. motriti ‘look at, watch, 1sg. motrim; Sln. métriti ‘look at, watch’, 1sg.
motrim
BSI. *mot(r)-
B Lith. matyti ‘look at, watch’
For the *-r-, cf. Lith. matrus ‘sharp-sighted, vigilant.
*motyka f. 4 ‘hoe’ ESSJa XX 79-82
CS OCS motyky (Supr.) Apl.
E Ru. motyga
WwW Cz. motyka; Slk. motyka; Pl. motyka
S SCr. motiska; Cak. motika (Vrg.); SIn. motika; Bulg. motika
PIE *mot-
Cogn. Skt. matyd- (AV+) m. ‘agricultural device, harrow(?)’; Lat. mateola f. ‘hoe,
grip of a hoe’; OE mattoc m. ‘hoe’
328 *m6zgb
*m6zgb m. 0 (c) ‘marrow, brain’ ESSJa XX 94-97
CS CS mozgo ‘marrow
E Ru. mozg ‘brain, marrow’
W Cz. mozek ‘brain’; OCz. mozk ‘brain, marrow’; Slk. mozog ‘brain’; Pl. mézg
‘brain, Gsg. mdzgu
S SCr. mézak ‘brain, (Dubr.) marrow, Gsg. mdzga; Cak. mézak (Vrg.) ‘brain,
Gsg. mdska; mézak (Orb.) ‘brain, Npl. mézgi; SlIn. mézg ‘marrow, (pl.) brain’;
mé6zag ‘marrow, (pl.) brain’; mézak ‘marrow, (pl.) brain’; Bulg. mdézak ‘brain’
BSI. *mozg-o-
B Lith. smégenys Npl. m. ‘brain’
OPr. musgeno ‘marrow’
PIE *mosgt-o-
Cogn. Av. mazga- m. ‘brain, marrow; Olc. mergr m. ‘marrow’
See also: *mozdzanbjp; *mozdzenp; *mozdzeno
*mozdZanb adj. 0 ESSJa XX 104-105
CS OCS moZzdano (Ps. Sin.) ‘full of marrow’
S SCr. mozdani ‘cerebral’; mézdan ‘cerebral, (arch., dial.) wise’; moZdani (Vuk:
Dubr.) Npl. ‘brain’; SIn. moZddni Npl. ‘brain, mind’; moZdzdni Npl. ‘brain,
mind’; mozgdni Npl. ‘brain, mind’
Derivative in *-éno of > *médzgo.
*mozdzens; *mozdzZeno m. i?; n 0 ‘brain’ ESSJa XX 105-106
CS RuCS moZdeni m.(i?) ‘brains’
WwW Plb. miizdin m.(i?) ‘brain’; miizdenii n. ‘brain’
S SCr. mozdena (dial.) Npl. n. ‘brain’
BSI. *mozg-en-
B Lith. smégenys Npl. ‘brain’
OPr. musgeno ‘marrow’
PIE *mosgt-en-
Cogn. Skt. majjdn- (RV+) m. ‘marrow’
See also: *m6zgp; *mozdzanb
*mociti v. (a) ‘torment, torture’ ESSJa XX 151-117
CS OCS mo¢éiti ‘torment, torture’, isg. moco
E Ru. mucit’ ‘torment, harrass, worry’
W Cz. muciti ‘torment, torture’; Slk. mucit ‘torment, torture’; Pl. meczyé
‘torment, torture’
S SCr. miciti ‘torment, worry, sg. micim; Cak. miiciti (Vrg.) ‘torment, worry,
2asg. micis; Sln. muciti ‘torment, torture, 1sg. mucim; mociti ‘torment,
gy ic
torture’; Bulg. maca ‘torment, torture’
*motiti 329
BSL. *montk-
B Lith. mdnkyti ‘knead, crumple, press’
PIE *monHk-
See also: *méknoti; *mékpks; *moka
*mddrb adj. 0 (b) ‘wise’ ESSJa XX 130-133
CS OCS modro
Ru. mudryj
E
WwW Cz. moudry; Slk. mudry; Pl. madry
S SCr. miidar, f. mudra; Cak. midar (Vrg.), f. midrd, n. midro; miidar (Orb,),
f. miidra; Sln. médar, f. médra; Bulg. maddar
BSI. *mondros
B Lith. mandras 4 ‘cheerful, lively’; mandrus 4 ‘cheerful, lively’; Latv. muddrs
Ay ¢
‘cheerful, lively, alert, vigorous’; mudzs ‘cheerful, lively, alert, vigorous’
PIE *mon-d"h,-ro-
Cogn. OHG muntar ‘ardent, cheerful
Cf. also Skt. medha- (RV+) f. ‘mental power, wisdom, intelligence’; Av. mazda f.
‘wisdom’ < *mns- d*eh,-.
*moka f. 4 (a) ‘torment, torture’ ESSJa XX 136-138
CS OCS moka ‘torment, torture, instrument of torture’
E Ru. mika ‘torment, torture’
W Cz. muka ‘torment, torture’; SIk. muka ‘torment, torture’; Pl. meka ‘torment,
torture’
S SCr. milka ‘torment, torture’; Cak. mitka (Vrg., Orb.) ‘pain, torment’; SIn.
muka ‘torment, torture’; mdka ‘torment, torture’; Bulg. maka ‘torment,
torture, pain, hell’
See > *meknoti; *mékoko.
*moka f. 4 (b) ‘flour’ ESSJa XX 135-136
CS OCS moka (Zogr., Mar., Ass., Sav.)
E Ru. muka
Ww Cz. mouka; Slk. muka; Pl. mgka
S SCr. mika; Cak. mikd (Vrg., Novi, Hvar); moka (Orb.), Asg. m“ok6; SIn.
moka
Since the root of this noun is clearly non-acute (*monk-), the generally assumed
connection with > *méknoti ‘go soft; etc., is problematic.
*m0titi v. ‘stir, trouble ESSJa XX 142-145
CS OCS motiti (Ps. Sin., Supr.) ‘disquiet’
E Ru. mutit’ ‘trouble, stir up, sg. mucu, 38g. mutit
330 *moip
WwW Cz. moutiti (obs.) ‘make cloudy, grieve, worry’ (the SSJC gives the variants
mutiti and mutiti); moutiti, mutiti (Jg.) ‘grieve, churn, mix, worry’; mutit
(dial.) ‘churn’; OCz. mutiti ‘trouble, grieve, torment’; Slk. mutif ‘trouble,
churn; Pl. mgcié ‘trouble, disturb’
S SCr. mutiti ‘trouble, confuse, 18g. mitim; Cak. matiti (Vrg.) ‘trouble,
confuse, 28g. miitis; m“otit (Orb.) ‘stir, make turbid, muddy, confuse,
entangle, talk smb. into smth.) 3sg. m"6ti; Sln. métiti ‘trouble, stir’, 1sg.
métim; Bulg. mdtja ‘trouble, disturb’
See > *mesti.
*m6zZpb m. jo (c) ‘man, husband’ ESSJa XX 158-161
CS OCS moZb ‘man, husband’
E Ru. muZ ‘husband, (obs.) man’
W Cz. muz ‘man, husband’; Slk. muz ‘man, husband’; Pl. mgz ‘man, husband’,
Gsg. meza
S SCr. miiz ‘husband, (obs.) man, Gsg. miiza; Cak. maiz (Vrg.) ‘husband’ Gsg.
miiza; miiz (Novi) ‘husband’; m“6s (Orb.) ‘husband; Gsg. m"6Za; Sln. méz
‘man, husband, Gsg. mozd; Bulg. maz ‘man, husband’
PIE *mon-gio-
Cogn. Skt. mdnu- (RV+) m. ‘man, mankind’; OHG mann m. ‘man, husband’
For the suffix we may perhaps compare Lith. Zmnogzs ‘mar’ vs. Zmu6.
*muditi v. ‘stay, linger’ ESSJa XX 167-169
CS OCS muditi (Zogr., Ass., Sav., Supr.) ‘stay, linger’, 1sg. muzZdo, 28g. mudisi;
moditi (Zogr.) ‘stay, linger, isg. moZdo, 28g. modisi
S SIn. muditi ‘delay, linger, (m. se) dwell} isg. mudim
Verb containing the o-grade of the root *mud*- (> *modeéti).
See also: *mbdblp; *mbdblbnb
*muxa f. a (a) ‘fly’ ESSJa XX 170-172
CS OCS mucxa (Ps. Sin., Supr.)
E Ru. muxa
WwW Cz. moucha; Slk. mucha; Pl. mucha
S SCr. mitha; Cak. mitha (Vrg., Orb.); muhd (Novi); Sln. muha; Bulg. muxd
B Lith. musé f.(é); musia f.(ja); Latv. miisa f.; musa f.(ja)
OPr. muso
Cogn. Gk. via f. ‘fly’; Lat. musca f. ‘mosquito’; Olc. my n. ‘mosquito’
The root of this etymon apparently contains the o-grade of the within Indo-
European much more widespread zero grade *mus- (> *moxa, *mosica). Moreover,
the accentual evidence for the greater part points to AP (a) and therefore to an acute
*mplati 331
root, cf. CS mysoca ‘mosquito>; ORu. mysca ‘insect, mosquito, Latv. miisa. Perhaps the
root *muHs- is a contamination of *muH- (Olc. my ?) and *mus-.
See also: *m»xa; *mbSica
*mur®b I; *mura m. o; f. 4‘mud, mould’ ESSJa XX 191-192, 195
E Ru. mur (Voron.) ‘mould’; mur6k ‘(Arx.) meadow grass, (Psk.) May’
W Cz. mour ‘coal-dust, soot’
S SCr. mir (RJA, RSA: dial.) ‘drift sand’; SCr. mitra (Vuk: Backa) ‘mud, clay’
BSI. *moutros
B Lith. maurai Npl. 3 ‘duckweed, silt, mud’; Latv. mais ‘grass, law’
See also: *mur» II
*mur? II adj. o ‘dark, with dark streaks or spot’ ESSJa XX 195-196
E Ru. muryj (dial.) ‘reddish brown, reddish grey, having dark streaks or spots
(of animal’s hair or coat)’; Ukr. muryj ‘dark-grey with spots, dark-
complexioned’
S SIn. miir ‘black (of animal’s hair or coat)’
See also: *mur> I; *mura
*muzga; *muzg?> f. 4; m. o ‘pool, mud’ ESSJa XX 2.02-203
CS CS muzga f. ‘pool’
E Ru. muzga (dial.) f. ‘cavity (often filled with water), pool’; muzgd (dial. f.
‘cavity filled with water in the summertime’; ORu. muzgo m. ‘mud’
WwW Pl. muzga (dial.) f. ‘grass of superior quality, grass near water’
S SCr. miizga (Vuk) f. ‘stripe, trail’; SIn. mizga f. ‘tree-sap, silt, mud’; mézga f.
‘batter, quagmire’; Bulg. muzga f. ‘snout of a pig’
PIE *mous-k/g-
Cogn. Lat. miiscus m. ‘marsh’; Nw. musk (dial.) m. ‘dust, drizzle, darkness’
See also: *m»xb; *mzga; *mbzgb; *mpZdZiti
*mBCati v. ESSJa XX 203-204
CS OCS mocimi (Supr.) Npl. ptc. prs. pass. ‘being thrown’
E Ru. méat’ ‘rush, whirl along (tr.); isg. mcu, 38g. mcit
WwW Cz. méeti (Jg., Kott) ‘move, make for’; OCz. méieti ‘pull, carry, drag’
BSI. *muk-
B Lith. mukti ‘come off, flit, stick’; Latv. mukt ‘come off, flee’
PIE *muk-
Cogn. Skt. muicyate ‘be released’
See also: *mbknoti
332 *medéti
*mpdéti v. ESSJa XX 205-206
E Ru. modet’ (dial.) ‘sit out patiently, become weak, decay, go bad’
BSI. *mud-
B Latv. mudét ‘moulder, decay, go bad’
Winter’s law now enables us to reconstruct the root as *mud"-. The connection with
Gk. bd0c¢ ‘damp’ is therefore formally impossible.
See also: *muditi; *mbdblp; *mpdblbnb
*mbdblb adj. 0 ESSJa XX 210-211
CS CS modlo ‘slow, sluggish; mvdlo ‘slow, sluggish; RuCS modolyi
‘compassionate’ (cf. OCS modlostv (Cloz.) ‘sluggishness’)
E ORu. medlyj ‘compassionate’
W Cz. mdly ‘weak, flat, dull’; Slk. mdly ‘weak, flat, dull’; Pl. mdly ‘dim, dull,
faint, sickening’; OPI. mdly ‘weak, thin’; mgly ‘weak, thin’; Slnc. mgti ‘weak,
thin’
S SCr. madal (obs.) ‘unclear, dim’; SIn. madat ‘weak, flat, dull, faint, sickening,
thin, f. madla; madat ‘weak, flat, dull, faint, sickening, thin, f. madla; médat
‘weak, flat, dull, faint, sickening, thin’; mddat ‘weak, flat, dull, faint,
sickening, thin; f. mddla
Adjective derived from the root *mud'- (> *modeti).
*mbdblpnp adj. 0 ESSJa XX 211
CS RuCS modbvlonyi ‘slow, sluggish’
E Ru. médlennyj ‘slow’
S Cak. mlédan (Vuk: Dubr.) ‘thin, f. mlédna, n. mlédno; Sln. madlén ‘weak’;
mlédan ‘emaciated, flat, dull; f. mlédna
See the previous lemma.
See also: *muditi; *mdéti; *mpdpblbnb
*mpxa f. a ESSJa XX 211
E Ru. moxa (dial.) ‘midge’
S SCr. maha (dial.) ‘mosquito’
BSI. *mus-(i)ar
B Lith. muse ‘fly’; musia ‘fly’; Latv. masa ‘fly’; musa f.(ja) ‘fly’
OPr. muso ‘fly’
PIE *mus-
Cogn. Gk. uvia f. ‘fly’; Lat. musca f. ‘mosquito’; Olc. my n. ‘mosquito’
See also: *mtixa; *ms8ica
*moblva 333
*mbxb m. 0 (b/c) ‘moss’ ESSJa XX 216-218
E Ru. mox ‘moss, Gsg. moxa, Gsg. mxa; ORu. moxo ‘marsh overgrown with
> © . > 4 > va
moss’; moxe ‘marsh overgrown with moss’; Bel. mox ‘moss; Gsg. méxu; Ukr.
mox ‘moss, Gsg. méxu
W Cz. mech ‘moss’; Slk. mach ‘moss’; Pl. mech ‘moss, fluff’; USrb. moch ‘moss’;
moch (dial.) ‘moss, Gsg. mocha
S SCr. mah ‘moss, mould, bloom’ Gsg. maha; Cak. mah ‘moss, mould, bloom,
Gsg. maha; SIn. mah ‘moss, marsh, fluff, Gsg. maha, Gsg. mahti; meh ‘moss,
Gsg. méha; Bulg. max ‘moss’
BSI. *muso-
B Lith. misai Npl. m. 4 ‘mould’; musos Npl. ‘mould’
PIE *mus-o-m
Cogn. Olc. mosi m. ‘moss, moorland’; OHG mos n. ‘moss, marsh
See also: *muzga; *mpbzga; *mbzgp; *mbZdZiti
*mpknoti v. ‘move’ ESSJa XX 219
W Cz. mknouti ‘move’; Pl. mkngé ‘flit, fleet’
S SCr. maknuti ‘move’, 1sg. makném; Cak. makniti (Vrg.) ‘move’, 28g. makne§;
maknit (Orb.) ‘move, shove’, sg. mdknen; Sin. makniti ‘jerk, tug, move’, 1sg.
mdknem, 1sg. méknem; Bulg. makna ‘drag along’
BSL. *muk-
B Lith. mukti ‘come off, flit, stick’; Latv. mukt ‘come off, flee’
See > *mo¢ati
*mbldni f.1 ‘lightning’ ESSJa XX 220-222
CS OCS mloni (Zogr., Mar., Ass., Sav.) f.4a); mlonii (Mar., Ass, Supr.) f.(ia) (the
variant mlo- is more frequent than mlv-)
E Ru. mélnija; molénja (dial.); molodnjd (dial.); melenja (dial.); Ukr.
maladnja (dial.) ‘lightning without thunder’
WwW Cz. mina (arch.); Pl. metnia (dial. probably only in Pomeranian); Slnc.
mexindu; Plb. mauna
S SCr. munja; Sln. métnja; Bulg. mdlnija f.(ia)
BSI. *mild-n-
B Latv. milna f. ‘hammer of the thunderer’
OPr. mealde ‘lightning’
PIE *mld*-n-
Cogn. Ole. mjgllnir m.“Thor’s hammer’
*molva f. a ‘speech’ ESSJa XX 225-226
CS OCS mlova ‘tumult, commotion’
334 *molviti
E Ru. molvd (obs.) ‘rumour, talk’; Bel. mdva ‘language, speech’; Ukr. mova
‘language, speech’
WwW Cz. mluva ‘speech’; Slk. mluva (lit.) “speech; Pl. mowa ‘speech’; Slnc. mova
‘speech’
S Bulg. malvd ‘rumour, noise, racket’
PIE *mluH-eh,
Cogn. Skt. braviti ‘speak, say’
See also: *mblviti
*mblviti v. ‘speak, say’ ESSJa XX 227-228
CS OCS mloviti (Zogr., Mar., Ass., Sav.) ‘make ado, make a rout; 1sg. mlovljo
E Ru. molvit’ (obs., dial.) ‘say’; Ukr. mévyty ‘speak, say’
W Cz. mluviti ‘speak, say’; Slk. mluvit (Kalal) ‘speak, say’; Pl. méwi¢ ‘speak, say’;
Slnc. m#eviic ‘speak, say’
S SIn. métviti ‘grumble, mumble; isg. molvim; Bulg. malvjd ‘whisper, rumour’
PIE *mluH-
Cogn. Skt. braviti ‘speak, say’
I am not convinced that a vocalization *mJuH-V- would be out of the question (pace
LIV s.v. *mleuh2).
See also: *mblva
*mpmati v. ‘stammer’ ESSJa XXI 111
CS CS momati ‘stammer’
Onomatopoetic verb.
*mbnog> adj. o ‘much, many’ ESSJa XX 229-231
CS OCS monogo adj. ‘much, many’; mnogo adv. ‘much, many’
E Ru. mnogij adj. ‘much, many, numerous’; mnogo adv. ‘much, many’
WwW Cz. mnohy adj. ‘numerous; mnoho adv. ‘much, far; Slk. mnohy adj.
© > © > . ot >
numerous’; mnoho adv. ‘much, far’; Pl. mnogi adj. ‘numerous
S SCr. mnégi adj. ‘much, many, numerous’; Sln. mnég adj. ‘many’; mndgo adv.
‘much, many’; Bulg. mnogo adv. ‘much, many’
PIE *mnogt
Cogn. Go. manags adj. ‘many’; OHG manag adj. ‘many’; Ol. menic adj. ‘frequent,
abundant’
The root may be interpreted as a zero grade *mon-, as opposed to the full grade of
Germanic. Boutkan (2005: 257), however, argues that we are dealing with a North
European substratum word considering the vocalic and consonantal variation in
Germanic, Baltic, and Celtic.
*mbSsica 335
*mprgati v. ‘blink, wink’ ESSJa XX 237-238
Ru. morgdt’ ‘blink, wink
WwW Cz. mrgat (dial.) ‘move, wave, watch gloomily’; Pl. marga¢ ‘wave, wag, move’;
mrugac ‘wave, wag, move’; Slnc. margdc ‘blink, wink’
BSI. *murtg-; *mir?g-
B Lith. mirgéti ‘twinkle’ 3sg. mirga; Latv. mifdzét ‘twinkle’
PIE *mr(H )g”
Cogn. Ole. myrkr adj. ‘dark, Asg. myrkvan
*mobrky f. 0 ‘carrot ESSJa XX 247-249
E Ru. mork6v’ f.(7i) ‘carrots’; mérkva (dial.) f.(a) ‘carrots’; morkvd (dial.) £.(a
‘carrots; ORu. morkov’ f.(i) ‘carrots’; morkva f.(a) ‘carrots’; Bel. méorkva f£.(a
‘carrot’; Ukr. morkva f.(a) ‘carrot’
WwW Cz. mrkev f.(i) ‘carrot; mrkva (Jg., Kott) f(a) ‘carrot; OCz. mrkev f.(i
‘carrot’; Slk. morkva f.(a) ‘carrot’; Pl. marchew f.(i) ‘carrot’; OPl. marchew
f.(i) ‘carrot’; marchwa f.(a) ‘carrot’
S SCr. mikva f.(a) ‘carrot’; Cak. mikva (Vrg.) f.(a) ‘carrot’; SIn. mrkav £.77
‘carrot, Gsg. mrkve.; mrkva f.(a) ‘carrot’
PIE *mrk-uH-
Cogn. OHG morha f. ‘carrot’; OE moru f. ‘carrot’
*mbrmiti v. ‘mumble, grumble’ ESSJa XX 250
E Ru. mormulit’ dial.) ‘grumble, chatter
S SCr. mrmiljiti ‘mumble, grumble’
BSI. *murm-
B Lith. murm()énti; murméti
Cogn. Lat murmurdre‘mumble’; OHG murmulén ‘mumble’
Onomatopoetic verb.
See also: *mprm(p)rati
*mprm(p)rati v. ‘mumble, grumble’ ESSJa XX 252
W Cz. mrmrati
S SCr. mimrati; SIn. mrmrati, sg. mrmrdm; Bulg. marmorja
BSI. *murm-
B Lith. murm()énti; murméti
Cogn. Lat murmurdare‘mumble’; OHG murmulén ‘mumble’
See also: *mprmiti
*m Sica f. ja ESSJa XXI 15
CS
CS mosica ‘mosquito, locust’
336 *mpbzga; *Mbzgb
E Ru. msica (dial.) ‘midge, gnats, smell insects’
WwW Cz. msice ‘midge, plant-louse’; SIk. msica ‘louse’; Pl. mszyca ‘louse, midge’
S Sln. masica ‘mosquito, midge, plant-louse’
Derivative in *-ica of > *moxa. There is a variant *mysvca, which is attested in
Church Slavic and Old Russian.
See also: *mtixa; *mbxa
*mbzga; *mbzg> f. 4; m.o ESSJa XXI 19-20
E Ru. mzga (dial.) f. ‘grey, dank weather, mould’; mozg (dial.) m. ‘grey, cloudy
weather’
PIE *mus-k/g-
Cogn. Lat. muscus m. ‘marsh’; Nw. musk (dial.) m. ‘dust, drizzle, darkness’
See also: *muzga; *mbxp; *mb2ZdZiti
*mbZdZati; *mbZdZiti v. ESSJa XXI 22
CS CS moZzdivyi ptc. pres. act. ‘pining’
E Ru. mozzdt’ (dial.) ‘grumble, drizzle’; mozzit’ (Novg.) ‘turn sour (milk)’
S SCr. mazditi ‘drizzle’
Cogn. Lat. muscus m. ‘marsh’; Nw. musk (dial.) m. ‘dust, drizzle, darkness’
Derivative of > *mozga, *mozgo. Forms meaning ‘ache; e.g. Ru. mozZit’ (coll.) may
derive from *mozg-, cf. SCr. moZditi ‘squeeze, torment’
See also: *muzga; *mbxb
*my prn. ‘we’ ESSJa XXI 21-24
CS OCS my; ny (KB)
E Ru. my
WwW Cz. my; Sl. my; Pl. my
S SCr. mi; Cak. mi (Vrg.); mé; mi (Hvar); mi (Orb.); SIn. mi; Bulg. mi (dial.)
B Lith. més; Latv. més
OPr. mes
The *m- probably orginates from the ending of the first person plural. The *y must
have been adopted from *vy ‘you (pl.)’ < *iuH-. The n- of the form ny (KB) was taken
from the oblique cases, cf. the enclitic Apl. ny.
See also: *nasb
*mydlo n. 0 (a) ‘soap’ ESSJa XXI 27-28
CS CS mylo ‘soap’
E Ru. mylo ‘soap, lather (on horses)’
Ww Cz. mydlo ‘soap’; Slk. mydlo ‘soap’; Pl. mydto ‘soap, lather (on horses)’
S SCr. milo (dial., obs.) ‘soap’; Sln. milo ‘soap’
*mySspca 337
PIE *muH-
Cogn. Skt. miitra- (AV+) n. ‘urine’
See also: *myti
*mykati v. ‘bellow’ ESSJa XXI 35
CS CS mykati ‘bellow
E Ru. mykat’ (dial.) ‘bellow, cry, weep’ 1sg. mykaju
WwW Cz. mykati (dial.) ‘bleat; 1sg. mykaju
S SCr. mikati ‘bellow’
Onomatopoetic verb, cf. Latv. mait ‘bellow’.
*mfslp f. i (C) ‘thought, idea’ ESSJa XXI 47-50
CS OCS myslv ‘thought, idea’
E Ru. mys?’ ‘thought, idea’
WwW Cz. mysl ‘mind, courage’; Slk. mysel‘mind’; Pl. mysl ‘thought, idea’
S SCr. misao ‘thought, idea’, Gsg. misli; Cak. misal (Orb.) ‘thought’, Gsg. misli;
SIn. misat ‘thought, idea, Gsg. misli
PIE *muHd'"-
Cogn. Gk. pb80¢ m. ‘word, fact, purpose’
The suffix must be *-slv, which to a certain extent seems to be in complementary
distribution with *-Iv (cf. Meillet Et. II: 416).
*mySpb f. i (a) ‘mouse’ ESSJa XXI 64-67
CS OCS mys (Euch.)
E Ru. mys’
Ww Cz. mys; Slk. mys; Pl. mysz
S SCr. mig m.(jo); Cak. mi¥ (Vrg., Orb.) m.(jo); SIn. mis, Gsg. misi
PIE *muHs-
Cogn. Skt. miis- m./f. ‘mouse, rat’ (RV); Gk. pd¢ m. ‘mouse, muscle’; Lat. mis m.
‘mouse’; OHG mais f. ‘mouse, muscle’
See also: *mySpca
*myspca f. ja ‘muscle, shoulder’ ESSJa XXI 67
CS OCS mysoca ‘hand, shoulder, muscle’
E Ru. mysca ‘muscle’
S SCr. misca (obs.) ‘muscle, shoulder’; misca (obs.) ‘muscle, shoulder’; SIn.
misca ‘muscle, shoulder’
PIE *muHs-
Cogn. Lat. musculus m. ‘muscle’
See also: *mySb
338 *myti
*myti v. (a) ‘wash’ ESSJa XXI 76-79
CS OCS myti (Zogr., Ass., Supr.) ‘wash; 1sg. myjo
E Ru. myt’ ‘wash; 1sg. mdju, 38g. moet
Ww Cz. myti ‘wash’; Slk. myt ‘wash’; Pl. my¢ ‘wash’
S SCr. miti ‘wash, 1sg. mijém; Sn. miti ‘wash, 1sg. mijem; Bulg. mija ‘was
BSI. *m(o)ur-
B Lith. maudyti ‘bathe’; Latv. maiit ‘submerge, swim’; maudat ‘bathe’
PIE *muH- (< *miuH)
Cogn. Skt. mivati- (AV+) ‘push, shove’; Lat. movére ‘move’
See also: *mydlo
*myto n. 0 ‘toll, fee’ ESSJa XXI 81-82
CS OCS myto (Ps. Sin.) ‘gift, bribe’
E Ru. myto (arch.) ‘toll, fee, duty’
W Cz. myto ‘toll’; SIk. myto ‘toll, fee’; Pl. myto ‘fee, duty’
S SIn. mito ‘bribery, tax, rent’; Bulg. mito ‘toll
This etymon is generally considered a borrowing from Germanic, cf. OHG mita f. ,
MLat. mita f. ‘toll’
*mpépta f. 4 ‘dream’ ESSJa XXI 90-91
CS CS moéovta ‘vision, apparition
E Ru. mectd ‘dream, day-dream’; ORu. mvcvta ‘dream, imagination’; mecota
‘dream, imagination’; mecta ‘apparition, sorcery, imagination’
S Bulg. mectd ‘dream’
See > *movcovto.
*mpébtb m. o ‘vision, apparition’ ESSJa XXI 91-92
CS OCS moévto (Supr.) ‘vision, apparition’
E ORu. mvéoto ‘apparition, delusion (?), ecstasy’ (also mecvto, meceto, mecte,
meeto)
Derivative containing the root *mvk- < *mik-, cf. > *mikati. For the suffix, cf. OCS
skroZoto ‘gnashing’
*mpgla; *mpga; *migl» f. 4; f. 4; m. o (b) ‘mist, haze’ ESSJa XXI 92-94
CS OCS mogla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) ‘mist, haze’
E Ru. mgla ‘mist, haze, darkness’; mga ‘dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of
drought’
W Cz. mlha ‘mist, haze’; mha (poet.) ‘mist, haze’; mhla (obs., dial.) ‘mist, haze’;
OCz. mhla ‘mist, haze’; Pl. mgla ‘mist, haze’; USrb. mihel m. ‘wet mist,
drizzle’
*mpgla; *mpga; *miglb 339
S SCr. magla ‘mist, haze’, Asg. maglu; Cak. magla (Novi) ‘mist, haze’, Asg.
maglu, maglu; Kajk. miéglé (Bednja) ‘mist, haze, Asg. miéglii {1}; maga (dial.)
‘drizzle’; Sln. magla ‘mist, haze; Gsg. mglé, Gsg. mglé; Bulg. mdgld ‘mist, haze’
BSI. *migl4H
B Lith. migla f. 2/4 ‘mist, haze’; miégas m. 2 ‘sleep’; migti ‘sleep, fall asleep’; Latv.
migla f. ‘mist, haze’; miegs m. ‘sleep’
OPr. maiggun Asg. ‘sleep’
PIE *hsmigh-leh,
Cogn. Skt. meghd- (RV) m. ‘cloud, gloomy weather’; Skt. mih- (RV, TS) f. ‘haze,
rain; Gk. opiyAn f. ‘mist, haze’; Av. maéya- m. ‘cloud’; Arm. még ‘mist’;
MoDu. miggelen ‘drizzle, swarm (with)’ {2}
I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghd-) that we must in principle distinguish
PIE. *h3meig'- and *h3meig'- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith.
my2zti, Latv. mizt ‘urinate, and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On
account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning
‘drizzle’ are sometimes connected with my2ti, etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed
above show that verbs like *mvZiti are best grouped together with *mvgld. A more
complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning ‘mist, drizzle’ (*meig"-
B ‘dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke’ in Pokorny) and words meaning
‘blink, twinkle’ (*meig'- A ‘flimmern, blinzeln, micare’), which I discuss s.v. migo.
Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, the ESSJa basically
tries to keep them apart, e.g. *modziti I ‘blink, twinkle’ vs. *moZiti II ‘drizzle’ (but
Ru.(dial.) mZa ‘doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly’ without
further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings ‘doze, drowsiness’ and
‘swarm (with) fit in. LSrb. migoris se ‘move to and fro, swarm with, drizzle’
(Schuster-Sewc 907) is matched by MoDu. miggelen, miegelen (dial.) ‘drizzle, swarm
with’ Ru. mZit’ (dial.) ‘doze, be delirious’ is mentioned by the ESSJa s.v. *moditi I, but
a connection with *movZiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. mizdati ‘drizzle, doze’, MoHG
drisseln ‘drizzle, doze, drusen ‘doze’, drussig ‘clouded’, Lith. blafidas ‘sleepiness;
cloudiness’ (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning ‘doze’ is
essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mog-
and Lith. miégas ‘sleep’, migt ‘sleep, fall asleep, miegoti ‘sleep, etc. Fraenkel (I 447)
considers the meaning of miegdti to have evolved from ‘close one’s eyes’ (cf. Kern
1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a
connection between ‘sleep’ and ‘cloud} e.g. Av. snaoda- ‘cloud’ vs. Lith. sndusti ‘doze’
or Olr. nél ‘cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor’ (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as
there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mogla and *migo, I
think that we must start from a single root *hsmeig'-.
{1} Illi¢-Svityé lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: $40). The
standard language has secondary mobility in this word. {2} It cannot be excluded that miggelen
is cognate with MDu. miegen ‘urinate.
See also: *migati; *mig»; *mpgnoti; *mpZa; *mpZati I; *mpZati II; *mpziti I; *mpziti I
340 *mpgnoti
*mpgnoti v. ‘blink’ ESSJa XXI 97-98
E ORu. mognuti ‘wink, blink, twinkle’; megnuti ‘wink, blink, twinkle’
WwW Cz. mehnouti (Kott) ‘blink, move’
S SCr. magnuti ‘blink; Sln. magniti ‘blink; 1sg. magnem, 1sg. mégnim
BSI. *mig-
PIE *hsmeigh-
Cogn. MDu. micken ‘ain’
According to the ESSJa (XIX: 29), the root vocalism of *mvgnoti is older than the one
encountered in *mignoti, which in most Slavic languages serves as the perfective
counterpart of *migati. Van Wijk was the first to identify *mognoti with Gm. *mikk-
‘aim’ < *migh-n- (van Wijk 1911: 124).
See also: *migati; *migb; *mpgla; *mpga; *miglb; *mpZa; *mpZati I; *mpZati II; *mpziti I;
*mpziti II
*mpléati v. (c) ‘be silent’ ESSJa XXI 102-104
CS OCS mlvéati, 18g. mlvco, 28g. mlocisi
E Ru. molcat’, sg. molcu, 38g. mol¢it
WwW Cz. mlceti; Slk. mléat; Pl. milczec
S SCr. miicati, sg. mucim; Cak. mucati (Vrg.), 28g. mucis; mucat (Orb.), 289.
mucis; Sln. motéati, isg. molcim; Bulg. malca
This root *mlk™- seems to be limited to Slavic.
*mpné prn. Dsg. ‘me’ ESSJa XVIII 96-97
CS OCS moné
E ORu. moné
W Cz. mné; Pl. mnie
B
Lith. man
OPr. mennei
See also: *mene
*mpnéti v. ‘think’ ESSJa XXI 113-115
CS OCS monéti ‘think, suppose, reckon, imagine’, 1sg. monjg, 38g. monit
E Ru. mnit’ (obs.) ‘think, imagine’, isg. mnju, 38g. mnit
Ww Cz. mnéti (arch.) ‘think, suppose’; mniti (lit.) ‘think, suppose’; OCz. mnieti
‘think, suppose, intend’; Slk. mniet (obs.) ‘think, suppose’; OPI. mnie¢ ‘think,
suppose’
S SCr. mnjeti (arch.) ‘think, suppose’; mniti ‘think, suppose’; Sln. mnéti ‘think,
suppose’ 1sg. mnim
BSL. *mineftei
B Lith. minéti ‘mention’; Latv. minét‘mention’
PIE *mn-eh,-; present stem *mn-ei-.
*mprk»b | 341
Cogn. Skt. mdnyate ‘think, believe, suppose’; Gk. paivopat ‘rage’
See also: *pametb
*mpne(je) adv. ‘less’ ESSJa XXI 119-122
CS OCS monje ‘less’
E Ru. ménee ‘less’
W Cz. méné ‘less, fewer’; Pl. mniej ‘less, fewer’
S SCr. mdnjé ‘less’; mdnje ‘less’; Cak. manje (Orb.) ‘less’; SIn. manj ‘less, fewer’;
mAanje ‘less, fewer’
PIE *mi-n-ios
Cogn. Lat. minus ‘less’; Goth mins ‘less’
See also: *mpnbjb
*mpnbjb adj. jo ‘smaller, lesser’ ESSJa XXI 119-122
CS OCS monii ‘smaller, lesser, younger; f. monvsi, n. mone
E Ru. mén’sij ‘smaller, lesser, younger’
WwW Cz. mensi ‘smaller, lesser’; OCz. meni ‘smaller, lesser, younger, f. mensi, n.
mense; Slk. mensi ‘smaller, lesser’; Pl. mniejszy ‘smaller, lesser’
S SCr. mdnji ‘smaller, lesser’; Cak. mani (Vrg.) ‘smaller, lesser’; manji ‘smaller’;
Sln. manji ‘smaller, lesser’; manjsi ‘smaller, lesser’
PIE *mi-n-i(e/o)s-jo-
Cogn. Lat. minor ‘smaller’; Goth minniza ‘smaller, lesser’
See also: *mpne(je)
*mbrknoti v. (a) ‘become dark’ ESSJa XXI 133-135
CS OCS mrvknoti ‘become dark, darken’ (according to the Staroslavjanskij
slovar’, six of the seven attestations actually have mrok-)
E Ru. mérknut’ ‘become dark, become dim, fade’
WwW Cz. mrknouti ‘wink, blink, glimmer’; mrknouti (Kott) “become dark, screw
up one’s eyes’; OCz. mrknuti (sé) ‘become dark, darken’; Slk. mrknut
‘become dark, darken, blink’; Pl. mierzchng¢ ‘become dark, darker’
S SCr. mrknuti ‘become dark, darken’; Sln. mfrkniti ‘become dark, darken,
blink, wink, 1sg. m?knem
BSL. *mirtk-
B Lith. mirkséti ‘blink’
PIE *mrHk-
See also: *mérk»; *mprk» J; *mprk II
*mprks I m.o ESSJa XXI 136-137
WwW Cz. mrk ‘blink, wink, sign’; Slk. mrk (dial.) ‘twilight’; SInc. mjierk ‘twilight
S SCr. mrk ‘solar eclipse, kind of mollusk’; SIn. mk ‘eclipse, darkness’
342 *mbrks I
BSI. *mirtk-
B Lith. mérkti ‘close one’s eyes’
PIE *mrHk-o-
Cogn. Go. maurgins m. ‘morning’
See also: *mérks; *mprknoti; *mprks II
*mbrks II adj. 0 (a) ‘dark’ ESSJa XXI 137
WwW Slk. mrky (Kalal) ‘dark(?)’
S SCr. mrki ‘black’; mrk; Mcd. mrak ‘dark, black’
See also: *mérks; *mprknoti; *mprks I
*mbrtvpb adj. 0 (b) ‘dead’ ESSJa XXI 146-148
CS OCS mrotve
E Ru. mértvyj
WwW Cz. mrtvy; Sik. mrtvy; Pl. martwy ‘lifeless, dead’; miartwy (arch.) ‘lifeless,
dead’
S SCr. mitav, f. mitva; Cak. mrtav (Vrg.), f. mrtva; mrtav (Novi), f. mrtva; mrt
(Orb.), f. mrtvd; Sln. mrtav, f. mrtva
PIE *mr-tu-o-
Cogn. Lat. mortuus
See also: *merti; *mors; *spbmprtb
*mprzeti v. ESSJa XXI 159-160
CS OCS mrozéti (Ps. Sin.) ‘be loathsome, detestable’
E Ru. merzét’ (dial.) ‘become disgusting’
WwW Cz. mrzeti ‘irritate’; Slk. mrziet irritate’; Pl. mierziec ‘be repulsive, disgust’
S SCr. mzjeti ‘experience hostility, aversion, disgust, freeze’; Cak. mrzét (Orb.)
‘hate’, 38g. m7zije; Sln. mrzéti ‘freeze’, sg. mrzim
Verb with zero grade of the root of > *morzz. For the semantic development, cf. SCr.
stid ‘cold’ vs. Sln. stiid ‘aversion.
*mprziti v. ESSJa XXI 159-160
E Ru. merzit’ (dial.) ‘render disgusting, be unpleasant, feel disgusted’; ORu.
merziti ‘sicken, disgust, defile’ (also morziti, mroziti)
WwW Pl. mierzic ‘be repulsive, disgust’; Slnc. mjierzéc ‘be repulsive, disgust’
S SCr. m/ziti ‘hate, detest’, sg. mrzim; Cak. mrziti (Vrg.) ‘hate, detest’, 2s¢.
mrzis; Sn. mrziti ‘experience disgust, hate, detest, be angry with, 1sg. mrzim
See > *morzéti.
*mprznoti v. ‘freeze’ ESSJa XXI 163-165
CS OCS pomroznoti (Supr.) ‘freeze’; CS mroznoti ‘curse, detest’
*mpzda 343
Ru. mérznut’ ‘freeze’
Cz. mrznouti ‘freeze’; Slk. mrzniut ‘freeze’; Pl. marzngé ‘freeze’; mierznac
(arch.) ‘become disgusting, irritate, disgust, repel’
S SCr. mrznuti ‘freeze, grow cold’; Sln. mfzniti ‘freeze, turn into ice’ 1sg.
méznem (see Pletersnik II: VI); Bulg. mrdzna ‘freeze’
=m
See > *morzéti.
*mpstiti v. ‘take vengeance, revenge, avenge’ ESSJa XXI 170-171
CS OCS mostiti ‘take vengeance, revenge, avenge, punish, 1sg. mosto, 289.
mbstisi
E Ru. mstit’, isg. mscu, 38g. mstit
W Cz. mstiti; Pl. mscié
S SIn. mastiti, isg. mastim; Bulg. mastja
Derivative of > *mosto, *mosta.
*mpstb; *mpsta f. i; f. 4 “vengeance, revenge’ ESSJa XXI 172-174
CS OCS mosto ‘vengeance, revenge, punishment, defence’
E Ru. mest’; msta (dial.); Ukr. msta (poet.)
WwW Cz. msta; Slk. mstva; Pl. msta (16th-17th. c.)
S Bulg. mast
Cogn. Olc. missa f. ‘loss, damage’
I consider a reconstruction *mith,-ti- more likely than the assumption that *mosto
has the same origin as > *mozda.
See also: *mité; *mitusp; *mitva
*mpéselb m. 0 ‘profit’ ESSJa XXI 174-175
CS CS mbselo m.(o) ‘shameful profit’; MBulg. mvselo m.(o) ‘income’; RuCS
mselo m.(o) ‘profit, unlawful gain, property’; mselv m.(jo) ‘profit, unlawful
gain, property’
E ORu. melo m.(o) ‘profit, unlawful gain, property’; mselv m.(jo) ‘profit,
unlawful gain, property’
Etymology unclear.
*mpzda f. 4 (b) ‘payment, pay’ ESSJa XXI 176-178
OCS mozda ‘payment, salary, fee, gift’; mozda ‘payment, salary, fee, gift’
Ru. mzda (arch.) ‘recompense, payment’
Cz. mzda ‘wages, salary, fee’; Slk. mzda ‘wages, pay’; OPI. mzda (arch.) ‘fee,
price, ranson’
S SCr. mazda ‘recompense, payment, pay, revenge, punishment’; mzda (CS)
‘recompense, payment, pay, revenge, punishment’; Sln. mazda ‘wages’
PIE *misd"(h,)-o-
eae?)
344 *mpbza
Cogn. midhd- (RV) n. ‘booty, prize, profit’; mizda- n. ‘reward, prize’; Gk. 1606c¢ m.
‘reward, rent’; Go. mizdo f. ‘reward’
*mpfZa f. ja ESSJa XXI 179-180
E Ru. mZa (dial.) ‘drizzle, slumber’; Bel. mZa (dial.) ‘mist’; Ukr. mZa ‘drizzle’
See > *mogla, *movga.
*mpZati I; *mizZati v. ‘screw up one’s eyes, doze’ ESSJa XIX 62-63; XXI 179
E Ru. mZat’ (dial.) ‘doze’
W Cz. mZeti ‘blink, screw up one’s eyes’; Pl. mzeé ‘blink, doze, dream’
S SCr. mizdati ‘doze, drizzle’; Sln. mazati ‘keep one’s eyes closed} 1sg. magim;
mizati ‘keep one’s eyes closed; 1sg. mizim; Bulg. mizd ‘blink, screw up one’s
eyes, flicker’; mizZd (dial.) ‘screw up one’s eyes, stand with eyes closed’
See > *mogla, *mvga.
*mpati II v. ‘drizzle’ ESSJa XXI 179-180
E Bel. imzeé
W SInc. mZéc
See > *mogld, *moga.
*mpZiti I v. ESSJa XXI 181-182
E Ru. mit’ (glaza) (dial.) ‘screw up one’s eyes, doze’
W Cz. mZiti ‘blink, flash’; Pl. mzy¢ ‘blink, doze, dream’
See > *mogld, *moga.
*mpZiti II v. ‘drizzle ESSJa XXI 182-183
E Ru. mZit’ (dial.) ‘drizzle’; mzit’sja (dial.) ‘be wrapped in a cold mist’
WwW Cz. mZiti ‘drizzle’; Pl. mzyé (dial.) ‘drizzle’
See > *mogla, *moga.
*N
*na prep. ‘on(to), in(to)’ ESSJa XXI 185-187
CS OCS na
E Ru. na
WwW Cz. na; Slk. na; Pl. na
S SCr. na; SIn. na; Bulg. na prep. ‘of, on(to), in(to)’
BSI. *no
“nagp 345
B Lith. nué ‘from’; Latv. nto ‘from’
OPr. no; na ‘onto, against, over’
*naceti v. begin’ ESSJa XXI 226-227
CS OCS naceti, isg. nacong
E Ru. nacat’, isg. nacnu, 38g. nacnét
WwW Cz. naciti ‘begin, begin to cut’; Slk. naéat’cut off, begin’; Pl. naczgé (dial.)
S SCr. naceti, 1sg. ndénem; Cak. nacéti (Vrg.), 28g. ndcnes; Sln. nacéti, 18¢.
nacnem
PIE *nd+k(e)n-
Apart from two suspicious instances of OCz. cieti, the simple verb is nowhere
attested in Slavic.
See also: *éedo; *éeda; *éedb; *teds; *kons; *konpcp; *Scene
*nadb prep. ‘over, above’ ESSJa XXII 15-16
CS OCS nado ‘over, above’
E Ru. nad ‘over, above, on”
W Cz. nad(e) ‘over, above’; Slk. nad(o) ‘over, above’; Pl. nad(e) ‘over, above’
S SCr. nad(a) ‘over, above’; SIn. ndd ‘over, above’; Bulg. nad ‘over, above’
An extended form (*-d'h;-om) of *na, cf. > *podo I.
*nagl adj. o (b) ‘very quick, sudden’ ESSJa XXII 33-37
CS OCS naglo (Ril.) adv. ‘very quickly’
E Ru. ndglyj ‘impudent’; ndgl ‘impudent; f. nagla, n. ndglo; {1}
Ww Cz. nahly ‘sudden, hasty’; Slk. nahly ‘very quick, unexpected’; Pl. nagty
‘sudden, urgent’
S SCr. ndgao ‘hasty’, f. ndgla; ndgao ‘hasty’, f. ndgla; Cak. ndgal (Vrg.) ‘hasty’ f.
nagla, n. ndglo; nagal (Orb.) ‘rash, hasty, sudden, steep’ f. ndgla, n. ndglo; SIn.
ndgat ‘abrupt, sudden; f. ndgla; Bulg. ndgal ‘impudent, insolent’
Etymology unclear. Lith. ndglas ‘sudden’ is a borrowing from Slavic.
{1} AP (b) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 136).
*nagp adj. o (c) ‘naked’ ESSJa XXII 70-72
CS OCS nago
E Ru. nagoj; nag, f. naga, n. ndgo
WwW Cz. nahy ‘naked, bald’; Slk. nahy; Pl. nagi
S SCr. ndg (obs.); SIn. ndg, f. ndga
BSI. *norgos
B Lith. ntiogas 3; Latv. nudgs
For the PIE background, cf. Skt. nagnd-, Lat. niidus, Go. naqaps, see Beekes 1994. The
Balto-Slavic etymon is an example of Winter’s law.
346 *narodb
*narod» m. 0 ‘people’ ESSJa XXII 253-255
CS OCS narodo ‘people, tribe’
E Ru. naréd ‘people’, Gsg. naréda, Gsg. narédu
WwW Cz. narod ‘people, nation’; Slk. ndrod ‘people, nation’; Pl. nardd ‘people,
nation, Gsg. narodu
S SCr. ndrod ‘people, nation’; Cak. naréd (Vrg.) ‘people, nation, Gsg. ndréda;
ndrot (Orb.) ‘people’; SIn. narod ‘people, nation, generation, Gsg. nar¢éda;
Bulg. naréd ‘people, crowd’
Prefixed noun consisting of > *na and > *rédo. The stress on the medial syllable
originates from Dybo’s law.
See also: *roditi I; *r6db
*nasb prn. GALsg. ‘us’ ESSJa XXIII 105-106
CS OCS naso
E Ru. nas
W Cz. nds; Pl. nas
S SCr. nds; nas encl.; Cak. nds (Vrg.); nds (Orb.)
The form *nas@ goes back to *nés plus the Gpl. ending *-om.
Cogn. Lat. nds Apl. ‘us’
See also: *my
*natp f. i ‘leafy top of a root vegetable’ ESSJa XXIII 186-187
E Ru. natina (dial. ‘leafy top of a root vegetable’; Ukr. nat’ (dial.) ‘leafy top of
a root vegetable’
Ww Cz. nat’ ‘leafy top of a root vegetable’; Slk. nat'‘leafy top of a root vegetable’;
Pl. na¢ ‘leafy top of a root vegetable’
S SIn. nat ‘leafy top of a root vegetable’
BSI. *nart-
B Lith. notré f.(é) 4 ‘(stinging) nettle’; Latv. ndtre f.(é) (stinging) nettle’
OPr. noatis (stinging) nettle’
The relationship with OHG nazza, Olc. ngtr ‘nettle’ is not entirely clear.
*naustiti v. ‘incite’ ESSJa XXIII 198-199
CS OCS naustiti (Zogr., Mar.) ‘incite, persuade’
E Ru. naustit’ (obs.) ‘incite’
Ww LSrb. nahuscis ‘prepare oneself, undertake’
S SCr. naustiti ‘prompt, incite’; SIn. naustiti ‘incite, 1sg. naustim; nahistiti
‘incite’, sg. nahustim
Prefixed verb consisting of > *na and > *ustiti.
*nébo 347
*naviti v. ‘torment, tire’ ESSJa XXIII 198-199
WwW Cz. naviti (poet., Jg.) ‘tire’; naviti se (dial.) ‘get tired’; OCz. naviti ‘torment’;
Slk. navit'sa (dial.) ‘get tired’
BSI. *now(?)-
B Lith. névyti, névyti (OLith., dial.) ‘kill, torment’; Latv. ndvit ‘kill, destroy’;
ndvitiés ‘exhaust oneself, toil’
Like the Baltic verbs, *naviti may derive from a noun with lengthened grade (>
*navv). The ESSJa is probably right in suggesting a connection with > *nyti, *nuditi,
etc. Note that *nzditi, *ngditi is also attested with the meaning ‘exhaust, torment’
*navb m/f. i‘dead man’ ESSJa XXIV 49-54
CS CS nave m.(i?) ‘corpse’
E Ru. nav’ (Dal: arch., dial; SRNG) m. ‘dead man, corpse’ (also ndvij, navej);
ORu. navo m.(i) ‘dead man, corpse’
WwW OCz. nav f.(i) ‘the other world, realm of the dead’; OCz. ndva f.(&) ‘grave,
the other world, hell’
Ss Sln. ndév m.(0) ‘soul of a dead person; SIn. ndvje n.(jo) ‘souls of unbaptized
children’; Bulg. navi (Gerov) Npl. f. ‘evil spirits’
BSL. *nawr-
B Lith. névis (dial.) m.(io) 2 ‘death’; névé (Daukantas) f.(é) 2 ‘massacre’; Latv.
nave £.(8) ‘death’
OPr. novis
Cogn. Go. naus m. ‘dead person’
In view of the Baltic evidence, the root must probably be reconstructed as *néuH-,
with the Latvian broken tone reflecting the root-final laryngeal. If the root was
*noHu-, we would expect to find fixed root stress on an acute syllable.
See also: *naviti
*ne adv. ‘not’ ESSJa XXIV 91-93
CS OCS ne ‘not’
E Ru. ne‘not’
W Cz. ne ‘not, no’; Slk. ne ‘not’; Pl. nie ‘not, no’
S SCr. ne ‘not, no’; SIn. né ‘not’; Bulg. ne ‘not, no’
BSI. *ne
B Lith. ne ‘not; Latv. ne ‘not’
PIE *ne
Cogn. Lat. ne- ‘not’; Go. ni‘not’
*nébo n. s (c) ‘sky, heaven’ ESSJa XXIV 101-104
CS OCS nebo n.(s) ‘heaven, Gsg. nebese
348 *nebogp
E Ru. nébo n.(o/s) ‘sky, heaven, Npl. nebesd (a Church Slavicism); nébo n.(o)
‘palate’
WwW Cz. nebe n.(jo/s) ‘sky, heaven’, Npl. nebesa; Slk. nebo n.(0) ‘sky, heaven’; Pl.
niebo n.(0) ‘sky, heaven’; USrb. njebjo n.(jo) ‘sky, heaver’
S SCr. nébo n.(s) ‘sky, heaven, (dial.) ceiling, palate’, Npl. nebésa; Cak. nébo
(Vrg.) n.(0) ‘sky, heaven’; Npl. nebesd; Sln. nebé n.(o) ‘sky, heaven, (dial.)
ceiling, palate’; Bulg. nebé n.(s) ‘sky, heaven; Npl. nebesa
BSI. *nebo, nebes-
B Lith. debesis f.(i) ‘cloud’; Latv. debess f.(i) ‘cloud’
PIE *nebh-es-
Cogn. Skt. nabhas- (RV+) n. ‘fog, mass of clouds, sky’; Gk. véog n. ‘cloud, mass of
clouds’; Hitt. népis- n. ‘sky’
*nebog> adj. 0 ‘poor, unfortunate’ ESSJa XXIV 104-105
CS OCS nebogs (Supr.) ‘unfortunate, poverty-stricker’
Ww Cz. nebohy ‘poor, late (deceased)’; Slk. nebohy (dial.) ‘poor, dead, late
(deceased)’; Pl. niebogi ‘poor, unfortunate’
S SCr. nébég ‘poor, unfortunate’; Sln. nebég ‘poor, miserable’
Compound of > *ne and > *bégo, cf. > ubogo.
See also: *bogat
*neddgb m. 0 (a) ‘disease’ ESSJa XXIV 125-126
CS OCS nedogo ‘disease’
E Ru. nediig ‘disease’; ORu. nedugo ‘disease, vice’
W Cz. neduh ‘disease’; OCz. neduha f. ‘disease’; Slk. neduh ‘disease’
S Bulg. neddg ‘flaw, disease’
It seems to me quite natural to connect this compound with > *deglo ‘healthy,
strong, etc., which has an acute root. The ESSJa suggests that the (various) roots
*doz- and *dug- may have become mixed up, cf. > *duzo. For ORu. dugo ‘strength
(2); Cz. duh ‘flourishing, the ESSJa’s reconstruction *duga (V 150) seems to be based
on the comparison with Lith. daiig ‘much; etc.
*negodovati v. ‘be indignant’ ESSJa XXIV 129
CS OCS negodovati ‘be indignant, exasperated} 1sg. negodujo
E Ru. negodovat’ ‘be indignant’
S SCr. négodovati ‘be indignant’; Bulg. negoduvam ‘be indignant’
See > *goditi.
*nejesytp f. i ‘pelican’ ESSJa XXIV 134-135
CS OCS nejesyti (Ps. Sin.) Dsg. f.(i) ‘pelican’
E Ru. nejdsyt’ f.(i) ‘tawny owl
*nestera 349
S SCr. nesit m.(0) ‘pelican’; Sln. nesit m.(o) ‘pelican, Gsg. nesita (cf. nesit =
nesitan ‘insatiable’ ); Bulg. nésit m.(o) ‘pelican’
PIE *ne-h,m-seh2??-to-
Compound of > *ne ‘not; > eti ‘take’ and *syto ‘satiety, repletion’ (> *syto). The
background of this etymon has been discussed by Shapiro (1982).
*neksto; *néksto prn. ‘someone’ ESSJa XXIV 146-147
CS OCS nékoto
E Ru. nékto
W Cz. nékdo; OCz. nékto; nékdo; Slk. niekto; Pl. niekto (dial.); OPI. niekto
S SCr. néko; Sln. nekdo
Compound of the negative prefix *ne- or *né- and > *koto.
*nérstb; *nérstb m. 0; f. i (c) ‘spawning’ ESSJa XXV 9-11
E Ru. nérest m. ‘spawning’
WwW OCz. nefest f.(i) ‘spawning’; Slk. neres (dial.) m. ‘spawning’; nerest (dial.) f.(i)
‘spawning; Pl. mrzost (dial.) m. ‘spawning’; nerest (dial.) m. ‘spawning,
spawn; OPI. mrost m. ‘spawning’
S SCr. mrijest m. ‘roe of a small fish, Gsg. mrijesta; SIn. mrést m. ‘rutting
period (of cats), (Zabji m.) frogspawn’; drést m. ‘spawning’
BSI. *ners-t-
B Lith. ne?stas m. 2 ‘spawning’; Latv. nérsts? m. ‘spawning’
The hypothesis that *ners- is an enlargement of the root *h2ner- that we find in Gk.
dvijp ‘man’ (IEW: 765) does not seem very plausible.
See also: *nérstb
*nerti v. ESSJa XXV 13
CS CS ponréti ‘enter’, 1sg. ponoro; RuCS nréti ‘go deep into, hide oneself’; nereti
‘go deep into, hide oneself’
E Ru. nréti ‘go deep into, hide oneself’; nereti ‘go deep into, hide oneself’
BSI. *ner?-
B Lith. nérti ‘dive
Only Balto-Slavic.
*nestera f. a ‘niece’ ESSJa XXV 18-19
CS RuCS nestera ‘niece’
E ORu. nestera ‘niece’
W OPI. niesciora ‘niece’
S SCr. néstera ‘niece, sister’s daughter’
BSI. *nep(6)t-
350 *nesti
B Lith. nepuotis (OLith.) m./f.(i) ‘grandson, granddaughter’; nepté (OLith.)
f.(8) ‘granddaughter’
PIE *honep-t-ter-ehy
Cogn. Skt. napti- (RV+) f. ‘daughter, granddaughter’; Gk. dvewids m. ‘cousin’; Lat.
neptis f. ‘granddaughter, (later) niece’; Olr. necht f. ‘niece’; OHG nift(a) f.
‘niece’
An r-stem created on the basis of PIE *hanep-t-.
See also: *netbjb
*nesti v. (c) ‘carry, bring’ ESSJa XXV 19-23
CS OCS nesti, 1sg. neso
E Ru. nesti, isg. nest, 38g. nesét
WwW Cz. nésti; Slk. niest; Pl. nies¢
S SCr. nésti, 1sg. nésém (rarely without prefix); Cak. nésti (Vrg.) ‘lay (eggs);
asg. nesés; nés (Orb.) ‘lay (eggs); 38g. nesé; Sln. nésti, sg. nésem
BSI. *nes-
B Lith. nésti
PIE *h nek
Cogn. Gk. iveyxov 1g. aor. ‘brought’
The specific meaning ‘lay (eggs)’ is found in the entire Slavic language area.
See also: *nositi
*netopyrb m. jo ‘bat’ ESSJa XXIV 143-145
CS RuCS netopyre m.(jo); nepotyro m.(jo)
E Ru. netopyr’ m.(jo), Gsg. netopyrjd; nétopyr’ (dial.) m.(jo); Ukr. netopyr
m.(0)
Ww Cz. netopyr m.(0); OCz. netopy? m.(o); Slk. netopier m.(o); Pl. nietoperz
m.(jo); niedoperz m.(jo); OPI. nietopyrz m.(jo); USrb. njetopy? m.(o)
S SIn. netopir m.(jo), Gsg. netopirja ((Pletersnik mentions a large number of
variants: natopir, nadopér, matopir, matofir, letopir, latopir, dopir, dupir,
nadopir (Meg. 1744))
What makes this etymon interesting, is the fact that it may contain *neto- < *nek"to-
‘night; with e-grade as in Hitt. nekuz ‘at night’ Vaillant (Gr. I: 83, IV: 655) reconstructs
original o-grade, however. The second element is often interpreted as *pyro ‘flier’
with a lengthened zero grade (— *pariti, *porati). A reanalysis *ne-topyrv seems only
possible for East Slavic (Ru. ne ‘not; topyrit’ ‘bristle’). According to Vaillant (l.c.),
*pyro has replaced original *pirv under the influence of the suffix *-yre, which
originated in borrowings from Greek (cf. Ru. psaltyr’).
*netbjp m. io ‘nephew ESSJa XXIV 224-225
CS CS netii m.(io) ‘nephew
PIE
Cogn.
*névodn 351
ORu. netii m.(io) ‘nephew’
OPI. nie m.(jo) ‘nephew’; nies¢ m.(jo) ‘nephew’
SCr. nécak m.(0) ‘sister’s son’; Cak. nétjak (Novi) m.(o) ‘sister’s son’; Sln.
necak m.(o) ‘nephew
*nep(6)t-
Lith. nepuotis (OLith.) m.//f.(i) ‘grandson, granddaughter’; neptis (OLith.)
m.(io) ‘grandson’
*(h2)nep-t-i-o-
Skt. ndpat- (RV+) m. ‘descendant, grandson’; Gk. dveyidc m. ‘cousin’ Lat.
nepos m. ‘grandchild, offspring’; OE nefa m. ‘grandson, nephew’
See also: *nestera
*nevésta f. a (a) ‘bride’ ESSJa XXV 70-76
CS OCS nevésta ‘bride, daughter-in-law
E Ru. nevésta ‘bride, fiancée, daughter-in-law, sister-in-law’
W Cz. nevésta ‘bride, daughter-in-law’; Slk. nevesta ‘bride, marriageable girl,
daughter-in-law’; Pl. niewiasta ‘woman, wife’; OPl. niewiasta ‘married
woman, bride, daughter-in-law, sister-in-law’; USrb. njewjesta ‘bride’; LSrb.
njewjesta ‘bride’
SCr. névjesta ‘marriageable girl, bride, daughter-in-law, sister-in-law’; Cak.
nevista (Vrg.) ‘id’; nevésta (Orb.) ‘bride, daughter-in-law’; Sln. nevésta
‘bride, daughter-in-law, sister-in-law’; Bulg. nevésta ‘bride, young woman,
wife’; nevjdsta ‘bride, young woman, wife’
The most plausible analysis is > *ne plus a to-derivative of PIE *uoid- ‘know’.
*névodb m. 0 (c) ‘seine, sweep-net’ ESSJa XXV 81-84
CS OCS nevodo ‘seine, sweep-net’
E Ru. névod ‘seine, sweep-net’; névod (dial.) ‘big fishing-net, net for fishing in
winter’; névod (dial.) ‘big fishing-net, net for fishing in winter’
W Cz. nevod ‘seine, sweep-net’; OCz. nevod ‘seine, sweep-net’; Pl. niewdd ‘seine,
sweep-net, Gsg. niewodu; OPI. niewod ‘type of big fishing-net’; niewod ‘type
of big fishing-net’; LSrb. nawod ‘seine, sweep-net’
S SCr. nevod (Stulli) ‘net’; Bulg. névod ‘seine, sweep-net’; ndvod (dial.) ‘seine,
sweep-net’
BSI. *wodos
B Lith. vadas 4 ‘seine, sweep-net’; Latv. vads ‘seine, sweep-net’
Cogn. Olc. vadr m. ‘fishing-line’; MHG wate f. ‘fishing-net’; MLG wade f. ‘fishing-
net’
It is clear that this compound must be analyzed as *ne + *vods. According to Vasmer
(s.v. névod), the negation is motivated by reasons of taboo. The root may be
identified as the o-grade of *ued"- ‘lead’ (> *vesti), but on the other hand the
attempts to connect the Germanic forms with *uh,d'- ‘wade? cf. OHG watan
352 *neze
‘advance, wade; Lat. vad6 ‘wade’, vddo ‘go, walk must be taken seriously in view of
parallels such as Ru. bréden’ ‘a kind of dragnet: It is not attractive, however, to
separate the Balto-Slavic forms from their Germanic synonyms (the connection with
‘wade’ is formally impossible for Balto-Slavic) and a borrowing from Germanic into
Baltic and Slavic does not seem very likely.
*neZe adv. ‘than’ ESSJa XXIV 98
CS OCS neZe ‘than’
W Cz. nez ‘than’; Slk. neZe ‘than’; USrb. njez ‘than’
S SCr. neZe ‘than’; Bulg. néZe ‘thar’
BSI. *ne-g-
B Lith. negit ‘than’
See >*ne and >*Ze.
*ni conj., ptcl. ‘nor, not’ ESSJa XXV 106-107
CS OCS ni ‘not’
E Ru. ni ‘nor, not?
W Cz. ni ‘nor, not Slk. ni ‘nor, not; Pl. ni ‘nor, not even’
S SCr. ni ‘nor, not ever’; Sln. ni ‘nor, not even’; Bulg. ni ‘nor, not ever’
BSL. *nei
B Lith. nei ‘nor, than’
PIE *nei
See also: *nize
*nicati; *nikati v. ‘arise’ ESSJa XXV 109
CS OCS niceto (Cloz.) 3sg. ‘arises, germinates’; RuCS nicati ‘lie stretched out
face downwards, germinate’; nikati ‘appear, germinate, stoop, 1sg. nicu
E Ru. nikat’ (dial.) ‘dive (Psk.), walk around aimlessly (SW)’; ORu. nikati
‘appear, germinate, stoop; 1sg. nicu
WwW Cz. niceti (Kott) ‘germinate’; niceti (Kott) ‘lie face downwards’; Slk. nicat
(Kott) ‘bow down’
S Cak. nikat (Orlec) ‘come up (of plants, etc.) 1sg. ni¢u; SIn. nikati ‘bow down,
isg. nikam
Verb derived from > *nico.
*nicb adj. jo ‘lying face downwards’ ESSJa XXV 109-110
CS OCS nico ‘lying face downwards’
E Ru. nic adv. ‘face downwards’
Ww Cz. nici (obs.) ‘lying face downwards’; nice (Jg., Kott) adv. ‘face downwards’;
OCz. nici ‘lying face downwards’
S Bulg. nicom (dial.) adv. ‘face downwards, with downcast eyes’
*nitb 353
PIE *ni-hsk”o-
Cogn. Skt. ni adv. ‘downwards’; Skt. nica adv. ‘downwards’
The operation of the progressive palatalization in this etymon confirms the
reconstruction *ni- h3k”o- as opposed to a reconstructed form with e-grade.
See also: *nicati; *nikati *ni¢ati; *niknoti; *nizp
*niéati v. ‘bend, stoop’ ESSJa XXV 119
CS RuCS niéati ‘bend, bow, droop’
E ORu. nicati ‘bend, bow, droop’
Ww Cz. niceti (Jg., Kott) ‘bend, stoop, lie face downwards’; OCz. niceti ‘hang
one’s head, stoop, lie face downwards’
S SCr. nicati (arch.) ‘bend, bow? SIn. niéati ‘squat’, isg. nicim
Verb in *-éti derived from the stem *nik-, see > *nico.
*niknoti v. ‘arise’ ESSJa XXV 114-115
CS RuCS niknuti ‘appear, arise’
E Ru. niknut’ ‘droop’; ORu. niknuti ‘appear, arise’
Ww Cz. niknouti ‘bow, disappear, germinate, sprout’; Pl. nikngcé ‘disappear, be
lost’
S SCr. niknuti ‘appear, arise’, sg. nikném; Cak. niknuti (Vrg.) ‘appear, arise,
asg. niknes; Sln. nikniti ‘germinate, sprout, disappear, 1sg. niknem; Bulg.
nikna ‘germinate, sprout’
See > *nico.
*niscb adj. jo (a) ‘poor, destitute’ ESSJa XXV 123
CS OCS nisto ‘poor, destitute’
E Ru. niscij ‘destitute, poverty-stricken, (dial.) thin, ill’; ORu. niscii ‘poor,
destitute, poverty-stricken’; Ukr. nys¢yj ‘destitute, poverty-stricken’
S SCr. nist ‘poor, destitute’; nist (OSerb.) ‘poor, destitute’; SIn. nist ‘poor,
destitute’; Bulg. nist ‘poor, destitute’
According to Meillet (Et. II: 381), we are dealing here with a tio-derivative of *nis, cf.
Skt. nistya- ‘external, foreign. The form *nis as such (with unexplained length) has
not survived. Instead we find > *nizo.
*nitp f. i (a) ‘thread’ ESSJa XXV 130-133
E Ru. nit’ ‘thread’
W Cz. nif ‘thread’; Slk. nif ‘thread’; Pl. nié ‘thread’
S SCr. nit ‘thread’; Cak. nit (Orb.) ‘(piece of) thread, (piece of ) wire’; SIn. nit
‘thread; Gsg. niti
BSL. *nittis
354 *nizb
B Lith. nytis f. (warp) thread’; nytys Npl. f. 1 ‘harness (text.), heald’; Latv. nitis
f. “(warp) thread’; nitis Npl. f. “harness (text.), heald’
PIE —*(s)nhyi-t-i-
Cogn. Gk. véw ‘spin’; Lat. nére ‘spin, weave’; OIr. sniid ‘twist, tie’
*nizb adv. ‘down, below ESSJa XXV 145-148
CS OCS nize ‘down, below’
S SCr. niz ‘below’; Sln. niz ‘down, from’
PIE *nei-gh-?
Cogn. Skt. ni ‘downwards’; Skt. nica ‘downwards’
See also: *nicati; *nikati; *nicp; *niéati; *niknoti
*nize conj./adv. ESSJa XXV 108
CS OCS ni Ze (Supr.) conj. ‘nor’
E Ru. nize (dial.) conj. ‘nor, not even’; Ukr. niz adv. ‘than’
WwW PL. niz adv. ‘than’; nize (arch.) adv. ‘than’
See >*ni and >*Ze.
*niva f. a (a) ‘field’ ESSJa XXV 134-137
CS OCS n’iva ‘field’
E Ru. niva ‘(corn-)field’
WwW Cz. niva ‘field, ploughed field’; niva ‘field, ploughed field’; Slk. niva (lit.)
‘meadow, field’; Pl. niwa ‘field, (poet.) ‘corn-field’
S SCr. njiva ‘field, ploughed field’; gniua (Mazur.) ‘field, ploughed field’; SIn.
njiva ‘field, ploughed field’; gnjiva (dial.) ‘field, ploughed field’; Bulg. niva
‘field, ploughed field’
PIE *nehyi-u-?
If this etymon is to be connected with Gk. vetdc f. ‘fallow-land; the g- of the SCr. and
Sln. dialect forms, which could account for the sequence nji, must be secondary. The
palatalized n reflected in certain Old Church Slavic manuscripts would remain
unexplained, however. A serious alternative is Shevelov’s suggestion (1964: 209) that
*niva is cognate with > gniti ‘rot.
*noga f. 4 (c) ‘foot, leg’ ESSJa XXV 161-164
CS OCS noga
E Ru. nogd, Asg. nogu; Ukr. noha, Asg. nohu
WwW Cz. noha; Slk. noha; Pl. noga
Ss SCr. ndga, Asg. ndgu; Cak. nogd (Vrg.), Asg. ndgu; nogd (Orb.), Asg. ndgo;
Sln. néga; Bulg. noga ‘leg’
BSI. *nogar
B Lith. naga f. ‘hoof’; ndgas m. ‘nail, claw’
*nora 355
OPr. nage ‘foot’
PIE *hsnog”'-ehz
Cogn. Gk. dvwé m. ‘nail, claw, hoof’; Lat. unguis m. ‘nail, claw’; Olr. ingen f. ‘nail’;
OHG nagal m. ‘nail’
See also: *nogptb
*ndgptb m.i/ m. io (©) ‘nail, claw’ ESSJa XXV 170-173
CS OCS nogote (Supr., Euch., Hil.) m.(i) ‘nail, claw’
E Ru. ndgot’ m.(jo) ‘nail, Gsg. ndgtja
WwW Cz. nehet m.(o) ‘nail’; Slk. necht m.(o) ‘nail’; nehet’ (dial.) m.(jo) ‘nail’; Pl.
nogieé m.(jo) ‘nail’; nokieé (arch.) m.(jo) ‘nail’; USrb. noché m.(jo) ‘nail’;
LSrb. noks m.(jo) ‘nail’
S SCr. ndkat m.(o) ‘nail, claw, hoof, Gsg. ndkta; nogat m.(o) ‘nail, claw, hoof,
Gsg. nokta; Cak. nohat (Vrg., Orb.) m.(o) ‘fingernail, toenail Gsg. ndhta;
SIn. néhat m.(o) ‘nail, claw, Gsg. néhta; néhat m.(o) ‘nail, claw, Gsg. nghta;
nohat m.(o) ‘nail, claw, Gsg. nohta; négat m.(0) ‘nail, claw, Gsg. nghta; Bulg.
nokat m.(o) ‘nail, claw
BSI. *nogutios
B Lith. nagzitis m.(io) ‘nail, claw (dim.)’
OPr. nagutis ‘nail’
PIE *hsnogvh-
Cogn. Skt. nakhd- m./n. ‘nail, claw; Gk. évvé m. ‘nail, claw, hoof’; Lat. unguis m.
‘nail, claw’; Olr. ingen f. ‘nail’; OHG nagal m. ‘nail’
See > *noga.
*ndktp f. i (c) ‘night’ ESSJa XXV 175-177
CS OCS noste
E Ru. noe’, Gsg. noci
WwW Cz. noc; Slk. noc; Pl. noc; USrb. néc, Gsg. nocy
S SCr. ndé, Gsg. ndci; Cak. ndé (Vrg.), Gsg. ndci; n“6é (Orb.) ‘night, darkness’
Gsg. ndci; SIn. néé, Gsg. noci; Bulg. nost
BSI. *noktis
B Lith. naktis 4; Latv. nakts
OPr. naktin Asg.
PIE *nokw-t-
Cogn. Skt. nakt- (RV+) f; Hitt. nekuz Gsg. ‘in the evening’; Gk. vvé f.; Lat. nox f,;
Go. nahts f.
*nora f. a (c) ‘den, lair’ ESSJa XXV 184-185
CS CS nora ‘den, lair’
E Ru. nord ‘burrow, den, hole’
356 *ndrstb; *ndrstb
WwW Cz. nora ‘den, lair, hole’; Pl. nora ‘den, lair, hole’ (also néra, nura)
S SIn. nora ‘hole, crater-like depression’
BSI. *norv-
B Lith. naras (dial.) m. 4 ‘hole, lair; nara (dial.) f. 4 ‘hole, lair’
Deverbative d-stem (see > *nerti). In the LKZ, only the variant nara is designated as
a borrowing. The form ndras is attested in an East Lithuanian manuscript.
*nérstb; *ndrstb m. 0; f. i (c) ‘spawning’ ESSJa XXV 189
E Ru. nérost (dial.) m. ‘frog spawn; noros (dial.) m. ‘frog spawn’; norost’ (dial.)
f.(i) ‘spawning’
BSI. *nors-t-
B Lith. na?stas m. 2 ‘spawning’; Latv. narsts? m. ‘spawning, mating season
(birds)’
See > *nérsto
*nérvs; *nérvb m. o; f. i ‘custom, manner’ ESSJa XXV 192-195
CS OCS nravo (Supr., Zogr.”) m. ‘custom, manner’
E Ru. noérov m. ‘(obs.) custom, (coll.) obstinacy’
W Cz. mrav m. ‘custom, manner’; OCz. nrav m. ‘custom, manner, habit’; Pl.
narow m. ‘bad habit, shortcoming, vice’
S SCr. ndrav f.(i) ‘custom, nature, character’; Cak. ndrav (Vrg,) f.(i) ‘custom,
nature, character’, Gsg. ndrdvi; Sln. nrav m. ‘custom’, Gsg. nrdva; nrav f.(i)
‘customs, Gsg. nravi; Bulg. nrav m. ‘character, (pl.) customs’
The connection with Lith. noréti ‘want’, noras ‘wish, desire’ is possible if we assume
that the tone of the Lithuanian forms reflects the root-final laryngeal of *(H)n6érH-,
which is not impossible, though the consistency is surprising.
*nositi v. (b) ‘carry, bear’ ESSJa XXV 206-210
CS OCS nositi, 1sg. noso
E Ru. nosit’, sg. nosu, 38g. ndsit
WwW Cz. nositi; Slk. nosit; Pl. nosi¢
Ss SCr. nositi, 1sg. ndsim; Cak. nositi (Vrg.), 28g. nosis; nosit (Orb.), 18g. ndsin;
Sln. ndsiti, sg. ngsim; Bulg. ndsja
BSL. *nos-
B Lith. nasinti ‘announce, proclain’
PIE *h nok
Cogn. Gk. iveyxov 1sg. aor. ‘brought’
See > *nesti.
*nozdra; *nozdra 357
*nésb m. 0 (c) ‘nose’ ESSJa XXV 212-216
CS CS nose
E Ru. nos, Gsg. ndésa
Ww Cz. nos; Slk. nos; Pl. nos; USrb. nds, Gsg. nosa
S SCr. nés, Gsg. ndsa; Cak. nds (Vrg.) nose’, Gsg. ndsa; nés (Novi), Gsg. ndsa;
nds (Orb.) ‘nose, nozzle (on a jug or a pair of bellows), Gsg. ndsa; Sln. nés,
Gsg. ndsa, Gsg. nosd, Gsg. nosi; Bulg. nos
BSI. *nas-; *na?s-
B Lith. nosis f.(i) ‘nose’; Latv. ndss f.(i) ‘nostril’
OPr. nozy (EV) ‘nose’
PIE *nhy-es-/*nehg-s-
Cogn. Skt. nds- (RV+) f. ‘nose’; Lat. ndris f. ‘nose’; OHG nasa f. ‘nose’
Slavic and Baltic have generalized different variants of the stem. PSI. *ndso is based
on the Asg. *nh2-es-m, whereas Baltic *nds- continues the stem of the Nsg. *neha-s-s.
See also: *nozdra; *nozdra
*novaks m. 0 ‘novice’ ESSJa XXV 225-226
CS CS novako ‘novice’
E Ukr. novadk ‘novice, new moor
W OCz. novak ‘novice, newcomer’; Slk. novdk (arch.) ‘novice’; Pl. nowak (arch.)
‘novice’
S SCr. novak ‘novice’; SIn. novak ‘novice’; Bulg. novak ‘novice’
Derivative in *-ako of > *novo.
See also: *novp
*novp adj. o (b) ‘new’ ESSJa XXVI 9-13
E Ru. novyj {1}
WwW Cz. novy; Slk. novy; Pl. nowy
S SCr. nov, f. nova; Cak. novi (Vrg.), nova f., n. ndv6; novi (Novi); n“6f (Orb.),
f. nova, n. névo; Sn. nov, f. néva; név; Bulg. nov
BSI. *nou(i)os
B Lith. naiijas
PIE *neuos
Cogn. Skt. ndva- (RV+) ‘new, fresh, young’; Gk. véog; Lat. novus ; Go. niujis
{1} AP (c) in Old Russian with traces of (b) (Zaliznjak 1985: 138).
See also: *novakb
*nozdra; *nozdra f. ja; f. 4 (b) ‘nostril’ ESSJa XXVI 15-18
CS OCS nozdri (Ps. Sin., Supr.) Npl. f.(ja)
E Ru. nozdrja £.(ja)
358 *nOZb
Ww Cz. nozdra f.(a); Slk. nozdra f.(a); Pl. nozdrze n.(jo); OPI. nozdrza f.(ja);
nozdrze n.(jo)
S SCr. ndzdra f.(a); Cak. nézdrva (Vrg.) f.(a); Sln. nézdra f.(a); nézdrva f.(a);
nozdfv f.(i), Gsg. nozdrvi; Bulg. ndzdra f.(a)
BSI. *nas-r-
B Lith. nasrai Npl. m.(0) 4 ‘mouth (of an animal)’; nastrai (dial.) Npl. m.(0) 4
‘mouth (of an animal)’
PIE *nhes-r-ehy
The alternative solution is that we are dealing with a compound of > *néso ‘nose’
and > *dorati ‘tear’.
*ndZp m. jo (b) ‘knife’ ESSJa XXVI 23-24
CS OCS nozp
E Ru. noz
Ww Cz. ntiz, Gsg. noZa; Slk. néz, Gsg. noza; Pl. ndz, Gsg. noza; USrb. ndz, Gsg.
noza; LSrb. noz; noyz (dial., see Schuster-Sewc 1958: 270)
S SCr. néz, Gsg. ndza; Cak. néz (Vrg.), Gsg. ndozd; ndz (Hvar), Gsg. ndzd; n“os
(Orb.); Kajk. néz (Bednja); Sln. ndZ, Gsg. ndZa; Bulg. noz
PIE *h nog'-io-
Cogn. Gk. yxoc n. ‘spear’
See also: *vpnoziti; *vbnbziti ; *vbnbznoti; *vEnbzti
*nuditi; *ndditi v. (a) ‘compel, force’ ESSJa XXVI 34-37
CS OCS noditi ‘force’; nuditi (Sav., Supr.) ‘force’ (Supr. has 24 instances of nud-
against 1 occurrence of ngd-)
E Ru. nudit’ ‘compel, force’; nudit’ (dial.) ‘compel, force, plague’; nudit’ (dial.)
‘compel, force, plague’
Ww Cz. nuditi ‘bore, (obs.) plague’; Slk. nudit ‘bore’; Pl. nudzi¢ ‘bore, plague’;
nedzi¢ ‘plague, exhaust, worry’; OPI. nedzi¢ ‘compel, force, plague’
S SCr. niiditi ‘offer, incite, invite’; Cak. niiditi (Vrg.) ‘offer, incite, invite’; niidit
(Orb.) ‘offer’; Sln. niditi ‘force’ 1sg. niidim
Formally, *nuditi matches Lith. naudoti ‘use’, Go. niutan ‘attain, in which case the
acute of the root could be attributed to Winter’s law. Semantically, the etymology
fails to convince, however. More attractive is the connection with OPr. nautin Asg.,
nautins Apl. ‘need, Go. nops f., OHG nét m/f. ‘need, force, which may contain a
suffix *-ti-. (cf. IEW: 1351). Besides *nuditi, *ndditi, we also find > *nutiti (*notiti)
and > *nukati (*nokati). We may posit a root *neuH- (cf. > *nyti) with various
enlargements (as well as secondary nasalization), but it can hardly be excluded that
*neuH- is itself an enlargement, the other root variants being enlargements of *neu-.
The accentual evidence is not always unequivocal and besides the verbs may have
influenced each other.
See also: *nukati; *nokati; *nudja; *nddja; *nutiti; *notiti; *nyti
*nuta 359
*nukati; *nokati v. ‘urge, incite’ ESSJa XXVI 43-44
CS CS nukati ‘incite’
W Cz. nukat (dial.) ‘incite’; Slk. nukaf ‘incite’; Pl. nukac ‘urge, induce, impel’;
nekaé (dial.) “urge, induce, impel’; ngkacé (dial.) ‘urge, induce, impel’; SInc.
ngkdc ‘chase, urge’
S SCr. nitkati ‘(try to) persuade, offer’
See > *nuditi, *noditi.
*nudja; *nddja f. ja (a) ‘need’ ESSJa XXVI 37-39
CS OCS noZda ‘force, necessity, suffering’; nuzda (Supr., En.) ‘force, necessity,
suffering’ (Supr. has 27 instances of nuzd- against 4 instances of ngzd-)
E Ru. nuZa (dial., arch.) ‘need, necessity’
W Cz. nouze ‘poverty, need’; OCz. nuZe ‘difficult situation, torment, need’; Slk.
nudza ‘poverty, need, torment’; Pl. nedza ‘poverty, need, torment’
Ss SCr. niiZda ‘poverty’; SIn. nuja ‘necessity, need’; Bulg. nuizda ‘need, poverty’
See > *nuditi, *noditi.
*nura f. a ESSJa XXVI 45
E Ru. nura (dial.) m./f. ‘sullen, morose person’; ORu. nura ‘door
See also: *nora; *nuriti; *nyrati
*nuriti v. ESSJa XXVI 45-48
CS CS nuriti ‘derive profit from’
E Ru. nurit’ (dial.) ‘exhaust, compel’
WwW Cz. nutiti se (Kott) ‘plunge (into)’ (Modern Standard Czech nofiti); Slk.
nurit sd ‘plunge (into)’; Pl. nurzyé (obs.) ‘soil, wet’; USrb. nurié ‘plunge
(into)’; LSrb. nuris “dive, (se) plunge (into)’
S SCr. nuriti ‘stuff, shove’
See also: *nora; *nura; *nyrati
*nuta f. a ‘cattle ESSJa XXVI 48-49
CS CS nuta ‘cow, ox, cattle’
E ORu. nuta ‘cattle
WwW LSrb. nuta (arch.) ‘herd’
S SIn. nuita ‘herd of cattle’
This etymon is considered a Germanic loanword, cf. Olc. naut n. ‘cow, ox; OHG néz
n. ‘cattle’
360 *nutiti; notiti
*nutiti; notiti v. (a) ‘compel, force’ ESSJa XXVI 49
W Cz. nutiti ‘compel, force’; OCz. nutiti ‘torture, punish, force, constrain,
compel’; Slk. nutit ‘compel, force’; USrb. nucié ‘compel, force, impel’; Pl.
neci¢ ‘entice, tempt’; nuci¢ (16th c.) ‘entice, force, compel’; OPI. neci¢ ‘impel’
S SCr. nutiti (obs.) ‘offer’
BSI. *nout-
OPr. nautin Asg. ‘need’
See > *nuditi, *noditi.
Cogn. Go. nops f. ‘need, force’
*nb conj. ‘but’ ESSJa XXVI 50-54
CS OCS nz conj. ‘but’
E Ru. no conj. ‘but’; Ukr. no conj./adv. ‘but, only’
S Bulg. nd conj. ‘but’; Mcd. no conj. ‘but’
PIE *nu
For cognates, see the next lemma.
*nyné; *nbné adv. ‘now ESSJa XXVI 57-58
CS OCS nyné ‘now’; nynja ‘now’; CS noné ‘now’
E Ru. nyne ‘now, today’; none (dial.) ‘now, today’
WwW Cz. nyni ‘now’; OCz. nenie ‘now’; Pl. ninie (obs.) ‘now; OPI. nynie ‘now’
BSI. *nunoi; *nunoi
B Lith. niin ‘now, today’; ninai ‘now, today’
PIE *nu-; nu
Cogn. Skt. nui, nit ‘now, just, but’; Gk. vv(v) emph. ptcl., vov adv. ‘now’ (also emph.
ptcl.); Go. nu adv. ‘now
See also: *nb
*nyrati v. ESSJa XXVI 65
CS CS nyrjati ‘immerse oneself’; nyrati ‘immerse oneself’
E Ru. nyrjat’ ‘dive’; Ukr. nyrjaty ‘dive’
See > *nora.
*nyti v. ‘yearn’ ESSJa XXVI 66-67
E Ru. nyt’ ‘ache, moan; 1sg. ndju, 38g. ndet; ORu. nyti ‘grieve; 1sg. nyju
Ww Cz. nyti ‘yearn, 1sg. nyji; OCz. nyti ‘yearn, suffer’, 1sg. nyju; Slk. nyt (poet.)
‘grieve, be deeply moved’; USrb. nyé ‘yearn’; Pl. ny¢ ‘yearn, languish’
BSL *nu?(d)-
B Lith. panisti ‘year’
*obétjati 361
See also: *nuditi; *noditi; *nukati; *nokati; *nudja; *nodja; *nutiti; *notiti
*O
*ob prep. ‘about’ ESSJa XXVI 71-74
CS OCS 0(b/bi) ‘about, at, during’
E Ru. 0(b/bo) ‘about, with, against’
WwW Cz. o ‘about’; ob ‘every other’; Sk. o ‘about’; Pl. o ‘about, with’
S SCr. 0(b) ‘about’; SIn. 6(b) ‘about’; Bulg. o ‘about, at’
Skt. abhi (RV+) ‘to, against’ probably reflects *hzmb"i (<*hznt-b*i?), not *hsebhi. This
means that in spite of formations such as abhi-vira- ‘surrounded by men, there is no
etymological relationship with *ob unless we are dealing with a special development,
cf. > ognv. The connection with Go. bi ‘about’ may perhaps be maintained. Lith. apié,
ap(i)- ‘about’ probably continues *h, opi.
See also: *obptjp
*oba num. ‘both’ ESSJa XXVI 85-88
CS OCS oba, f. obé, n. obé
E Ru. 6ba, f. ébe, n. dba
W Cz. oba, f. obé, n. oba; Pl. oba, f. obie, n. oba
S SCr. dba, f. dbje; Cak. dba (Vrg., Orb.), f. dbe, n. dba; Sn. obd, f./n. obé
BSL. *obo?
B Lith. abu, f. abi
Cogn. Skt. ubhd-; Gk. dupe; Go. bai
The PIE anlaut of the root defies reconstruction. Toch. B antapi, dntpi, and Gk. du.@w
seem to reflect *h2nt-b"oh;, which does not match Skt. ubhd- and Go. bai.
*obétjati v. ‘promise, pledge’ ESSJa XXXI 31-33
CS OCS obéstati ‘promise, pledge’, 1sg. obéstajo
E Ru. obescat’ ‘promise’ 1sg. obescaju (a Church Slavicism); obecat’ (N. dial.)
‘promise’; obvecat’ (N. dial.) ‘promise, bequeath’; obvicdt’ (Arx.) ‘promise’;
ORu. obéscati ‘promise, pledge’; obécati ‘promise, pledge’
Ww Cz. obécat, obécet (dial.) ‘promise, appoint’; OCz. obécéti ‘promise, pledge’;
Slk. obecat'‘establish’; Pl. obieca¢ ‘promise’
S SCr. obééati ‘promise’, isg. obécam; Cak. obediti (Vrg.) ‘promise’, 28g. obecas;
Sln. obécati ‘promise, pledge’ 1sg. obécam; Bulg. obestdja ‘promise’
BSI. *woitiar-
OPr. waitiat ‘say’
Prefixed verb consisting of > *ob and > *vétjati.
g iY
362 *obolks
*obolk» m. o ‘cloud’ ESSJa XXXI 85-87
CS OCS oblako m.
E Ru. dblako n., Gsg. dblaka; dboloko (dial.) m., Gsg. obolokd; ORu. oboloke
m.; oboloko n.
W Cz. oblak m.; Slk. oblak m.; Pl. obtok m. ‘cloud, swath’
S SCr. dblak m., Gsg. dblaka; Cak. dblak (Vrg.) m., Gsg. dblaka; dblak (Orb.)
m., Gsg. dblaka; Sln. oblak m.; Bulg. 6blak m.
Prefixed noun to be analyzed as — *ob plus — *vélko.
*obora I f. a ‘string, twine’ ESSJa XXXI 92-93
CS CS obora ‘string
E Ru. obéra (dial.) ‘string for tying up bast shoes’; obdr, dbor (dial.) m. ‘string,
kind of fishing-net’; ORu. obora ‘strap, string for tying up bast shoes’; Bel.
obéra ‘string, twine’; Ukr. obéra ‘string, twine’
WwW Pl. obora (dial.) ‘string for tying up bast shoes’
Derivative consisting of > *ob and a deverbative noun *vora (> *otoverti). Lith.
apvara ‘cord, string’ can only be etymologically identical if the prefixes are identical.
See also: *obora I; *obors; *proverti; *zaverti
*obora II; *obor® f. a; m. o ‘enclosure’ ESSJa XXXI 93-96
E Ru. obéra f. ‘cattle yard, pasture, field, plot’; ORu. obora f. ‘area for cattle,
pasture for cattle’
Ww Cz. obora f. ‘game preserve’; obora (Jg., Kott) f. ‘game preserve, paradise,
fence’; OCz. obora f. ‘fence, enclosed strip of land, enclosed wooded area,
preserve’; Slk. obora f. ‘preserve’; USrb. wobora f. ‘pasture for cattle’
S SCr. dbor (Vuk) m. ‘enclosure for pigs, courtyard’; Sln. obéra f. ‘zoo, enclosed
strip of land’; obor m. ‘fence, region, Gsg. obdra; Bulg. obdr m. ‘fence,
building for horned cattle’
Derivative consisting of — *ob and deverbative nouns *vora and *voro (— *otoverti),
cf. Sln. ovréti ‘detain, enclose’.
*obrésti v. ‘find’ ESSJa XXIX 74-76
CS OCS obrésti ‘find’ 1sg. obresto
E Ru. obresti (rhet.) ‘find; 1sg. obretu, 3sg. obretét, isg. obrjdscu (arch.), 3sg.
obrjdascet
S SCr. obresti (13th-16th c.) ‘find’; obrésti se (dial.) ‘meet’; obrés(t) (dial.) ‘be
found, turn out to be’ {1}; Sln. obrésti ‘find; 1sg. obrétem
Prefixed verb containing the elements > *ob and *rét- < urét-(?). The Lithuanian
verb surésti ‘seize’, referred to by Pokorny, is of obscure origin (> *sorésti).
{1} According to Skok (III: 319), obresti was borrowed from Russian into the eastern variant of
the literary language. The position of the dialect forms is unclear.
*odoléti 363
See also: *sbrésti
*obuti v. ‘put on footwear’ ESSJa XXX 246-247
CS OCS obuti (Mar., Zogr., Supr.) ‘put on footwear’
E Ru. obut’ ‘put on someone’s boots or shoes for him, provide with boots or
shoes’
Ww Cz. obouti ‘put on footwear’; Slk. obut ‘put on footwear’; Pl. obud ‘put on
footwear’
S SCr. dbuti ‘put on footwear’ 1sg. dbujém; Cak. obiti (Vrg.) ‘put on footwear’
asg. dbujes; ubiit (Orb.) ‘put on (shoes); 1sg. ubijen; Sln. obuti ‘put on
footwear, 1sg. obiijem; Bulg. obuja ‘put on footwear’
BSI. *(-)outei
B Lith. aiiti ‘put on footwear’; Latv. aut ‘put on footwear’
Cogn. Hitt. unu- ‘adorn, decorate, lay (the table)’; Lat. induere ‘put on footwear’
Prefixed verb composed of > *juz- and *uti- < *hseu- (> *jozuti).
*obpls adj. 0 ‘round’ ESSJa XXX] 124-126
CS obvle ‘round’
Ru. 6blyj ‘rounded’
Cz. obly ‘round, rounded, oval’; Slk. obly ‘oval, round(ish)’; Pl. obly ‘oval’
SCr. dbao ‘round, oval’, f. dbla; Cak. dbal (Vrg.) ‘round, oval’ f. obld, n. dblo;
SIn. gbat ‘round, oval’; Bulg. 6bdl ‘round’
nemo
Prefixed noun, of which the element *(v)ol- is the zero grade of the root of Lith.
apvalus ‘round’; Latv. apals ‘round; Olc. valr ‘round.
*obptjp adj. jo ‘common’ ESSJa XXXI 166-167
CS OCS obpsto
E ORu. oboéii
WwW Pl. obcy ‘foreign’
S SCr. dpéi; Sln. 6béi; Bulg. obst
Derivative in *-tio- of > *ob.
*odoléti v. ‘overcome, defeat’ ESSJa XXVI 161-162
CS OCS odoléti ‘defeat, isg. odoléjo
E Ru. odolét ‘overcome, conquer’
WwW Cz. odoleti (Kott) ‘resist, withstand’; Slk. odoliet (dial.) ‘resist, defend oneself’
S SCr. odoljeti ‘overcome, withstand’; Cak. odoliti (Vrg.) ‘overcome,
withstand’; Sln. odoléti ‘overcome, defeat’
Lith. dalyti ‘share’; Latv. dalit ‘share’
OPr. dellieis ‘share!’
ise)
364 *odrb
See > *dola. The root is *dolh,-, the meaning of which is given as ‘behauen, spalten’
in LIV (414), cf. Lat. dolé ‘fashion, work (wood). The maning ‘split’ developed into
‘share. The meaning of the Slavic prefixed verb arose from ‘get one’s share’ (cf.
Vasmer s.v. odolét’).
*odrb m. 0 (b) ‘bed’ ESSJa XXVII 165-169
CS OCS odro ‘bed’
E Ru. odr (arch.) ‘bed, couch, Gsg. odrd; odér (dial.) ‘bed’
W Cz. odr ‘pillar, frame, summer-house’; Slk. védor ‘hay-loft’
S SCr. odar ‘bed, scaffolding, Gsg. ddra; Cak. odar ‘dugacki stol od trstika, na
kojemu se suse smokve;, Gsg. odrd; SIn. ddar ‘flooring, hay-loft’; Bulg. 6dar
‘couch, bed’
PIE *hod*-?
Cogn. OE eodor m. ‘fence, house’; OHG etar m. ‘fence, edge’
*ognb m.i/ m. jo (b) ‘fire’ ESSJa XXXII 30-33
CS OCS ognv m.(i), Gsg. ogni; ogn’s m.(jo), Gsg. ognja
E Ru. ogén’ m.(jo), Gsg. ognjd; ogon’ (N. dial.) m.?(i), Gsg. ogni; Ukr. ohén’
(dial.) m.(jo), Gsg. ohnju; ohén’ (dial.) m.(i), Gsg. ohny
Ww Cz. ohei m.(jo); Slk. ohen m.(jo); Pl. ogien m.(jo); Slnc. vegoun m.(jo);
USrb. wohen m.(jo); LSrb. wogeri m.(jo)
S SCr. oganj m.(jo), Gsg. ognja; Cak. dgan (Vrg.) m.(jo) ‘fire, hearth, Gsg.
dgna; ogan (Novi) m.(jo), Gsg. ognd; ugdnj (Orb.) m.(jo), Gsg. ugnja; Sln.
oganj m.(jo), Gsg. dgnja; Bulg. dgdn m.(jo)
BSI. *ungnis
B Lith. ugnis f.(i) 4; Latv. uguns f.(i); uguns m.(i)
PIE *hing”-ni-
Cogn. Skt. agni- (RV+) m. ‘fire, Agni’; Lat. ignis m. ‘fire’
According to Kortlandt (1979: 60-61, 1988: 388-389, cf. Hamp 1970), *ogno reflects a
Balto-Slavic noun *ungnis, where *-ngn- blocked the operation of Winter’s law (cf.
Thurneysen 1883). The sequence *un was lowered to *on before a tautosyllabic stop,
with subsequent loss of the nasal as a result of dissimilation (> *voda). Apparently,
the latter development occurred in Baltic as well. The expected reflex of Winter’s law
is found in > *vygonp, vygona.
See also: *Oglb; *vygpne; *vygpna
*oje n. jo ‘thill’ ESSJa XXXII 35-37
E Ru. voé (dial.) n.(jo)
WwW Cz. oje (dial.) n.(jo); OCz. ojé f.(j4); oje n.(jo); Pl. oje (dial.) n.(jo); OPI. oje
n.(jo)
S SCr. dje n.(jo); SIn. of@ n.(s), Gsg. ojésa
PIE *hz30iH-os
*olbddb; *olbdts; *elbeds; *elb6tp 365
Cogn. Gk. ofa& ‘handle of rudder, tiller, helm, rings of the yoke’; Hitt. isa- ‘thill’; Fi.
aisa ‘pole in a stack’
*ojpminb m.o ESSJa XXXII 38-39
CS OCS oimi (Supr.) Npl. ‘soldiers’
BSL *jud-
B Lith. judus (OLith.) ‘belligerent’
Prefixed noun consisting of > ob and a derivative in *-ino of *jod-m < PIE
*Hiud'-m-, cf. Skt. yudhma- m. ‘warrior.
*dko n. 0 (c) ‘eye’ ESSJa XXXII 13, 41-42
CS OCS oko n.(s/o), Gsg. ocese, Gsg. oka, Ndu. o¢i
E Ru. 6ko (arch., poet.), Npl. 6ci
WwW Cz. oko, Npl. oci; Slk. oko, Npl. oci; Pl. oko, Npl. oczy
S SCr. oko, Npl. f. dé; Cak. dko (Vrg., Novi, Orb.), Npl. f. dci; SIn. ok6é n.(s),
Gsg. o¢ésa, Npl. océsa, Npl. o¢i; Bulg. okd, Npl. o¢i
BSI. *ok-
B Lith. akis f.(i) 4; Latv. acs f.(i)
OPr. ackis Npl. ‘eyes’
PIE *hsek"-o-
Cogn. dksi- (RV+) n. ‘eye’; Gk. 6o0e NAdu. n. ‘eyes’; Lat. oculus m. ‘eye’
See also: *okpno
*okbno n. 0 (b) ‘window ESSJa XXXII 45-47
E Ru. okn6; ORu. okono
WwW Cz. okno; Slk. okno; Pl. okno
S SCr. okno ‘shaft, window’; Cak. aknd (Orb.) ‘window, NApI. aikna; SIn. édkno
‘window’; Bulg. okno (dial.) ‘opening, hole’
Derivative of > *dko.
*olbods; *olbots; *elbeds; *elbOtb m. jo (c (a)) ‘swar’ ESSJa VI 19; XXXII 50-51
E Ru. lébed’ m.(jo), Gsg. lébedja; Ukr. lébid’ m.(jo)
W Cz. labut f.(i/ja); Slk. labut f.; Pl. fabedZ m.(jo); tabeé (dial.) m.(jo); OPI.
labeé m.(jo); tabec f.7i)
S SCr. labad m.(0); lébit (arch.) m.(0); Cak. labad (Vrg.) m.(0); SIn. labéd
m.(0); lebéd m.(0); lobéd m.(o); Bulg. lébed m.(o)
PIE *hzelb"-ond-i-
Cogn. OHG albiz, elbiz‘swan’; OE zlbitu, ielfetu f. ‘swan’; Olc. elptr, olpt f. ‘swan’
If the PSI. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape *lab- occurs
outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an
originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the
366 *olboda; *elbeda
traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root *h,elb- ‘white. Unless one
adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a
reconstruction *h,l6b*- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart
from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes */a- and *lo- needs to be
explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex */e- in Ru. [ébed’ (perhaps from *lo-
before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobé) continues the short reflex of *ol- in the oxytone
forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic
forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting
from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became
mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial
vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.
See also: *olboda; *elbeda
*olboda; *elbeda f. 4 ‘goosefoot’ ESSJa VI 18; XXXII 50-51
E Ru. lebeda; loboda
W Cz. lebeda; loboda (dial.); Slk. loboda; lebeda (dial.); Pl. lebioda
S SCr. lobéda; Cak. loboda (Vrg.) ‘goosefoot (?)’; lobodd (Novi) ‘goosefoot (?);
Npl. [6bode; lobodd (Orb.) ‘unidentified plant (wild basil?), Asg. lobod6; Sln.
16boda; lobdda; lebéda; Bulg. ldboda
The anlaut of dialect forms such as Pl. fabgdz or SCr. laboda must be analogous after
the words for ‘swan’. The reconstruction *olboda is not without problems in view of
the consistent reflex *Jo- in South Slavic (but cf. SCr. rdb ‘slave’?), which also does not
match the */a- of the ‘swan’ word. We must seriously consider the possibility that the
proto-form was *hlob-oda (*hzleb-eda) (for further discussion see s.v. *olbgdv).
See also: *olbddb; *olbots; *elbeds; *elbdotp
*olépnp adj. o (a) ‘hungry’ ESSJa XXXII 52-53
CS OCS aléeno (Supr.) ‘hungry’; CS alcens (Christ.) ‘hungry’; lacna (Freis.)
Asg. m. ‘one who is hungry’
E Ru. dlényj ‘greedy, grasping, (obs.) hungry’; dlosnoj (dial.) ‘greedy’; dlasnyj
(dial.) ‘greedy’; ORu. al(o)cono ‘hungry, greedy’; alceno ‘hungry, greedy’;
lacono ‘hungry, greedy’
Ww Cz. lacny ‘hungry, greedy’; Slk. lacny ‘hungry, greedy’; OPI. taczny ‘hungry,
thirsty (for)’
S SCr. laéan ‘hungry’; Cak. lééan (Orb.) ‘hungry’; SIn. ldéan ‘hungry’, f. ldéna;
Bulg. dléen ‘greedy’
BSL *olrkino-
B Lith. dlkanas ‘sober’; Latv. alkans ‘greedy, hungry’
OPr. alkins ‘sober’
For the reconstruction of the root, see > *6lkati.
See also: *olkom»
*olkomb 367
*oldi f. i ‘boat’ ESSJa XXXII 53-54
CS OCS al(e)dii (Zogr., Supr.) f.(ia) ‘ship, boat’; ladii (Zogr., Mar.) f.(ia) ‘ship,
boat’
E Ru. lad7d f.(ia) ‘rook, (arch., dial.) boat’; Idd’ja (dial.) f.(ia) “boat, trough’;
ORu. lodoja f.(ia) ‘boat’; Ukr. lddja f.(ia) ‘boat, (dial.) ‘trough’
W Cz. lod’ f.(i/ja) ‘boat’; OCz. lodi f.(1a) ‘boat’; Pl. tédz f.(i) ‘boat’; OPI. lodzia
f.(ia) ‘boat’
S SCr. lada f.(ja) ‘boat’; Cak. lada (Vrg,) f.(ja) ‘boat’; Sln. lddja f.(ja) ‘boat’;
Bulg. lddija f.(ja) ‘canoe, boat’
BSI. *old-iH-aH
B Lith. eldija f.(ja) 3> ‘hollowed out tree trunk, canoe; aldija f.(ja) 3°
‘hollowed out tree trunk, canoe’ {1}
PIE *Hold"-eha; *held*-ehz
Cogn. OE ealdoht f ‘trough, vessel’; OE aldaht f ‘trough, vessel’; Nw. olda (dial.) f.
‘large trough, often made from a hollowed out tree trunk’; Sw. dilla (dial.) f.
‘elongated deepened spot, container’; MoHG alden (dial.) ‘furrow’
{1} According to Zinkevicius (1966: 124), the forms with a- occur exclusively in those dialects
where *e- > a-.
*olkati v. (a) ‘be hungry’ ESSJa XXXII 57-58
CS OCS alokati ‘be hungry, fast; sg. aloco; lakati ‘be hungry, fast; sg. Jaco {1}
E Ru. alkat’ ‘hunger (for), crave (for), (obs.) be hungry, 18g. dlcu, 3sg. alcet;
ORu. al(e)kati ‘hunger (for), crave (for), 1sg. alocu; lakati ‘hunger (for),
crave (for); 18g. lacu
WwW OCz. lakati ‘crave (for); 18g. lakaju, isg. lacu
S SIn. ldkati ‘be hungry, be greedy, starve; 1sg. lakam
BSI. *ol?k-
B Lith. dlkti ‘be hungry’; Latv. alkt ‘be hungry’
In my view, the reconstruction *dlk- < *h,eh,olk- (Rasmussen 1999: 199) cannot
account for the acute tone of the root. For this reason I reconstruct *h,olHk-. The
colour of the initial laryngeal is based on Olc. illr < *elhila-. The connection with the
latter adjective is not beyond doubt, however, so that we might reconstruct *h, or *hs.
The verbal root is limited to Balto-Slavic.
{1} According to the Staroslavjanskij slovar’, the ratio between alok- (including alk- and alk-)
and lak- is 19 : 9, respectively. Zogr. (1: 4), Mar. (3 : 1) and Ass. (3 : 1) have both variants.
See also: *olépn; *olkom»
*olkom® adj. 0 (a) ‘greedy’ ESSJa XXXII 60-61
CS OCS lakomyi (Supr.) ‘glutton’
E Ru. ldkomyj ‘tasty, fond of’; Ukr. lakomyj ‘greedy’
WwW Cz. lakomy ‘greedy’; Slk. lakomy ‘greedy’; Pl. takomy ‘greedy’; USrb. lakomy
‘greedy, overly ambitious’
368 *olkntp; *olkbtb
S SCr. ldkom ‘greedy’; Cak. lakom (Vrg.) ‘greedy’; Sln. Idkom ‘greedy’; Bulg.
lakom ‘greedy’
See the previous lemma.
See also: *olépnb;
*dlkatp; *Olkbtb m. i/jo; m. 0 (c) ‘elbow, ell’ ESSJa XXXII 65-67
CS OCS lakotv m.(i) ‘elbow, ell Gsg. lakote {1}
E Ru. l6kot’ ‘elbow, ell Gsg. loktja
W Cz. loket ‘elbow, ell’; Slk. lakot ‘elbow, ell’; Pl. fokieé ‘elbow, ell’; USrb. foché
‘elbow’; foché (dial.) ‘elbow
S SCr. lakat ‘elbow, ell’ Gsg. lakta; Cak. Ildkat (Vrg.) ‘elbow, ell, Gsg. Iahta;
lakat (Novi) ‘elbow, ell, Gsg. lahta; lakat (Orb.) ‘elbow, armlength, yard
(measure), Gsg. Idhta; Sln. lakdt ‘elbow, ell’ Gsg. lakta, Gsg. lakti, Gsg.
lahta, Gsg. lahtii; lakdt f.(i) ‘elbow, ell, Gsg. lakti, Gsg. lahti; lahat ‘elbow, ell,
Gsg. lahta; lakat ‘elbow, ell’, Gsg. lakta; lakat ‘elbow, ell’; lakdt f.(i) ‘elbow, ell,
Gsg. lahti; lakdt ‘elbow, ell, Gsg. lahtii; lehat ‘elbow, Gsg. lahta; Bulg. lakat
‘elbow, ell’
BSI. *Holk-
B Lith. alktiné £.(é) 1 ‘elbow’; elkiiné (arch., dial.) f.(@) 1 ‘elbow’ {2}; Latv. élks m.
‘elbow, bend’; élkuons m. ‘elbow, bend’ {3}
OPr. alkunis (EV) ‘elbow
PIE *Hhselk-?
Cogn. Gk. dAéxpavocg m. ‘point of the elbow; Lat. ulna f. ‘elbow’; Olv. uilen f.
‘elbow’; OHG elina f. ‘ell’; Arm. otn ‘spine, shoulder’
The e- of the East Baltic forms may be another instance of “Rozwadowski’s change’,
cf. Andersen 1996: 130-131. The somewhat awkward reconstruction *Hh3elk-
(*HHolk-) is required by the acute intonation of Lith. uolektis, Latv. udlekts ‘ell’ <
*Hehslk- (*HoHIk-), cf. OPr. woaltis ‘forearm’, woaltis ‘ell’, Gk. wAévn ‘elbow, forearm’
(see Schrijver 1991: 78-79).
{1} In some case forms OCS lakot is inflected as a consonant stem. In the modern languages
*olkotv has adopted the pattern of the jo- or o-stems. {2} The LKZ has elkiiné instead of elkiiné,
even though one of the sources mentioned - F. Kurschat’s dictionary - actually has an acute.
{3} Also élkuonis, élkuone, ¢lkiine?.
See also: *olnita
*olni f. 1 (a) ‘doe’ ESSJa XXXII 70-71
CS OCS alonii (Supr.) Gpl. f.(44) ‘does’ (provided that this is the correct reading
of monii)
E Ru. lan’ f.(i) ‘fallow deer, doe’
WwW Cz. lan f.(i/ja) ‘doe’; OCz. lani f.(ia) ‘doe’; Slk. lan f.(i/ja) ‘doe’; OPI. tani f.(a)
‘doe’; fania f.(ja) ‘doe’
S SCr. lane f.(ja) ‘doe’; Bulg. dine (dial.) f.(ja) ‘young chamois’
*dlovo 369
BSI. *ol-Hn-
B Lith. élnis (arch.) m.(io) ‘deer’; dlnis (dial.) m.(io) 1 ‘deer’; élnias m.(jo) 1/3
‘deer’; élné f.(€) 1 ‘doe’; dlné (dial. f.(é) 1 ‘doe’; Latv. alnis m.(io) ‘elk’
OPr. alne (EV) ‘¢deer’
PIE —*hyol-Hn-iH-
Cogn. Gk. é\Adc¢ (Hom.) m. ‘young of the deer, fawn’; ZAagoc m. ‘deer’ {1}; Arm.
ein m. ‘deer’; MIr. ailit f. ‘doe, hind, Gsg. ailte; MIr. elit f. ‘doe, hind, Gsg.
eilte {2}; MW elein f./m. ‘young deer, doe, hind-calf’, Npl. alanet ‘young deer,
doe, hind-calf’ {3}
{a} Probably < *h,el-n-b'o-. Like the Armenian word mentioned below, this form does not
contain the “Hoffmann-suffix”. {3} According to Schrijver (1995: 79) < PIE *el-(H)n + t-iH or
*el-en + t-iH. {3} MW elein, MoW elain may reflect PIE *(h,)el-Hn- or *(hy)el-y-i (Schrijver
1995: 79).
See also: *elens; *olsb
*olni adv. ‘last year’ ESSJa XXXII 69-70
CS CS lani; loni (Christ.)
E Ru. Joni (Arx., Olon.); ORu. loni; Ukr. lony
W Cz. loni; Slk. lani; Pl. toni (14th-17th c., dial.); USrb. toni; LSrb. toni
S SCr. lani; ldni; Cak. lant (Vrg.); dni (Novi); Cak. lani (Orb.); SIn. Idni; Bulg.
lani; lani
This adverb may contain a demonstrative pronoun *hol-, cf. OLat. olli ‘then, Lat.
6lim ‘at that time, once’ If olli continues *olni one may even consider this form to be
identical with the Slavic etymon under discussion. Meillet has suggested that the *n
is etymologically related with Gk. évoc ‘year’
*olnita f. 4 ‘cheek’ ESSJa XXXII 72
CS OCS lanita
E Ru. lanita (arch.); Ukr. lanyta
W OCz. lanitva
S SIn. lanita
This word for ‘cheek’ is usually considered cognate with the word for ‘elbow (>
*dlkoto, *dlkoto), the semantic connection being the curved shape of the body-parts.
*dlovo n. 0 (c) ‘lead’ ESSJa XXXII 76-77
CS OCS olovo (Supr.) n.(0) ‘lead’
E Ru. dlovo n.(o) ‘tin’; ORu. olove f.(i) ‘tin
W Cz. olovo ‘lead’; Slk. olovo ‘lead’; Pl. of6w m.(jo) ‘lead’; ofdw (obs.) m.(0)
‘lead’; ofowo (dial.) ‘lead’
S SCr. dlovo lead’; Cak. dlovo (Vrg.) lead’; SIn. olév m. ‘lead’; Bulg. élavo (dial.)
‘lead’
B Lith. dlvas (DK, Bretk.) m. ‘tin’ {1}; Latv. alva ‘tin’; alvas m. ‘ti’
OPr. alwis (EV) ‘lead’
370 *dlsb
Forms with *(j)e- are limited to Bulgarian, e.g. MBulg. jelovo, Bulg. élavo (dial.). In
Russian dialects, we find a form lov’ (Voronez), which may reflect *olvv. The fact that
we do not have “lave < *olHvi-, as we might have expected on the basis of the Baltic
forms, can be explained by assuming that the laryngeal was eliminated according to
Meillet’s law before the metathesis of liquids. Pokorny derives the Balto-Slavic word
for ‘tin, lead’ from *al(a)- ‘white. This more or less presupposes that the original
meaning was ‘tin’ (plumbum album) rather than ‘lead’ (plumbum nigrum). In view of
both the formal problems and the sphere to which this word belongs it seems
preferable to regard it as a borrowing from an unknown language.
{1} It is unclear to me on what grounds the LKZ assigns AP 1 to this word. To my knowledge,
the only accented form is dtwu Isg. (DK), which points to AP 1 or 3. The Modern Lithuanian
form dlavas is a borrowing from Slavic.
*6lsb m. jo (c) ‘elk’ ESSJa XXXII 79-80
E Ru. los’ ‘elk, (Arx.) Great Bear, Gsg. lésja; ORu. loso; Ukr. los’
W Cz. los m.(0); Slk. los m.(0); Pl. tos
PIE —*hyol-k-i-
Cogn. Ole. elgr m.; OE eolh m. {1}
{1} Gk. &Axn (Paus.) ‘elk’ and Lat. alcés (since Caesar) are assumed to be borrowings from
Germanic (cf. Frisk I: 75).
See also: *elenn; *Olni
*6lb m. u (c) ‘fermented liquor, beer’ ESSJa XXXII 80-81
CS RuCS ols ‘fermented liquor, strong drink’
E ORu. ola ‘fermented liquor, strong drink’
S SIn. ét ‘beer’, Gsg. la, Gsg. oli
BSI. *alu
B Lith. alus m.(u) ‘beer’
OPr. alu (EV) ‘beer’
PIE *hzel-u-
Cogn. Olc. g/ n. ‘beer, drinking-bout’
*olpxa; *elpxa f. a ‘alder’ ESSJa VI 23-25; XXXII 81-82
E Ru. ol’xd ‘alder’; élxa (dial.), elxd (dial.) ‘alder, spruce’ {1}
W Slk. jelcha (dial.); Pl. olcha
S SCr. jelha (dial.) ‘alder’; Bulg. elxd ‘alder, spruce’
BSI. *a/elisaH; *a/el(i)snio-
B Lith. alksnis, elksnis m.(io) 2 ‘alder’; aliksnis (E. dial.) m.(io) 2 ‘alder’; dlksna,
élksna (dial.) f. 1 ‘alder thicket, place where alders grow, marsh, dale’; Latv.
alksnis, élksnis (dial.) m.(io) ‘alder’; alksna, elksna (E. dial.) ‘alder thicket,
swampy place’ {2}
PIE *hyeliseh2
*onutja 371
Cogn. Lat. alnus m. ‘alder’; Span. aliso m. ‘alder’; Mac. ddtCa ‘white poplar’; OHG
elira, erila f. ‘alder’; OE alor m. ‘alder’; Olc. gir m. ‘alder’ jolstr f. ‘alder’ {3}
As Schrijver observes (1991: 40), this etymon presents two problems. The first
problem is the anlaut. The Slavic forms with je- cannot be explained away by
assuming analogy after the word for ‘spruce’: je- also occurs in West Slavic, where
‘spruce’ is jedl-, not jel- (pace Kortlandt apud Schrijver: 0.c. 41). The a- : e- variation
in Germanic suggests that the variation in Baltic and Slavic does not result from
“Rozwadowski’s change” alone (cf. Andersen 1996: 130). The second problem is the
alternation between i and zero in the second syllable. It is true that the *i and *u (cf.
the Latvian toponym Aluksne?) of the Germanic forms may continue the regular
ablaut of an s-stem (Schrijver: l.c.), but the fact that we find * of in Slavic and East
Lithuanian as well indicates that it should be taken at face value. The above-
mentioned peculiarities of the etymon strongly suggest that we are dealing with a
word of non-Indo-European origin. The fact that there are North Slavic forms with s
alongside the expected x must be connected with the Baltic presence in the area (cf.
Anikin 2005: 85-86).
{1} In Russian dialects there are apparently also forms with a vocalized medial jer, e.g. eldxa
(Kostr.), aléx (Voron.), oléx (Rjaz.) ‘alder’ (cf. Popowska-Taborska 1984: 39). {2} The form with
e- is actually reflected as alksna (Bersohn, E. Latvia) (M-E: s.v.). {3} From *aluz- and *elustré
(< *elastr6?), respectively.
See also: *olpSa; *elbSa; *olbsa; *olbs; *olbse
*olbsa; *olbs»; *olbse f. 4; m. 0; n. jo (a) ‘alder thicket’
E Ru. Ol’sa (Upper Dniepr) top. f.; alés (Smol., Dniepr basin) m. ‘alder thicket,
swampy place’; Bel. al’sa (Upper Dniepr) f. ‘alder thicket, swampy place’;
alés (dial.) m. ‘alder thicket, swampy place’; Ukr. ol’os (dial.), oles (dial.) m.
‘alder thicket, swampy place’
WwW Pl. olesie n.(jo) ‘swampy place in forest’ (cf. also olesisty ‘swampy’ and
olesnik alongside jelesnik ‘white hellebore’)
See also: *olbxa; *olbSa; *elbxa; *elbsa
*olpSa; *elbSa f. ja (a) ‘alder’ ESSJa VI 23-25; XXXII 82
W Cz. olse ‘alder’; jelse (dial.) ‘alder’; Pl. olsza ‘alder’; USrb. w6lsa ‘alder’; LSrb.
wolsa ‘alder’
S SCr. jélsa ‘alder’; Sln. jétsa ‘alder’; 6tsa ‘alder’
, ¢elksna (E. dial.) f. ‘alder thicket, swampy place’ {2}
Derivative in *-ja of > *olvxa, *eloxa.
*onutja f. ja ‘footwear’ ESSJa XXXII 88-89
CS OCS onusta (Supr.) ‘footwear, sandal’
E Ru. ontica ‘sock, cloth puttee’
Ww Cz. onuce ‘sock, cloth puttee’; Slk. onuca ‘sock, cloth puttee’; OP]. onuca
‘sock, cloth puttee’
372 *onb
S SIn. ontiéa ‘puttee’; vnuca ‘puttee’
Compound containing the root of > *joz-uti, *ob-uti. The prefix is often assumed to
be the o-grade of *h,n ‘in’. This hypothesis is supported by the Slovene dialect form
vata < *von-. See also > *otro.
*onp prn. ‘he, she, it’ ESSJa XXXII 89-90
CS OCS onze, f. ona, n. ono
E Ru. on, f. ond, n. ond
W Cz. on, f. ona, n. ono; Slk. on, f. ona, n. ono; Pl. on, f. ona, n. ono
S SCr. on, f. ona, n. ono; 6n, f. ona, n. Ono; Cak. 6n (Vrg,), f. ond, n. ond; SIn. on,
f. 6na, n. oné n., 6no
BSL. *anos
B Lith. ands ‘that’
PIE *hpen-o-
Cogn. Gk. &v modal ptcl.; Lat. an ‘whether, or’
*dpaks; *dpako; *dpaky adv. (c) ‘the other way round’
CS OCS opaky (Supr.) ‘the other way round, behind one’s back’
E Ru. 6pak(o) (dial.) ‘back, backwards, the other way round’
WwW Cz. opak m. ‘contrary’; OCz. opak m. ‘backwards, the other way round’; Slk.
opak ‘contrary’; Pl. opak ‘(na o.) the other way round, upside down, wrongly’
Ss SCr. dpak adj./adv. ‘the other way round’; Cak. dpak (Vrg.) adj./adv. ‘the
other way round’; SIn. opdk ‘backwards, the other way round’ Gsg. opdka;
Bulg. 6pak ‘backwards, the other way round’
PIE *hzepo-h3k"-
Cogn. Skt. dpaka- (RV+) adj. ‘located behind, distant, aside’; Skt. apakd (RV) adv.
‘behind’; Skt. apakat (RV) adv. ‘behind’; Olc. gfugr adj. ‘turned the wrong
way, wrong’
The quantitative variation in the second syllable reflects accentual mobility, as
pretonic long vowels were shortened but posttonic long vowels were not. The
laryngeal of the second syllable had been lost with compensatory lengthening at an
earlier stage.
*orati v. ‘plough’ ESSJa XXXII 106-109
CS OCS orati (Zogr., Mar., Ass., Sav., but only in John 17:7).
E Ru. ordt’ (dial.), 1sg. orju, 38g. orét
W Cz. orati; Slk. orat; P|. orati, 1sg. orze
S SCr. drati, sg. drém; Cak. ordti (Vrg.), 28g. dres; orat (Orb.), 28g. orés; Sln.
ordti, sg. ordm, 18g. orjem; orati; Bulg. ord
BSI. *arv-
B Lith. arti, 1sg. ariu; Latv. aft
*ordlo 373
PIE *hyerh;-
Cogn. Gk. apd; Lat. ardre
See also: *ordlo; *orlpja; *ortajp
*orbiti v. ‘do, work’ ESSJa XXXII 116-118
E Ru. robit’ (dial.) ‘do, work; 1sg. rdblju
WwW Cz. robiti ‘make, do’; Slk. robit ‘make, do}; Pl. robi¢ ‘make, do’; LSrb. robis
‘work, earn’
S SCr. rabiti ‘use’; Sln. rabiti ‘use, do, 1sg. rabim
See > *orbo.
*orbota f. 4 ‘work’ ESSJa XXXII 119-122
CS OCS rabota ‘slavery’; robota (Supr.) ‘slavery’
E Ru. robota (dial.) ‘work’; ORu. robota ‘work, slavery, captivity
Ww Cz. robota ‘corvée’; Slk. robota ‘work, corvée’; Pl. robota ‘work, labour’
S SCr. rabota ‘corvée’; Cak. rdbota (Vrg.) ‘corvée’; SIn. rabéta ‘corvée’; Bulg.
rabota ‘work, thing’
Cogn. Go. arbaips f. labour’
See > *orbo.
*orbb m. o ‘servant, slave’ ESSJa XXXII 131-133
CS OCS rabo ‘servant, slave’; robo (Zogr., Supr.) ‘servant, slave’ (In Supr., the
variant rob- occurs 28 times, but rab- is even more frequent)
E Ru. rab ‘slave’, Gsg. rabd; ORu. robo ‘servant, slave’
W Cz. rob ‘slave’
S SCr. r6b ‘slave’, Gsg. roba; Sln. rob ‘slave, detainee’, Gsg. roba, Gsg. rgba; Bulg.
rab ‘slave’; rob ‘slave, servant, prisoner’
Unlike the ESSJa, I think that an etymological relationship with Germanic forms
such as Go. arbaips f. ‘labour’ and Olc. erfidi n. ‘id’ is highly plausible. These forms
are possibly cognate with Gk. op@avéc ‘orphan, Lat. orbus ‘deprived of, orphan’ from
a root *h3erb'-. The South Slavic variants reflecting *robo, with unexpected *rob- <
*orb-, must be borrowings from West (or East) Slavic.
See also: *orbiti; *orbota
*ordlo n. 0 (a) ‘plough ESSJa XXXII 141-145
CS OCS ralo (Zogr., Mar., Sav., Euch., Supr.)
E Ru. rdlo
W Cz. rddlo; Slk. radlo; P|. radto; USrb. radto; LSrb. radto
S SCr. rdlo; Sin. rdlo ‘small plough’; Bulg. ralo
BSI. *arrdlo; *dar?tlo
B Lith. drklas m. 3; Latv. a?kls m., Latv. arkls m.
374 *oréxb
PIE *h2(e)rh3-d'lom
Cogn. Gk. dpotpov n.; Arm. arawr
In Balto-Slavic, zero grade of the root (cf. Lith. irklas ‘oar’) was apparently replaced
by full grade after the verb ‘to plough’ The fixed stress on the root must result from
Hirt’s law. OCS oralo (Ass.) is clearly analogical after orati.
See also: *orati; *orlpja; *ortajp
*oréxb m. 0 (a) ‘nut’
CS CS oréxo
E Ru. oréx
W Cz. orech; Slk. orech; Pl. orzech
S SCr. drah; Cak. orih (Vrg.); orih (Novi); Sln. 6reh, Gsg. oréha; Bulg. drex
‘walnut, nut’
BSI. *(0)re/oifs-
B Lith. riesutas m.(0) 3°; riesutjs m.(io) 3°; Latv. riéksts m.(0)
OPr. buccareisis (EV) ‘beech-nut’
*oriti v. ESSJa XXXII 162-165
CS OCS orisi (Supr.) 2sg. ‘tempt’
WwW Cz. oboftiti ‘collapse’
S Bulg. 6rja (dial.) ‘bring down’
BSI. *or-ei/i-
B Lith. ardyti ‘pull down, destroy’; Latv. ardit ‘destroy, scatter’
PIE *Hor-eie-
The literal meaning of OCS oriti, which in Supr. 510,8 translates Gk. ka®é\ketv, is
apparently ‘drag down’. The ESSjJa (s.v. *oriti ID) connects oriti in this particular
meaning with SCr. oriti se, SIn. oriti se ‘resound’ as well as with Lat. ordre ‘speak. 1am
inclined to consider the reconstruction of a second etymon *oriti unnecessary.
See also: *razoriti
*orkp m. 0 (a) ‘crayfish’ ESSJa XXXII 169-172
E Ru. rak
Ww Cz. rak; Slk. rak; Pl. rak; SInc. rak
S SCr. rik; Cak. rak (Vrg., Orb.); Sln. rak, Gsg. rdéka; Bulg. rak
BSI. *Orrk-; *ér?k-
B Lith. érké f.(é) ‘tick’; Latv. érce f£.(8 ‘tick’
OPr. {1}
{1} OPr. rokis (EV) ‘crayfish’ and Lith. rékis, rékis (dial.) must be borrowings from Slavic (pace
Maziulis PKEZ IV: 31).
*orodsje 375,
*orkyta f. 4 (a) brittle willow’ ESSJa XXXII 173-175
E Ru. rakita; rokita (dial.); Ukr. rokita
WwW Cz. rokyta; Slk. rakyta; rokyta (pop.); Pl. rokita
S SCr. rakita; Cak. Rakita (Vrg.) an island; Sln. rakita; Bulg. rakita
B Latv. ércis m.(io) ‘juniper’
Cogn. Gk. dpKev8oc f. juniper’
It is very likely that we are dealing here with a substratum word, cf. the Greek variant
dpyetoc (Hesych.).
*orlsja f. i ‘field, arable land’ ESSJa XXXII 177-179
E ORu. rolija ‘(corn-)field, ploughed field’; rolja “(corn-)field, ploughed field’;
Uke. rillja ‘ploughed field’
W Cz. role ‘field, arable land’; roli (S. dial.) n. n.(io) ‘field, arable land’; OCz. roli
f.(ia) ‘field, arable land’; Slk. rola ‘field, arable land’; Pl. rola ‘field, arable
land’; USrb. rola ‘field, arable land’
I assume that the root-final laryngeal (see > *ordti, *ordlo) had been lost in pretonic
position before the word-initial metathesis of liquids. The fact that we find no
lengthening is also connected with non-initial stress.
*ormo; *orme n. 0; n. n (a) ‘shoulder’ ESSJa XXXII 185-187
CS OCS ramo n.(0)
E Ru. ramend (arch., poet.) Npl. n.(n) ‘shoulders’
Ww Cz. rameé (lit, arch.); rameno n.(o); Slk. rama; Pl. ramie; USrb. ramjo; LSrb.
ramje
S SCr. rdme, Gsg. ramena, Npl. rameéna; Cak. rdme (Vrg.), Gsg. rdmena, Npl.
ramena; rdme (Novi), Npl. ramend, Npl. rdmena; ramen (Orb.), Gsg.
ramena, Npl. ramena, Npl. ram‘éna; Sin. rame ‘shoulder, arm, Gsg. rdmena;
rama f.(a); rdmo n.(o); Bulg. rdmo, Npl. ramend, Npl. ramené
BSL. *ir?mo; *ir?men-; *6r?men-
B Lith. irméde f.(€) ‘gout’ 1
OPr. irmo ‘arm’
PIE *h,erH-mo-; *hzerH-men-
Cogn. Skt. irma- m. ‘arm’; Lat. armus m. ‘arm, shoulder’; Go. arms m. ‘arm’
*orodpje n. io
OCS orgdije (Supr.) n.(io) ‘business, affair’
Ru. ortidie n.(io) ‘instrument, tool, gun’
Cz. orudi n.(io) ‘instrument’; Pl. oredzie n.(jo) ‘proclamation, message’
SCr. driizde n.(jo) ‘instrument, organ’; driZje n.(jo) ‘weapons’; Cak. oruzjé
(Vrg.) n.(jo) ‘weapons’; orizje (Orb.) n.(jo) ‘weapons’; Sln. orédje n.(jo)
‘instrument, organ’; Bulg. orddie n.(io) ‘instrument, artillery’
376 *orsti
Prefixed noun consisting of > *ob and a derivative of the root that is also found in >
*rédo ‘row, line.
*orsti v. (c) ‘grow’ ESSJa XXXII 197-199
CS OCS rasti, 1sg. rasto
E Ru. rasti, 1sg. rastu, 38g. rastét (the spelling with -a- originates from Church
Slavic); Ukr. rosty, 1sg. rostu
Ww Cz. risti, isg. rostu; Slk. rast; Pl. rosé; USrb. rose
S SCr. rdsti; Cak. ras (Orb.), 38g. rasté; SIn. rdsti, sg. rdstem; Bulg. rasta
Formation unclear. Since there are reasons to assume that the Lithuanian and
Latvian sta-suffix arose from *-ska within Baltic (cf. van Wijk 1933), it is unattractive
to posit *h3er-st-. Nevertheless, a possible connection with *h3er- ‘move (upward),
rise’ deserves attention.
*ortajb m. jo (a) ‘ploughman’ ESSJa XXXII 209-211
E Ru. rataj (folk poet.) ‘ploughman’
WwW Cz. rataj ‘farmer’; Slk. rataj ‘farmer’; Pl. rataj ‘farmer’
Ss SCr. rataj (Montenegro) ‘farmer’; Cak. rdtaj (Orb.) measure of land (+ 2000
square metres, = a day’s ploughing); SIn. rdtaj ‘ploughman, farmer’; ratdj
‘ploughman, farmer’; Bulg. rataj ‘servant’
BSI. *arrtarjos
B Lith. artdjas 1 ‘ploughman, farmer’; Latv. ardjs ‘ploughman, farmer’; aréjs
‘ploughman, farmer’
OPr. artoys (EV) ‘farmer’
Agent noun in *-tajo. See > *orati.
*ortb f. i ‘war, battle ESSJa XXXII 214-215
CS OCS rat» (Supr.) ‘war, battle, (pl.) enemy forces’
E Ru. rat’ (poet., arch.) ‘host, army, war battle’; ORu. rato ‘war, battle, troops
S SCr. rat ‘war’; rat m.(o) ‘war’; Bulg. rat ‘battle, war, soldiers’
PIE *hyor-ti-
See also: *erns; *ertb
*orblb m. 0 (b) ‘eagle’ ESSJa XXXII 232-234
CS OCS orvle
E Ru. orél, Gsg. orld
W Cz. orel; Slk. orol; orel; Pl. orzel, Gsg. orla; USrb. worjol, Gsg. worta; LSrb.
jerjot; jerjet; herjot (dial.); herjet (dial.); horal (arch.)
S SCr. drao; Sn. 6rat, Gsg. drla; Bulg. orél
BSI. *or-il-o-; *er-el-io-
B Lith. erélis m.(jo) 2; Latv. érglis m.(jo)
*osa 377
OPr. arelie
PIE *hger-il-o-
Cogn. Gk. dpvic m. ‘bird’; Go. ara m. ‘eagle’; Olc. grn m. ‘eagle’; Olr. irar m. ‘eagle’;
Hitt. hara(n)- c. ‘eagle’
The Lithuanian variant arélis is limited to the area where e- becomes a- (Baga RR II:
508). The East Baltic forms therefore all have initial *e-. Since this is unexpected,
these forms may be labelled as an example of “Rozwadowski’s change”. It does not
seem very plausible that within Slavic only the Low Sorbian forms would show the
effect of this phenomenon.
*orbm0o n. 0 ‘part of a (wooden) plough ESSJa XXXII 234
E Ru. or’mé (Dal’: Nizegor.-Mak.) ‘mount of the ploughshare of a (NE
Russian type of ) wooden plough’; ormé (Jarosl.) ‘wooden part of a plough
on which the ploughshare is fixed’
If this etymon is to be identified with > *arimo, *arvmo, the root vocalism may be
attributed to the influence of > *orati ‘plough. Note, however, that the long vowel of
*arome/o is unclear.
*orz pref. ‘dis-, un-’
CS OCS raz-
E Ru. roz- (in unstressed position and in Slavonicisms we find raz-)
W Cz. roz-; SIk. roz-; Pl. roz-
S SCr. raz-; SIn. raz prep. ‘away from’; raz-; Bulg. raz-
It has been suggested that *orz- continues *ord-z, where the *z may have been
adopted from > *bez, *joz, *voz. The form *ord < *ord" (note the absence of a Balto-
Slavic glottal stop) may be connected with Skt. ardha- m. ‘side, part, half.
*osa f. 4 (b) ‘wasp’
E Ru. osd, Asg. ost; osvd (dial.); Bel. osva; Ukr. osd, Asg. osu; osd (dial.), Asg.
osu
W Cz. vosa; Slk. osa; Pl. osa
S SCr. dsa, Asg. osu; Cak. os (Vrg.) ‘prickle of an ear of grain’ Asg. dsu; (Orb.)
dsa, Asg. dso; Sln. dsa; Bulg. osd
BSI. *wops(w)ar
B Lith. vapsva 2/4; vapsa (dial.) 2/4; Latv. vapsene f.(8)
OPr. wobse
PIE *uobh-s-ehy
Cogn. Lat. vespa; W gwchi m. ‘wasp, drone’; OHG wafsa
The root is sometimes identified with *ueb"- ‘weave’.
378 *osa; *osina; *esika
*osa; *osina; *esika f. 4 ‘asper’ ESSJa I 80-81; XXXII 93
E Ru. osina; Ukr. osyna
WwW Cz. osa (dial.); Pl. osa (obs.); osina; USrb. wosa; LSrb. wésa
S SCr. jésika; jasika; Sln. jestka; jasika; Bulg. jésika; jasika
BSI. *aps-
B Lith. épusé £.(é); dpusé (dial.) f.(é) 1 (alongside epusé, apusé); Apsé top. £.(€)
2; Latv. apse f.(€); epse f.(é); epss f.(i)
OPr. abse f.
PIE *aps-ehz
Cogn. OHG aspa f.; Olc. gsp f.; Arm. op‘ ‘aspen, poplar’
This tree-name may be classified as a (North) European etymon. It is also found in
Finnic and Turkic. The forms with *e- may be attributed to “Rozwadowski’s change”
(cf. > *dsenv), though their distribution over the Balto-Slavic territory (South Slavic
+ Lithuanian) is remarkable.
*oskprdt m. o ‘pointed hammer, pickaxe’ ESSJa XXIX 197-198
CS OCS oskrodo (Ps. Sin, Euch.) ‘stone cutter’s tool, pickaxe’
E Ru. oskérd ‘axe’
WwW Cz. oskrt ‘iron tool for whetting or roughening mill-stones’; oskrd (dial.)
‘tron tool for whetting or roughening mill-stones’; OCz. oskrd ‘iron tool for
whetting or roughening a mill-stones’; Pl. oskard ‘pickaxe’
Sln. oskfd f.(i) ‘pointed hammer for whetting mill-stones’
*skurd-
OPr. scurdis ‘dibstone, mattock’
To be analyzed as > ob + *skord®, with zero grade of the root attested in > *skorda.
*osm num.o (b) ‘eighth’
nemo
PIE
Cogn.
OCS osmo
Ru. vos’m6j
Cz. osmy; tismy (dial.); Slk. ésmy; Pl. dsmy
SCr. 6smi; Cak. 6smi (Vrg.); dsmi (Novi); “6smi (Orb.); SIn. dsmi; Bulg. ésmi
*osmas
Lith. asmas (obs.)
*h3ekths-uo-
Lat. octavus
The suffix *-mo-, cf. Skt. astamd-, must have been adopted from ‘seventh’.
See also: *Osmb
*Osmpb num. (b) ‘eight’
CS
OCS osmb
*ostrb 379
E Ru. vosem’; vésem’ (dial.)
WwW Cz. osm; Slk. osem; Pl. osiem; OPI. o§m; Slnc. veiesém; USrb. wosom; LSrb.
wosym; wosom (dial.)
S SCr. dsam; Cak. dsan (Vrg., Orb.); dsam (Novi); SIn. sam
BSI. *ost-
B Lith. astuoni
Cogn. Skt. astdu; Lat. octé
The cardinal number may have been created on the basis of the ordinal > *osmo on
the analogy of other numerals.
*osnova f. a (a) ‘base, foundation’ ESSJa XXIX 233-237
E Ru. osnéva ‘base, foundation, warp’
Ww Cz. osnova ‘system, plan, device, warp’; Slk. osnova ‘plan, device, basis’; Pl.
osnowa ‘warp, theme’
S SCr. dsnova ‘base, foundation’; SIn. osnéva ‘base, foundation’; Bulg. osndva
‘base, foundation’
Prefixed noun consisting of the elements > *ob and *snova (> *snuti). The final
syllable is long because prior to Dybo’s law it was in post-posttonic position, where
the laryngeals were lost with compensatory lengthening.
*ostrovb m. 0 (c) ‘island’ ESSJa XXX 79-82
CS OCS ostrove (Zogr., Supr.)
E Ru. dstrov, Gsg. dstrova
S SCr. dstrov; SIn. ostrov, Gsg. ostréva; Bulg. dstrov
Noun consisting of > *ob and an o-stem *strovo (cf. Gk. pdoc¢ m. ‘stream’) deriving
from a verb meaning ‘stream’ (> *struja).
*ostrb adj. 0 (b/c) ‘sharp’
CS OCS ostro ‘sharp, rough’
E Ru. ostryj; ostér, f. ostrd, n. ostré
Ww Cz. ostry; Slk. ostry; Pl. ostry; USrb. wotry
S SCr. dstar, f. dstra; ostar, f. Ostra; Cak. dstar (Vrg.), f. ostra, n. dstro; OStar
(Orb.), f. dstra, n. dstro; Sln. gstar, f. dstra; Bulg. dstar
BSI. *asros
B Lith. astrus 4; asrus (dial.) 4; Latv. ass
PIE *hgek-ro-
Cogn. Gk. dkpos ‘pointed’; Lat. dcer ‘sharp’
See also: *6stb; *osbt’b; *ostbn's; *osbla
380 *Ostb
*Ostb f. i (c (b?)) ‘sharp point, smth. with a sharp point
E Ru. ost’ ‘awn’
W Slk. ost ‘fishbone, awn, thorn’; Pl. osé ‘fishbone, awn, thorn’
S SCr. dsti Npl. ‘harpoon’; dstve Npl. ‘harpoon’; Cak. dsti (Vrg.) Npl. ‘harpoor’;;
SIn. gst ‘sharp point, fishbone, (pl.) harpoon, Gsg. osti
BSL. *astis
B Lith. akstis f.(i) 4 ‘spit, thorn, prick (the form akstis is also attested)
On the basis of Sln. dst, Illi¢-Svityé posits an original AP (b) for this etymon.
Furthermore, Skardzius (1941: 330) has akstis, -ies, which “mixed paradigm” Illi¢-
Svityé (1963: 57) also regards as evidence for original barytone accentuation. The root
is *hzek- ‘sharp’ (— *ostro).
*ostbnb m.o (b) ‘sharp point, smth. with a sharp point’
CS OCS ostons (Supr.) ‘sharp point’
E Ru. ostén (dial.) ‘thorn, spike’
WwW Cz. osten m.(jo) ‘spike, quill’; Pl. oscien ‘harpoon, (arch.) fishbone’
S SCr. dstan ‘pointed stick for driving cattle’; Sln. gstan ‘spike, thorn’; Bulg.
ostén ‘pointed stick for driving cattle’
BSI. *astinos (akstinos?)
B Lith. akstinas 3° ‘thorn, awn, pointed stick for driving cattle’
Derivative in *-ond. See > *dsto.
*osbtb m. 0 ‘thistle’
CS OCS osote (PsDim.) ‘thistle, sow thistle’
E Ru. osdét
W Cz. oset; Pl. oset; USrb. wost; LSrb. woset
S Sln. osdt; dsat
BSI. *asutos
B Lith. dSutas ‘hair of a horse’s tail or manes’
Derivative in *-oto. See > *ostro.
*Osp f. i (c) ‘axle, axis’
CS CS osp
E Ru. os’
W OCz. os; Slk. os; Pl. of
S SCr. 6s; SIn. és, Gsg. osi; Bulg. os
BSI. *asis
B Lith. asis; Latv. ass
OPr. assis (EV)
PIE —-*hyeks-i-
*otjptnoti 381
Cogn. Skt. dksa- m.; Gk. &&wv m.; Lat. axis m.
*ospla f. 4 ‘whetstone’
CS OCS osla (Supr.)
E Ru. osélok m.
W Pl. osetka
S Sln. ésla
Derivative in *-vla. See > *ésto.
*osblb m. 0 (b) ‘donkey’
OCS osvlo
Ru. osél, Gsg. osla
Cz. osel; Slk. osol; Pl. osiot
SCr. dsao, Gsg. dsla; Sln. dsat, Gsg. dsla
BSL *asilos
B Lith. dsilas 3°
OPr. asilis
A borrowing from Germanic, cf. Go. asilus.
nemo
*otjutiti v. ‘feel, perceive’
CS OCS ostutiti ‘feel, perceive, understand; 1sg. ostusto
E Ru. ocutit’sja ‘find oneself, come to be’; ORu. o¢utiti ‘notice’
WwW Cz. cititi ‘feel’; Slk. citi ‘perceive, (refl.) feel’; Pl. cuci¢é ‘bring back to
consciousness, (refl.) awake’
S SCr. cutjeti feel’; Cak. catiti (Vrg.) ‘feel’; éutit (Orb, ‘feel’; Sln. cutiti ‘feel,
sense, notice’ 1sg. Cutim; Cutiti ‘feel, sense, notice’, isg. Cutim
BSI. *jout-
B Lith. jaiisti ‘feel, sense’, 3pres. jaticia, 3pret. jatite; Latv. jaust ‘feel, notice,
heed, understand’
PSL *jut- can be connected with Skt. vat- ‘get acquainted with’ < *uet- only under the
assumption that Balto-Slavic created a new full grade *eut- > *jout-. The unprefixed
forms reflect initial *tj- resulting from reanalysis of *ot-jutiti as *o-tjutiti.
See also: *otjptnoti
*otjptnoti v.
E Ru. o¢nut’sja ‘wake, regain consciousness, 1sg. o¢nts’, 38g. ocnétsja
W Cz. octnouti se ‘find oneself, come to be’; Slk. ocitnout sa ‘find oneself’; Pl.
ockngé sig ‘awake’
BSL *jut-
B Lith. justi ‘feel’, 3pres. jufita, 3pret. juto; Latv. just ‘feel, notice’
382 *ot(p)
Perfective verb with zero grade of the root. If the connection with Skt. vat- is to be
upheld, the *j- must have been adopted from the full grade (see > *otjutiti).
*ot(s) prep. ‘fron’
CS OCS oto
E Ru. ot(0)
WwW Cz. od(e) ; Slk. od(o) ; Pl. od(e)
S SCr. od(a) ; SIn. od; Bulg. ot
BSI. *ot
B Lith. at- pref. ‘back, away’; Latv. at- pref. ‘back, away’
OPr. at-; et- pref. ‘back, away’
PIE *hyeti
Cogn. Skt. dti prep. ‘beyond, over’; Gk. étt adv. ‘yet, still, besides’; Lat. et conj. ‘and’;
Go. id- ‘again
Beekes (1990: 264) reconstructs *h,oti alongside *h,eti, but the e-grade is
predominant. Perhaps the first element of Go. appan ‘but, however’ may be
compared directly with the Balto-Slavic forms.
*ot(b)léks m. 0 ‘remainder
CS OCS otoléko (Ps. Sin.) Asg. ‘remainder, rest’; odoléko (Ps. Sin.) Asg.
‘remainder, rest’
BSI. *otloiko(s)
B Lith. dtlaikas ‘remainder, remnant’
Prefixed noun of which the second element continues the o-grade of PIE *leikw-
‘leave’ cf. Skt. rindkti ‘leave’; Gk. Mein ‘to let, to leave.
See also: *lixo; *lixs; *lisiti
*otroks m. o ‘child, servant’
OCS otroko ‘child, son, boy, servant’
Ru. dtrok ‘boy, lad, adolescent, Gsg. dtroka
Cz. otrok ‘serf’; Slk. otrok ‘serf’; OPI. otrok ‘hired labourer, adolescent, lad’
Cak. otrdk (Orb.) ‘child, boy’, Gsg. otrokd; Sln. otrdk ‘child, boy’, Gsg. otréka;
Bulg. otrok ‘serf, (obs.) child’
Noun consisting of the prefix *of- and an o-stem *roko from *rekti ‘speak (as in OCS
proroke ‘prophet’), cf. Lat. infans.
nemo
See also: *radciti; *rekti; *récb; *rokn
*ot(b)verti v. ‘open’
WwW Cz. otevriti ‘open, 1sg. otevru, 1sg. otevru
S SIn. odvréti ‘remove an obstruction, open, 1sg. odvrém
*otbcb 383
BSI. *atwerr-
B Lith. atvérti ‘open’; Latv. atvért ‘oper’
OPr. etwerreis imper. ‘open!’
The root-final laryngeal seems to be a Balto-Slavic enlargement (cf. Derksen 1996: 81-
82). Synonymous prefixed verbs of the same root are Skt. apavrnoti ‘open, Lat. aperire
‘open.
See also: *obora; *ot(b)voriti; *proverti; *zaverti
*ot(b)verzti v. ‘open
CS OCS otvrésti ‘open, reveal’, 1sg. otvrezg (the prefix less frequently has the
shape otv-)
E Ru. otvérzt’ (poet.) ‘open, 1sg. otvérzu, 38g. otvérzet
BSI. *verz-
B Lith. verZti ‘string, tighten, squeeze’
PIE *h,oti-uerg"
Cogn. OHG wurgen ‘strangle’
See also: *povorzb; *pavorz; *verslo
*ot(b)vétjati v. ‘answer’
CS OCS otovéStati, 18g. otovestajo
E Ru. otvecat’, 1sg. otvecaju
See > *vétjati.
*ot(b)voriti v. (b) ‘oper’
OCS otvoriti
Ru. otvorit’, sg. otvorju, 28g. otvorit
Cz. otev7iti; Slk. otvorit; Pl. otworzyc
SCr. otvoriti, sg. otvorim; Cak. otvoriti (Vrg.), 28g. otvoris; SIn. otvoriti, 18g.
otvorim; Bulg. otvorja
nemo
See > *otoverti.
*otbcb m. jo (b) ‘father’
OCS otoco
Ru. otéc, Gsg. otcd
Cz. otec; Slk. otec; Pl. ojciec
SCr. dtac, Gsg. 6ca; Cak. otdc (Vrg.), Gsg. dca; otdc (Novi, Orb.), Gsg. ocd,
Npl. oci Sln. 6ée, Gsg. océta
nemo
The root *of- may be compared to Gk. atta, Lat. atta, Go. atta (all ‘father’), etc., and
must be considered a nursery word.
384 *OVb
*ovp prn. ‘this, that’
CS OCS ovo ‘someone, someone else, other ((ove...ovo ‘the one...the other’)
W OCz. ov ‘that’ f. ova, n. ovo; Pl. éw ‘that’ f. owa, n. owo
S SCr. ovaj ‘that’ f. ova, n. ovo; Cak. ovi (Vrg.) ‘that’ ovd f., n. ové; SIn. dv ‘this,
that’; Bulg. dvi ‘that
PIE *hzeu-o-
Cogn. Av. ava- ‘that’
*ovpca f. ja (b/c) ‘sheep’
CS OCS ovoca
E Ru. oved, Asg. ovct {1}
WwW Cz. ovce; Slk. ovca; Pl. owca
S SCr. 6vea, Asg. évcu, Npl. 6vce; Cak. dvca (Vrg.), Asg. 6vcu; ofcii (Novi), Asg.
Ofcu; Sn. dvca; Bulg. oved
BSI. *owis
B Lith. avis f.(i) 4; Latv. avs f.(i)
PIE *h3eu-i-
Cogn. Skt. dvi- m./f. ‘sheep, ram’; Gk. dtc m./f. ‘sheep’; Lat. ovis f. ‘sheep’
Derivative in *-oca < *-i-kehp.
{1} In Old Russian we find indications for AP’s (b) en (c) (Zaliznjak 1985: 135). According to
Illi¢-Svityé (1963: 85), ovcd has mobile accentuation in 18th and 19th century poetry as well as
in dialects.
See also: *ovpn'b
*ovpnb m. 0 (b) ‘ram’
CS OCS ovens (Ps. Sin., Euch.)
E Ru. ovén ‘Aries, (obs.) ram’, Gsg. ovnd; ORu. ovens
WwW OCz. oven; OPI. owien (Ps. Flor.)
Ss SCr. dvan, Gsg. dvna; dvan, Gsg. dvna; SIn. dvan, Gsg. dvna; Bulg. ovén
‘wether’
BSL. *owinos
B Lith. dvinas; Latv. auns
OPr. awins (EV)
The word for ‘ram’ is another derivative of *h3eu-i- (> *ovoca).
*ovbsb m. 0 (b) ‘oats’
E Ru. ovés, Gsg. ovsd; ORu. ovese
WwW Cz. oves; Slk. ovos; Pl. owies
S SCr. dvas, Gsg. évsa; Cak. ovds (Orb.), Gsg. ofsd; Sln. dvas, Gsg. dvsa; dvas,
Gsg. ovsa; Bulg. ovés
BSL. *awiz-; awis-
*égplp 385
B Lith. aviza f. 3>; Latv. duzas Npl. f.
OPr. wyse
PIE *hzeu-igh(s)-ehy
Cogn. Lat. avéna f.
The Balto-Slavic and Latin forms can be derived from *h,eu-ig'- (cf. Schrijver 1991:
46-47), except for the fact that Slavic has a voiceless sibilant. A substratum origin
cannot be excluded.
*ozord» m. 0 (a) ‘device for drying hay or grain’
E Ru. ozoréd ‘device for drying hay or grain, hay-stack’; Bel. azjaréd ‘device for
drying sheafs’
See > *zordo.
*Q
*oditi v. (c) ‘smoke’
Ww Cz. uditi; Pl. wedzi¢
Ss Sn. voditi, sg. vodim; oditi ‘smoke; 1sg. odim
PIE *(s)uond?-
Cogn. OHG swintan ‘fade, pine away, wither’; OE swindan ‘subside, fade’
See also: *svednoti; *uvedati; *vednoti
*Oglb m. i (a) ‘coal’
CS OCS oglb (Ps. Sin., Supr.) m.(i)
E Ru. uigol’ m.(jo), Gsg. uiglja, Gsg. uglja
WwW Cz. uhel m.(jo); Slk. uhol m.(jo); Pl. wegiel m.(jo)
S SCr. iigalj m.(jo), Gsg. iiglja; iigljén m.(o), Gsg. iigljena; Cak. iiglen (Vrg.)
m.(0), Gsg. uglena; Sln. dgat m.(0), Gsg. dgla; végat m.(0), Gsg. végla
BSI. *on?glis
B Lith. anglis f.(i) 4; dnglis m.(io) 1; afiglis m.(io) 2; Latv. togle f.(8)
PIE *h,ong"-I-
Cogn. Skt. drigara- (RV+) m. ‘coal’ (with a suffix *-6l-)
Probably a hysterodynamic /-stem.
See also: *Ognp; *vygpnb; *vygpna
*6gplb m. 0 (c) ‘corner’
CS OCS ogole
E Ru. uigol, Gsg. ugla
WwW Cz. thel; Slk. uhol; Pl. wegiet
PIE
Cogn.
*Qgorb
SCr. iigal (dial.); SIn. dgat, Gsg. dgla; végat, Gsg. végla; Bulg. dgal
*hoeng-
Lat. angulus m. ‘corner, angle’; Olc. ekkja f. ‘ankle, heel’; Arm. ankiwn
‘corner’
Derivative in *-olv of *9g- < *hzeng-.
*ogorb m. jo ‘eel’
E
PIE
Cogn.
Ru. igor’ ‘eel, blackhead’ Gsg. ugrjd
Cz. thot ‘eel’; Slk. uhor m.(o) ‘eel’; uhor m.(o) ‘pork tapeworm, blackhead,
Gsg. uhra; Pl. wegorz ‘eel’; USrb. wuhor ‘eel’; LSrb. wugor ‘eel’
SCr. igor m.(0) ‘eel’; Cak. igor (Vrg.) m.(0) ‘conger eel’, Gsg. iigora; igor
(Novi) m.(0) ‘conger eel’, Gsg. iigora; Sln. ogér ‘eel’, Gsg. ogdrja
*angurio-
Lith. ungurjs m.(io) ‘eel’ (with E. Lith. un- < *an-)
OPr. angurgis m.(io) ‘eel’
*heng”'-ur-io-
Lat. anguilla f. ‘eel’; Fi. ankerias ‘eel’
See also: *6Zb
*okotp f. i
CS SerbCS gkot ‘hook’
E ORu. ukoto ‘claw, anchor
BSI. *honk-
B Lith. dnka (K, WP) f.1 ‘snare, noose’
Cogn. Skt. arikd- (RV+) m. ‘hook, clamp’; Gk. éyxog m. ‘hook’; Lat. uncus ‘hook m.
The root of this derivative is *h,onk-, cf. Lat. ancus (Paul. ex Fest.) m. ‘with crooked
arms’ < *h,enk-. For the meaning of the root, cf. Skt. afic- ‘bend.
*$sb m. 0 (b) ‘moustache’
a. O
RuCS se ‘moustache, beard’
Ru. us ‘hair of a moustache, whisker’, Npl. usy ‘moustache’
Cz. vous ‘beard hair, Npl. vousy ‘beard’; Pl. was ‘moustache, Npl. wasy
‘moustache’
SIn. vs ‘moustache’ Npl. vosi ‘id’; vése Npl. f.(a) ‘moustache’
*wonsum
Lith. udstai (Zem.) Npl. m.(0) 2 ‘moustache’
OPr. wanso ‘first beard’
*uond"-s-om
OHG wintbrawa f. ‘eye-lash’; MIr. find m. ‘hair’
*oziti 387
*Otro n. o (b) ‘inside, coe’
E Ru. nutro ‘inside, coe’; Bel. nutr6 ‘inside, coe’; Ukr. nutré ‘inside, coe’
PIE *h,on-tr-6-m
Cogn. dntrd- (RV, AV+) n. ‘intestine’ (with unexplained a); Gk. évtepa Npl. n.
‘entrails’
The initial n- originates from von- ‘in’ as a result of reanalysis, cf. > *9tro.
*Otroba f. 4 (a) ‘entrails’
OCS gtroba ‘entrails’
Ru. utréba ‘womb, (coll.) belly’
Cz. utroba ‘entrails’; Slk. utroba ‘entrails, womb’; Pl. wgtroba ‘entrails’
SCr. iitroba ‘intestines, womb’; Cak. utrdba (Vrg.) ‘intestines’; utrdba (Orb.)
‘intestines’; Sln. otrdéba ‘entrails, womb’; vétroba (Meg., Dalm.) ‘entrails’
PIE *hion-tro-
Cogn. Skt. dntra- (RV, AV+) n. ‘intestine’; Gk. évtepa Npl. n. ‘entrails’
Slavic has a suffix *-ba, cf. OCS zoloba ‘badness’.
See also: *jédro; *jétro; *Otra; otrp
nemo
*otrb adv. ‘inside, within’
CS OCS gtrv (Supr.); vonotro
E Ru. vnutr’ adv./prep.; vnutri adv./prep.; ORu. utro
W Cz. vnith; uvnith; OCz. viutt; Sik. vnitri; Pl. wewngtrz
S SCr. unutar; untitra; SIn. nétar ‘in, inside’; nétri ‘inside’
Adverb based on *h,on-tr-, cf. > *6tro.
*oty f. a ‘duck
CS CS oty f.(@)
E Ru. uitka f.(a); utvd (dial.) f(a); ORu. uty?? f.(@), Gsg. utove; utovo f.(a@); Bel.
uc f.(i)
Ss SCr. titva f.(a); SIn. étva f.(a)
BSI. *antt-
B Lith. dntis f.(i) 1
OPr. antis (EV)
PIE *hyenhy>-t-
Cogn. Skt. ati- f. ‘aquatic bird’; Lat. anas f. ‘duck’; OHG anut f. ‘duck
*oziti v. ‘constrain
CS RuCS gziti ‘constrain, torture’ (cf. OCS gziliste n. ‘prison’)
E Ru. uzit’ ‘make narrow, straiten, 1sg. uZu, 38g. uzit; ORu. uziti ‘constrain,
torture’
S SCr. uziti ‘make narrow, straiten,, 1sg. aizim
388 *ozlp
PIE *hoomg'-eie-
For the root, see > *gzoko.
*ozlb m. 0 (a) ‘knot’
CS SerbCS gzlo; vozlo
E Ru. uzel, Gsg. uzla
Ww Cz. uzel; Slk. uzol; Pl. wezet
S SCr. iizao, Gsg. iizla; Cak. aiza] (Vrg.), Gsg. aizla; ial (Novi), Gsg. aizla;
“6zalj (Orb.) m.(jo); SIn. vézat, Gsg. vozla; zal, Gsg. 6zla; Bulg. vazel
BSL. *on?é-(0)I-
B Lith. gZuolas 1/3 ‘oak’; Latv. udzudls ‘oak’
OPr. ansonis ‘oak’
In his list of laryngealized roots in Slavic, Kortlandt (1975a: 63) groups the above-
mentioned Slavic and Baltic together, which since a publication by Zubaty is not
uncommon. This etymology is sometimes integrated with the hypothesis that *dzlo
is cognate with > *vezati. In view of the tone of the root this connection is
problematic.
*ozpkp adj. o ‘narrow
CS OCS ozoko
E Ru. uzkij; uzok, f. uzka, n. uzko
W Cz. uzky; Slk. uzky; Pl. wazki
S SCr. iizak, f. iiska, f. uskd; Cak. tsak, f. uskd, n. iisko; SIn. 6zak, f. dzka
BSI. *anz-(u)-
B Lith. ankstas
PIE *hoemg"-u-
Cogn. Skt. amhu-; Lat. angustus; Go. aggwus
See also: *gziti; *vezati; *uvesti
*$Zp m. jo (b) ‘snake’
E Ru. uz ‘snake’, Gsg. uZd; ORu. uZo ‘snake’
WwW Cz. uZovka f. ‘adder’; Slk. uzovka f. ‘adder’; Pl. waz ‘snake’, Gsg. weza; USrb.
wuz ‘grass snake’; LSrb. wuz ‘snake, (dial.) maggot’
Ss Cak. “6s (Orb,) ‘kind of black snake’ Gsg. “oZd; SIn. $2 ‘grass snake’; v6z
‘snake’
BSI. *angi(o)s
B Lith. angis f.(i) 4 ‘snake’; Latv. uddze f.(é) ‘adder’
PIE *hoeng"-i-
Cogn. Lat. anguis m. ‘snake’; OHG unc m. ‘snake’; MIr. escung m. ‘eel’
See also: *ogprb
*paxnoti 389
*p
*padati v. (a) ‘fall’
OCS padati, 1sg. padajo
Ru. pddat’, sg. pddaju, 38g. pddaet
Cz. padati; Slk. padat; Pl. padaé
SCr. pddati, 1sg. padam; Cak. padati, 2sg. pada’; padat (Orb.), 18g. pddan;
SIn. padati, 1sg. padam; Bulg. pddam
OemO
Derivative in *-ati. The root is PIE *pod- (> pasti IT). We are therefore dealing with
another example of Winter’s law.
*padorga f. 4 ‘bad weather’
E ORu. padoroga ‘bad weather’
BSI. *dor?ga?
B Lith. darga 4 ‘bad, rainy weather, (dial.) retting’; dargana 1 ‘bad, rainy
weather’
See also: *sédorga
*paxati I v. ‘sweep’
CS OCS paxati ‘wave, agitate’
E Ru. paxat’ (dial.) ‘sweep, sweep the chimney, 1sg. pasu
S SCr. pahati ‘sweep off dust, blow off; 1sg. paham; pahati ‘blow off, dust’ 1sg.
pasém; SIn. pahati ‘dust, brush off; sg. paham
Etymology unknown. According to Vasmer (s.v. paxdat’) probably of onomatopoetic
origin.
See also: *paxnoti
*paxati II v. (b)
E Ru. paxat’ ‘plough, till; 1sg. pasu, 3g. paset
WwW Cz. pachati ‘do, make, (dial.) herd cattle’; Slk. pachat ‘accomplish, perform’;
Pl. pachaé ‘dig, cause harm’
Etymology unclear. The meaning ‘herd cattle’ is reminiscent of > *pasti, but the tonal
properties of the root do not match.
*paxnoti v. ‘smell (of)’
E Ru. paxnut’ ‘puff, blow, 38g. paxnét; paxnut’ ‘smell (of)
WwW Cz. pachnouti ‘be fragrant’; Slk. pachnut' ‘smell (of )’; Pl. pachngé ‘smell (of ’
See *paxati I.
390 *palica
*palica f. ja ‘stick, staff’
OCS palica (Ps. Sin., Supr.) ‘staff’
Ru. pdlica ‘club, cudgel’
Cz. palice ‘baton’; Slk. palica ‘club’; Pl. palica (dial.) ‘club’
SCr. pdlica ‘stick, staff’; Cak. pdlica (Vrg.) ‘flat stick for beating laundry’;
palica (Orb.) ‘stick for beating laundry’; SIn. pdlica ‘stick, staff’
Os HO
The obvious connection with forms containing a root *pol- (e.g. > *polica) forces us
to reconstruct a lengthened grade *pol- for *palica. This is not in agreement with the
accentual evidence, however. The etymology of the root is unclear.
See also: *palbka; *poléno; *polica; *polb
*paliti v. (b) ‘burn, singe’
OCS paliti, sg. paljo
Ru. palit’, isg. palju, 3sg. palit {1}
Cz. paliti; Sik. palit; Pl. palié
SCr. pdliti, 1sg. palim; Cak. pdliti (Vrg.), 28g. palis; SIn. pdliti, sg. pdlim;
Bulg. palja
nemo
Since this causative verb belongs to (b), we must reconstruct the root as *pélh,-. LIV
has *pol- in view of Ru. pdlomja ‘flame’ but I prefer to reconstruct > *polmy (a) (see
also Dybo 1981: 74). There is also East Baltic evidence (see > *pépelo, *pdpelo).
{1} AP (b) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 137).
*palpka f. a ‘stick, staff”
E Ru. palka ‘stick, staff’
W Cz. palka ‘stick, club’; Pl. patka ‘stick, club’
S Bulg. palka ‘stick, club’
See > *palica.
*palbcp m. jo ‘finger’
CS paloce ‘finger’
Ru. pdlec ‘finger, Gsg. pal’ca; ORu. paloce ‘finger’
Cz. palec ‘thumb’; Slk. palec ‘thumb’; PI. palec ‘finger’
SCr. pdlac ‘thumb, big toe? Gsg. palca; Cak. palac (Vrg.) ‘thumb, big toe’ Gsg.
palca; palac (Hvar) ‘thumb, big toe’, Gsg. pélca; pdlac (Orb.) ‘thumb, big toe,
spoke (of a wheel)’; SIn. patac ‘thumb; Gsg. pdica; Bulg. pdlec ‘thumb’
OemO
This derivative is strongly reminiscent of Lat. pollex m. ‘thumb, big toe, but the
details remain unclear.
*pametp f. i (a) ‘memory, remembrance’
CS OCS pameto ‘memory, remembrance, memorial’
E Ru. pdmjat’ ‘memory, remembrance’
*pariti 391
W Cz. pamét ‘memory, remembrance’; Slk. pamét ‘memory, remembrance’; Pl.
pamiec ‘memory, remembrance’
S SCr. pamet ‘mind’; Cak. pdmét (Vrg.) ‘mind’; pdmet ‘mind’; SIn. pdmet
‘memory, mind’; Bulg. pdmet ‘memory’
BSI. *mintis
B Lith. mintis m.(i) ‘thought
PIE *mn-ti-
Cogn. Skt. mati- f.‘mind, thought’
For the prefix, see > *po, *pa.
See also: *mpnéti
*padkp m. 0 (a) ‘spider’
CS CS pagke Cf. OCS pagcina, paucina (Ps. Sin.), pajocina (Supr.) ‘spider,
spider’s web.
E Ru. patik, Gsg. pauka; pavok (dial.); Ukr. pavik, Gsg. pavuka
WwW Cz. pavouk; Slk. paviik; Pl. pajgk
S SCr. pduk, Gsg. pduka; Cak. pduk (Vrg.), Gsg. pdtika; pauk (Orb.), Asg.
pauka; Sin. pajak, Gsg. pajka; pdjok; paévok; pavuk
Compound of > *pa and *gk- (> *okotv). The spider was apparently named after the
shape of its legs.
*para f. a (a) ‘steam’
CS para f. ‘steam’
Ru. par m. ‘steam’; Ukr. para f. ‘steamy field, evaporation’
Cz. para f. ‘steam’; Slk. para f. ‘steam’; Pl. para f. ‘steam’
SCr. pdra f. ‘steam’; Cak. para (Vrg., Orb.) f. ‘steam’; Sln. para f. ‘steam,
vapour, soul (of an animal)’; Bulg. para f. ‘steam’
ae eres
If there is a connection with Gk. mimpntt ‘kindle, burn, blow, which continues a root
*preh,-, we must assume Schwebeablaut. Furthermore, the acute must have been
adopted from forms where the laryngeal was preserved. It might be better to seek a
connection with > *pariti, even though this root is generally considered to have no
laryngeal. As in other cases, (Balto-)Slavic may have a secondary *H.
*pariti v.
CS OCS pareste (Supr.) Apl. f. ptc. pres. act. ‘which flew’
E Ru. parit’ ‘soar, swoop, hover; 1sg. parju, 38g. parit
PIE —*porH-
Cogn. Skt. pdraydti ‘lead’; OE forian ‘lead’
For a discussion of the root, see the previous lemma.
See also: *pero; *pprati I
392
*pasti I
*pasti I v. (c) ‘pasture, herd’
CS
E
WwW
S
PIE
Cogn.
OCS pasti ‘pasture, herd, feed} 1sg. paso
Ru. pasti ‘pasture, shepherd? 1sg. past, 3sg. pasét
Cz. pasti ‘pasture, look after, watch’ 1sg. pasu; Slk. past ‘pasture’ 1sg. pasiem;
Pl. pas¢ ‘pasture, feed’ 1sg. pase
SCr. pasti ‘pasture, look after’, 1sg. pdsém; Cak. pdsti (Vrg.) ‘pasture, look
after, 2sg. pdsés; pdst (Hvar) ‘pasture, look after’, sg. pdsén; pds ‘graze’, 38g.
pase; Sln. pasti ‘pasture, look after, 1sg. pdsem; Bulg. pasa ‘pasture, graze’
*pehns-
Lat. pdscé ‘pasture’; Hitt. pahs- ‘protect’
*pasti II v. ‘fall’
Os bh
PIE
Cogn.
OCS pasti (se), 1sg. pado (se)
Ru. past’, sg. padu, 38g. padét
OCz. pasti, 1sg. padu; P|. pas, isg. padne
SCr. pasti, 1sg. padném; Cak. pasti (Vrg.), 28g. pades; pas (Orb), 1sg. paden;
Sln. pasti, sg. padem
*pod-
Skt. padyate ‘go, fall’; OE gefetan ‘fall’
See also: *padati I
*pazduxa f. 4 ‘bosom, armpit’
CS
E
WwW
S
B
PIE
Cogn.
OCS pazuxa (Euch.) f. ‘bosom, armpit’
Ru. pdzuxa f. ‘bosom’
Cz. pazucha (dial.) f. ‘armpit’; OCz. pazucha f. ‘armpit’; Slk. pazucha f.
‘armpit’; Pl. pazucha f. ‘boson’
SCr. pazuho n. ‘armpit’; Cak. pazuha; pazoka (Orlec) f. ‘armpit’; Sin.
pazduha f. ‘armpit’; pdzdiha f. ‘armpit’; pdziha f. ‘armpit’; pazha f. ‘armpit’
Latv. paduse f.(é) ‘armpit, bosom (of a dress)’
*pds-dous-ehz
Skt. dés- n. ‘arm, forearm’
The prefix *paz is a long variant of the prefix found in > *pozdnz, cf. Lith. pas. See
also > *paznegoto.
*paziti v. ‘heed’
SCr. pdziti ‘love, pay attention, 1sg. pdzim; Sln. pdziti ‘heed, pay attention,
1sg. pazim; Bulg. pdzja ‘guard, keep’
*(s)pog-
Olc. spakr adj. ‘clever, quiet, soft’
*péktp 393
*pazneg tp; *paznogptb m. i / m. jo ‘hoof’
CS OCS paznegoti (Ps. Sin.) Apl. m.(i) ‘hoofs’; CS paznogote (Pog.) m.(i) ‘hoof’;
paznokotv (Bon.) m.(i) ‘hoof’; paznoxete (Par.) m.(i) ‘hoof’
E Ru. paznogt’ (Sib.) m.(jo) ‘phalanx’; Ukr. pahnist’ m.(jo) ‘hoof’
WwW Cz. pazneht m.(o) ‘hoof’; Pl. paznokieé m.(jo) ‘nail’
S SIn. paZnohat m.(0) ‘claw, Gsg. paznohta
PIE *pds-h3nog”'-ut-io-
For the prefix, see > *pazduxa. The second element is > *nogoto.
*paZitp f. i ‘pasture, meadow’
CS OCS paZito f.(i) ‘pasture, meadow’
E Ru. pazit’ (obs., poet.) f.(i) ‘pasture’
Ww Cz. pazit m.(o) ‘meadow’; Slk. pazit' m.(jo) ‘meadow’
The root of this prefixed ti-derivative is *g”(e)hsi- ‘live’ (> *Ziti).
*pekti v. (c) ‘bake’
CS OCS pesti (Mar., Ass.) ‘bake’, sg. pekg; pesti se ‘care for, worry, mourn, 1sg.
peke se
E Ru. pec’ ‘bake’, 1sg. peku, 38g. pecét
WwW Cz. péci ‘bake’, sg. peku; Slk. piect ‘bake; isg. peciem; Pl. piec ‘bake’, 1sg. pieke
S SCr. péci ‘bake’, 18g. pécém; Cak. péci (Vrg.) ‘bake’, 28g. pecés; péé (Orb.) ‘bake’
1sg. pecén; SIn. péci ‘bake, fry, isg. pécem; Bulg. peka ‘bake, fry’ 2sg. pecés
BSI. *pek-
B Lith. képti ‘bake, fry’ ((with metathesis)
PIE —*pek-
Cogn. Skt. pacati ‘cook, bake, fry’; Gk. néoow ‘bake, cook, riper’
See also: *péktp; *pot
*péktp f. i (c) ‘over’
CS OCS pesto ‘oven, cave’
E Ru. pec’ ‘stove, over’
Ww Cz. pec ‘oven’; Slk. pec ‘oven’; Pl. piec m.(jo) ‘oven’; USrb. péc ‘oven’, Gsg.
pjecy ;
S SCr. péé ‘oven, Gsg. péci; Cak. péé (Vrg., Hvar) ‘oven, Gsg. péci; Sln. péc
‘oven, rock, Gsg. peci; Bulg. pest ‘over’
PIE —*pek-ti-
Cogn. Skt. pakti- ‘cooking, cooked food’
Derivative of > *pekti.
394 *pelena; *pelna
*pelena; *pelna f. 4 ‘band, bandage’
CS OCS pelena (Cloz., Supr.) ‘band for swathing children’
E Ru. pelend ‘shroud, (dial.) nappy’
WwW Cz. plena ‘headscarf, bandage’
S SCr. peléna ‘bandage, shroud’; Cak. plénd (Vrg.) ‘band for swathing
children’; plénd (Vrg.) ‘band for swathing children’; pl’én (Orb.) f.(i) ‘diaper’;
SIn. pléna ‘bandage’; Bulg. pelend ‘bandage’
BSI. pel-(e)n-
B Lith. pléné £.(é) 4‘membrane’
PIE *pel-en-ehy
Cogn. Gk. meAAopdgos adj. ‘sewing skins together’; Lat. pellis f. ‘skin’; Olc. fjall n.
‘skin’
See also: *pléna; *pléva; *poltpnd
*pelesp adj. o
CS CS peleso ‘grey, greyish black’
E Ru. pelésyj ‘spotted (of animals)’
S SIn. pelésast ‘spotted’
B Lith. pdlsas ‘light grey’; Latv. palss ‘faded’
Cogn. Ol. folr ‘faded’
Besides the different full grades of the root, Slavic and Baltic diverge regarding the
ablaut of the suffix.
See also: *plésnb
*pélnb m. 0 (c) ‘loot, spoils, captivity
CS OCS pleéno ‘captivity, loot’
E Ru. polon (arch.) ‘captivity, Gsg. polona; ORu. polons ‘loot’; Bel. palon
(arch.) ‘captivity, Gsg. palonu; Ukr. polon ‘captivity, Gsg. polonu
W Cz. plen ‘loot, spoils’; Slk. plen ‘gain’; Pl. plon ‘harvest’
S SCr. plijen ‘gain’; SIn. plén ‘loot’
BSI. *pelnos
B Lith. pelnas m. 4 ‘gain, profit’; Latv. pélna f.(ja) ‘gain, profit’
Cogn. Olc. falr adj. ‘for sale’
The accentuation of the verb polonit’ (arch.) ‘to take captive; 3sg. polonit, may be
considered evidence for original mobility (cf. Ili¢-Svityé 1963: $43).
*pelti v. (a) ‘weed’
CS OCS plévoma (Supr.) Nsg. f. ptc. pres. pass. ‘being weeded, eradicated’
E Ru. pol6t’, isg. polju, 38g. pdlet
WwW Cz. pliti, isg. pleji; Slk. plet, 1sg. plejem; PI. pleé, 1sg. piele
S
*per 395
SCr. pljéti, sg. plijevem; Cak. plievét (Vrg.), sg. pliévin; Sln. pléti, 18g.
plévem, 1sg. pléjem
It seems to me that there is a slight possibility that this verb is cognate with LIV’s
root *pelh,- ‘in Schwung bringen’ (469), cf. Gk. maAw ‘sway, swing. More plausible is
perhaps the connection with the next lemma.
*pélva f. 4 (a) ‘chaff?
CS
E
WwW
S
B
PIE
Cogn.
OCS plévy Npl. ‘chaff’
Ru. poldéva ‘chaff’
Cz. pleva ‘chaff’; pliva (S. dial.) ‘chaff’; OCz. pléva ‘chaff’; Slk. pleva ‘awn,
chaff’; Pl. plewa ‘awn, (pl.) chaff’; USrb. pluwa ‘(pl.) chaff’
SCr. pljéva ‘chaff’; Cak. pliva (Vrg.) ‘chaff’; pléva (Orb,) ‘chaff’; SIn. pléva
‘awn, chaff’; Bulg. pljdva ‘chaff’
*pel?us; *pel?uar
Lith. péliis Npl. f.(u) ‘chaff’; Latv. pelus Npl. f.(u) ‘chaff’
OPr. pelwo ‘chaff’
*pelH-u-
Skt. palava- (AV) m. ‘chaff, husks’
*pépels; *pdpel» m. 0 (c) ‘ashes’
E
W
S
B
PIE
Ru. pépel ‘ashes, Gsg. pépla
Cz. popel ‘ashes’; Slk. popel ‘ashes’; Pl. popidt ‘ashes’
SCr. pépeo ‘ashes’; Cak. popel (Orb.) ‘ashes’; Sln. pepét ‘ashes, Gsg. pepéla;
popét ‘ashes’; Bulg. pépel ‘ashes, dust’
Lith. pelenai Npl. m.(0) ‘ashes’; plénis f.(i) ‘speck, fine ashes’; Latv. pléne f.(é)
‘white ashes on coals’
OPr. pelanne ‘ashes’
*pepelh,-o-
See also: *paliti; *poléti; *polmy.
*per pref. ‘over, through, very, exceedingly’
nemo
OCS preé-
Ru. pere- (pére-)
Cz. pré-; Pl. prze-
SIn. pre-
*per
Lith. pe? prep. ‘through’; pér- pref. ‘through, over’
*per
Skt. pari (RV+) adv. ‘around, about’; Gk. mepi prep. ‘around, about’; mept-
KahAnes adj. ‘very beautiful’; Lat. per pref. ‘through’; per-magnus adj. ‘very
big
396
*perdb
See also: *perds; *perks
*perd> prep. ‘before, in front of”
CS
E
WwW
S
OCS prédo
Ru. péred(o)
Cz. pred(e) ; Pl. przed(e)
SIn. préd; Bulg. pred
This preposition must reflect *per-d*h,-om, cf. > *nado.
See also: *per; *perkn
*perkn adj. o
E
W
S
Ru. poperék prep./adv. ‘across’; ORu. pereko m. ‘width, cross-beam’
SIk. priek m. ‘obstinacy, resistance’; Pl. przeko adv. ‘across’
SCr. prijek prep./adv. ‘steep’; Sln. prék ‘rough, wild’ f. préka; prék ‘cross,
across’; Bulg. prjak ‘shortest, direct’; prjdko prep. ‘over, beyond’
Apparently, > *per + *-ko-.
*perd n. 0 (b) ‘feather’
PIE
Cogn.
CS pero
Ru. pero; ORu. pero
Cz. pero; péro; Slk. pero; Pl. pidro; USrb. pjero; LSrb. pjero; pjoro
SCr. péro, Npl. perdi; péro (E. Hercegovina), Npl. péra; Cak. perd (Vrg.), Npl.
péra; perd (Novi), Npl. péra; Sln. peré n.(s) ‘feather, leaf? Gsg. perésa; péro
‘feather, leaf; Gsg. péra; Bulg. peréd
Lith. spa?nas m. 4 ‘wing’; Latv. spdrns m. ‘wing’
*perH-o-
Skt. parnd- n. ‘wing’; Gk. mtepdév n. ‘feather, wing’; OE fearn m. ‘fern’; Olt.
raith m. ‘fer
The reconstruction with a laryngeal is based on Baltic (e.g. Lith. papdrtis ‘fern’) and
Celtic evidence (see Derksen 196: 79).
See also: *pariti; *pprati I
*perti v. (c)
Ru. perét’ ‘go, make one’s way, push, drag; 1sg. pru, 38g. prét
Cz. priti se ‘quarrel, (obs.) be engaged in a lawsuit’ 1sg. pru se, 18g. pru se;
priti (obs.) ‘deny, renounce; 18g. p7u, 1sg. prim; Pl. przec ‘press (on), push; 1sg.
PR
*per-
Lith. pe7ti ‘beat, lash with a besom (in a bath)’
*per-
*pést 307
See also: *pprati I]; *ppréti; *pprtb; *sbporb
*péga; *pégn f. a; m. 0 (a) ‘freckle’
CS (OCS pégoty Npl. f. (Supr.) ‘leprosy’)
WwW Cz. piha; piha (obs.); péha (Mor.); pija (SE dial.); OCz. pieha; Slk. peha; Pl.
piegi Npl. m.; piega (obs.)
S SCr. pjéga; SIn. péga ‘spot, freckle’; Bulg. péga
PIE *poig-
Cogn. Skt. pirigala- (AV+) adj. ‘reddish brown, reddish yellow, greenish yellow;
Lat. pingo ‘paint
See also: *pégn; *pégavb
*pégn; *pégavb adj. o
E Ru. pégij ‘skewbald’
S SCr. pjégav ‘spotted, freckled’; Sln. pégav ‘spotted, freckled’
PIE *poig-
Cogn. Skt. pirigald- (AV+) adj. ‘reddish brown, reddish yellow, greenish yellow;
Lat. pingo ‘paint’
See > *péga,*pégo.
*péna f. a (a) ‘foam’
CS OCS pény Npl.
E Ru. péna
WwW Cz. péna; Slk. pena; P|. piana; USrb. péna
S SCr. pjéna; spjéna (Dalm.); Cak. pina (Vrg., Hvar); péna (Orb.); Sln. péna;
Bulg. pjdna
BSI. *(s)porina?
B Lith. spdiné f.(€) ‘foam (on waves)’
OPr. spoayno ‘foam (of fermenting beer)’
PIE *(s)poHi-nehp ((s)pehsi-nehz?)
Cogn. Lat. spima f.; OE fam m.; OHG feim m.
*péstb m. 0 (b) ‘pestle’
E Ru. pest m. ‘pestle, Gsg. pestd
Ww Cz. pist m. ‘pestle’; pista f. ‘pestle’; Slk. piest m. ‘pestle’; Pl. piasta f. ‘nave’
S SIn. pésto n. ‘nave, hub’
BSI. *poistum
B Lith. piéstas m. 2/4 ‘pestle’; piesta f. 2/4 ‘wooden mortar’; Latv. piesta f.
‘wooden mortar, pestle’; piests m. ‘wooden mortar, pestle’
PIE *pois-to-m
Cogn. MLG visel m. ‘pestle’ (with *-tlo-)
398
*pésbkp
See also: *ppxati; *ppseno
*pésbkp m. 0 (b) ‘sand’
CS
E
WwW
S
PIE
Cogn.
OCS pésoko
Ru. pesok, Gsg. peska
Cz. pisek; Slk. piesok; Pl. piasek; USrb. pésk m.; LSrb. pésk; pjask (dial.)
SCr. pijésak, Gsg. pijéska; Sln. pésak, Gsg. péska; Bulg. pjasak
*pé(n)s-u-ko-
Skt. pamsui- (AV+) m. ‘dust, sand’
*péSp adj. jo ‘pedestrian, on foot’
OCS pésv (Zogr., Mar., Supr.)
Ru. péSij; péxij (dial.)
Cz. pést; SIk. pest; Pl. pieszy
SCr. pjése (Vuk) adv. ‘on foot’; pjéské (Vuk) adv. ‘on foot’; Sln. pésji; péski;
Bulg. pes adv. ‘on foot’; pesd adv. ‘on foot’
*per(d)-
Lith. péscias 3 ‘pedestrian’
Derivatives of PIE *ped- ‘foot’ showing the effects of Winter’s law. While the Slavic
etymon seems to contain a suffix *-sio-, Baltic requires *-tio-.
*péti v. (c) ‘sing’
CS
E
WwW
S
PIE
Cogn.
OCS péti ‘sing, praise’ 1sg. pojo, 28g. pojesi
Ru. pet’ ‘sing; 1g. poju, 38g. poet; pet’ (dial.) ‘sing’ 1sg. péju, 38g. péet
Cz. péti ‘crow, 1sg. péji; Pl. piad ‘crow, 18g. pieje {1}; OPI. pied “sing; 18g. poje;
piac ‘sing’ 18g. pieje
SCr. pojati ‘sing, 1sg. pojém; peti (Vuk: “in songs”) ‘sing, 1sg. pém (pojem?);
Sln. péti ‘sing; 1sg. pdjem; pdjati ‘sing, 18g. pojam, 18g. pojem; Bulg. péja ‘sing,
asg. pées
*poiH-
Toch. B pi- ‘sing, make sing’
{1} According to Banikowski (2000b: 540), piac ‘sing’ occurs from the 14th to the 17th c. and in
18th and 19th c. poetry.
*pédb f. i (c) ‘spar’
nemo
OCS pedv (Euch., Ps. Sin.) ‘span’
Ru. pjad’‘spar’
Cz. pid’ ‘span’; Slk. piad’ ‘span’; Pl. piedz ‘span’
SCr. péd ‘span’; SIn. péd ‘span’, Gsg. pedi
*(s)pen?d-
Lith. spésti ‘set a trap’
*petb 399
PIE *(s)p(e)nd—
Cogn. Lat. pendo ‘weigh, judge’
*péstp f. i (c) ‘fist’
SerbCS pesto ‘fist’
Ru. pjast’‘metacarpus’
Cz. pést’‘fist’; Slk. past fist’; Pl. pies¢ ‘fist’
SCr. pést ‘fist’; Cak. piés (Orb,) ‘fist’, Npl. péésti; Sn. pést ‘fist, handful’, Gsg.
pesti
PIE *pnk-s-ti-
Cogn. OHG fast m. ‘fist’; OE fyst m. ‘id?
See also: *pet; *petb
nemo
*peta f. a (c) ‘heel’
CS OCS peta (Zogr., Ps. Sin., Supr.)
E Ru. pjatd, Asg. pjatu
Ww Cz. pata; Slk. pata; Pl. pieta; USrb. pjata; LSrb. pata; Plb. péta
S SCr. péta, Asg. péta; Cak. pétd (Vrg.), Asg. pétu; peti (Novi, Hvar); Cak.
pietd (Orb.), Asg. piéto; SIn. péta; Bulg. peta
BSI. *penrtar; *penttis
B Lith. péntis f.(i) ‘backside of an axe, part of a scythe near the handle, (dial.)
heel’; Latv. piéts f.(i) ‘backside of an axe’
OPr. pentis ‘heel’
Derivative in *-t- of the root *(s)penH- (> *peti).
*peti v. (c) ‘stretch’
E Ru. pjat’ (obs.), 1sg. pnu
Ww Cz. pnouti, sg. pnu; OCz. pieti, isg. pnu; Slk. pnit, isg. pnu; Pl. pigc, 18g. pne
S SCr. péti, isg. pénjém; Sln. péti, sg. pnem
BSI. *pinr-
B Lith. pinti ‘braid’; Latv. pit ‘braid’
PIE *(s)pnH-
Cogn. Gk. mévopat ‘toil, work’; Arm. henum ‘weave, sow together’
See also: *peta; *poto
*petb num. o (b) ‘fifth’
CS OCS pete
E Ru. pjdty;
WwW Cz. paty; Sl. piaty; Pl. piaty
S SCr. péti; Cak. péti (Vrg.); piéti (Orb.); SIn. péti; Bulg. peti
BSI. *penktos
400 *pétp
B Lith. periktas
OPr. piéncts
PIE *penk-to-
Cogn. Gk. méuntog; Lat. quintus; OHG fimfto
See also: *péstn; *petb
*pétp num. i (c) ‘five’
CS OCS peto
E Ru. pjat’
WwW Cz. pét; Slk. pat; Pl. piec; Slnc. pjinc
S SCr. pét; Cak. pét (Vrg., Hvar); piét (Orb,); Sln. pét; Bulg. pet
BSI. *penk-
B Lith. penki; Latv. pieci
PIE *penkve
Cogn. Skt. pafica (RV+); Gk. mévte; Lat. quinque; Go. fimf
In Slavic, the uninflected PIE numeral *penke apparently acquired the suffix *-ti-.
See also: *péstb; *petb
=x¥y
*piskati; * piScati v. (b) ‘squeak, whistle’
CS OCS piskati (Mar.) ‘pipe’ 1sg. piskajo
E Ru. piscat’ ‘squeak’
Ww Cz. piskati ‘whistle’; pistéti ‘whistle’; Pl. piska¢é ‘whistle, squeak’; piszczec
‘whistle, squeak’
S Sln. piskati ‘whistle’ 1sg. piskam, 1sg. piscem; Bulg. piskam ‘howl, cry, squeak,
whistle’
BSI. * pisk-
B Lith. pyskéti ‘click, snap, crack’; Latv. pikstét ‘squeak’
It seems best to posit an onomatopoetic root *pi- followed by the suffix *-sk-.
P P P 'Y
See also: *piskor; *piskarp; *piskalb
*piskorp; *piskars; *piskalb m. jo; m. jo; m. 0 ‘loach, gudgeon’
E Ru. piskdr’ ‘gudgeon’; peskdr’ ‘gudgeon’; piskdl (dial.) m.(o) ‘gudgeon’; peskal
(dial.) m.(0) ‘gudgeon’
WwW Cz. piskor ‘loach’; Slk. piskor ‘loach’; Pl. piskorz m.(o) ‘loach’
S SCr. piskor m.(o) ‘muray’; Sln. piskér ‘lampray, Gsg. piskérja; piskdr
‘lampray, Gsg. piskérja; piskur ‘lampray, Gsg. piskurja; Bulg. piskal m.(o)
‘gudgeon’
PIE *peis-sk-
For the semantic development cf. Lith. pypljs ‘loach, gudgeon’ vs. pypti ‘squeak’ or PI.
sykawiec ‘loach’ vs. sykaé ‘hiss’ (Vasmer s.v. piskdr’). As was to be expected, attempts
*piti 401
have been made to link this fish-name to PIE *peisk- ‘fish, cf. Lat. piscis. This
etymology is difficult to disprove.
See also: *piskati; *piscati
*pitati v. ‘feed’
OCS pitati ‘feed, raise’ 18g. pitajo
Ru. pitdt’, sg. pitdju
OCz. pitati
SCr. pitati, 1sg. pitam; Cak. pitati (Vrg.), 28g. pitas; pitat (Orb.), 18g. pitan;
Sln. pitati ‘fatten, feed’ 1sg. pitam
nemo
Verb derived from *pit- < *peit (— *pitja).
*pitéti v. ‘feed’
CS OCS pitéti, 1sg. pitéjo
Verb derived from *pit- < *peit (- pitja).
*pitja f. a (a) ‘food’
CS OCS pista ‘food, bliss’
E Ru. pisca ‘food’
W Cz. pice ‘fodder’; OPI. pica ‘fodder, victuals’
S SCr. pica ‘fodder’; SIn. pica ‘food, fodder’
BSI. *peit-
B Lith. piétis Npl. m.(u) ‘dinner’
The root of Skt. pitu- m. ‘nourishment and related forms is sometimes reconstructed
as *pei- (cf. *peiH in Skt. pivan- ‘fat’, etc.), but *peit- seems more plausible. In view of
the accentuation of *pitja, however, one may wonder whether the root *peiH may
have influenced *peit-.
See also: *pitati; *pitéti
*piti v. drink
CS OCS piti ‘drink; 1sg. pijo
E Ru. pit’ ‘drink; 18g. p’ju, 38g. p’ét
WwW Cz. piti ‘drink; SIk. pif ‘drink’; Pl. pi¢ ‘drink
S SCr. piti ‘drink’ 1sg. pijém; Cak. piti (Vrg,) ‘drink’ 28g. pijés; pit (Orb.) ‘drink’
18g. pijén; piti (Hvar) ‘ask, 1sg. pijen; Sln. piti ‘drink, 1sg. pijem; Bulg. pija
‘drink
B OPr. péuton ‘drink
PIE —*phsi-
Cogn. Skt. pati ‘drink’; Skt. pitd- ptc. pret. pass. ‘drunk’; Gk. nivw ‘drink’; Gk. nove
(Aeol., Dor.) ‘drink
See also: *pivo
402 *pivo
*pivo n. o (c) ‘drink, beer’
OCS pivo (Zogr., Mar., Euch.) ‘drink’
Ru. pivo ‘beer’
Cz. pivo ‘beer’; Slk. pivo ‘beer’; Pl. piwo ‘beer’
SCr. pivo ‘beer’; Cak. pivo (Vrg.) ‘beer’; Sln. pivo ‘drink, beer’; Bulg. pivo
‘beer’
nemo
PIE *phsi-uo-m
Cogn. Gk. mivov n. ‘beer’
See also: *piti
*pjpvati v. (a) ‘spit’
CS OCS plovati, isg. pljujo
E Ru. plevat’, 1sg. pljuju, 38g. plujét {1}
WwW Cz. pliti, sg. pliji; plvati, 1sg. pliji; Slk. pluti, sg. plujem; Pl. pluc, 1sg. pluje;
plwaé (arch.), sg. pluje
S SCr. pljuvati, isg. pljujém; Sln. pljuvati, isg. pljuvam, 1sg. pljujem; Bulg.
pljuja; pliuvam
BSI. *(s)pjaru-
B Lith. spjduti; Latv. splait
PIE *(s)pieHu-
Cogn. Lat. spuere; Go. speiwan
{1} AP (a) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 133).
*plakati v. (a) ‘cry, weep’
CS OCS plakati (se) ‘cry, lament; 1sg. placo (se)
E Ru. plakat’ ‘cry, 1sg. placu
WwW Cz. plakati ‘cry’, 1sg. placu; Slk. plakat ‘cry, 1sg. placem; Pl. plakac ‘cry, 1sg.
placze
S SCr. plikati ‘cry’, 1sg. placem; Cak. plakati (Vrg,) ‘cry’ 28g. places; plakati
(Orb.) ‘cry, 28g. placen; SIn. plakati ‘cry, 1sg. plakam, 1sg. placem; Bulg. placa
‘cry’
PIE *plehak-/*plehzg-
Cogn. Gk. mAroow ‘beat’; Lat. plangere ‘beat, beat the breast as a sign of mourning,
bewail’; OE flécan ‘applaud’
For the semantic development, cf. Lat. plango.
*plastb m. o (b) ‘layer’
CS RuCS plasto m. ‘layer’
E Ru. plast m. ‘layer’; ORu. plasto m. ‘layer’
W
Cz. plast f.(i) ‘honeycomb’; Slk. pldst m. ‘honeycomb; OPI. plast m.
‘honeycomb’
*plesti 403
S SCr. plast m. ‘hay-stack’; Sln. plast m. ‘layer, hay-swath, Gsg. plasti; Bulg.
plast m. ‘layer’
The etymology *pl6th2-to-, cf. Lith. platus ‘broad, wide? Gk. m\atvc ‘wide, broad, flat,
level’ (see > *pletjé), seems possible, but I consider it preferable to reconstruct *plésk-
to- (> *plosko).
*plavati v. (a) ‘swim, sail’
CS OCS plavati (Supr.) ‘sail’ 1sg. plavajo
E Ru. plavat’ ‘swim, sail’
WwW Cz. plavati ‘swim’; Slk. plavat ‘swim’; OPI. plawac ‘swim, sail’
S Sn. plavati ‘swim, sail’ isg. plavam; Bulg. plavam ‘swim, sail’
PIE *plehs(u)-
Cogn. Gk. mhow ‘float, sail’; Olc. flda ‘flow’
It seems that Balto-Slavic offers evidence for both *plehsu- and *pleu- (cf. Derksen
1996: 116-117). LIV (485, 487) distinguishes between *pleh3- and *pleu-, while
entertaining the possibility of a *ye-present for the former root. Balto-Slavic *pleh3u-
may be a conflation of these two roots. The existence of an acute root *pl(j)ou?d- <
*pleud-, cf. Lith. pldausti ‘wash, bathe’ (alongside plduti), Olc. fljota ‘flow, may have
added to the confusion.
See also: *plaviti; *pluti; *plito; *plsts; *plyti
*plaviti v. (a)
E Ru. plavit’ ‘melt’
WwW Cz. plaviti ‘float, bathe (horses, cattle), navigate, scour’; Slk. plavit' ‘float’; Pl.
plawic¢ ‘bathe (horses, cattle), (arch.) melt’
S SCr. plaviti ‘flood’; Sln. plaviti ‘flood, sail, melt, 1sg. plavim; Bulg. plavja
rinse
See > *plavati.
*plesno; *plesna n. 0; f. 4 ‘sole’
CS OCS plesno (Euch., Ps. Sin., Supr.) n. ‘sole’ (cf. plesnoce n. (Euch.) ‘sandal’)
WwW OCz. plesna f. ‘sole’
S SIn. plésna f. ‘sole’
BSI. *ples-/*plos-
B OPr. plasmeno ‘front part of the sole’
The usual reconstruction is *pleth,-sn-, cf. > *plasto. I wonder if *plesk-n- (>
*plosko) would not be a viable alternative, cf. Ru. pljusk ‘flattened spot’ : pljusnd
‘metatarsus.
*plesti v. (c) ‘plait’
CS OCS pletomi (Supr.) Npl. m. ptc. pres. pass. ‘(plots) being hatched’ {1}
404
PIE
Cogn.
*pletjé
Ru. plesti ‘plait’ 1sg. pletu, 3sg. pletét
Cz. plésti ‘plait; isg. pletu; Slk. pliest ‘plait, 1sg. pletem; Pl. ples¢ ‘plait, 1sg.
plote
SCr. plesti ‘plait’ 1sg. plétém; Cak. plésti (Vrg.) ‘plait’, 28g. pletés; plést (Hvar)
‘plait’; plés (Orb.) ‘plait, 1sg. pletén; Sln. plésti ‘plait, knit, isg. plétem; Bulg.
pleta ‘plait, knit’
*plek-t-
Lat. plectare ‘plait’; Olc. flétta ‘plait’; OHG flechtan ‘plait’
{1} In: kovi Ze i sovéti zoli na n’e pletomi byvaaxg.
See also: *plots
*pletjé n. jo (b) ‘shoulder’
“emO
OCS pleste n.(jo) ‘shoulder’
Ru. plec6 n.(jo) ‘shoulder’
Cz. plec f.(i) ‘shoulder’; Slk. plece n.(jo) ‘shoulder’; Pl. plecy Npl. n.(jo) ‘back’
SCr. pléce n.(jo) ‘shoulder (blade), Npl. n. pléca, Npl. f. pléci; plecé (Pos.)
n.(jo) ‘shoulder (blade), Npl. plééa; Cak. pleéé (Novi) n.(jo) ‘shoulder
(blade), Npl. plééa; plecéd (Orb.) n.(jo) ‘shoulder (blade), Npl. pliéca; pléca
(Vrg.) Npl. n. ‘shoulders’; Sln. pléce n.(jo) ‘shoulder, Npl. pléca; Bulg. plésti
Npl. ‘shoulders’; plesti Npl. ‘shoulders’
Derivative of the root *plet- < *pleth,- ‘broad’ (— *plesna).
See also: *plastp; *plesna
*pléna f. 4 ‘membrane’
PIE
Ru. plend ‘membrane’
Cz. plena ‘membrane’
*plén(i)ar
Lith. pléné £.(é) 4 ‘membrane’; plévé f.(é) 4 ‘membrane’
OPr. pleynis ‘cerebral membrane’
*plén-eh,
See: > *pelena
*plésnp f. i‘mould’
nemo
B
RuCs plésno
Ru. plésen’
Cz. plisen; Slk. plesen; Pl. plesn
SCr. plijesan; Cak. plésnja (Orb.) f.(ja); SIn. plésan, Gsg. plésni; Bulg. plésen
m.(0)
Lith. pelésis m.(io)
Formation not entirely clear. Apparently, plésnv : *peleso runs parallel to *pléna :
*pelena, with ablaut of both the suffix and the root.
*platje 405
*plésp f. i (c) ‘bald patch’
CS CS plésb
Ww Cz. ples; Pl. plesz
S SIn. plé§ m.(jo); plésa f.(ja)
B Lith. plikas adj. ‘bald’; pléiké (E. Lith.) f. “bald patch’; Latv. pliks adj. ‘bare,
bald’
Cogn. Nw. flein (dial.) m. ‘bald patch
Forms such Ru. plexdn ‘bald person’ show that the root of this etymon is *pléx-.
According to Kortlandt (1994: 112), Slavic *x corresponding to Baltic *k points to
*kh, cf. > *soxd vs. Lith. Saka. We may therefore reconstruct *ploikh,-o-.
*pléva f. ‘membrane’
E Ru. plevd ‘membrane, filn’
W SInc. plieva ‘iris’
S Sln. pléva ‘eyelid’
BSI. *pléw(i)ar
B Lith. plévé £.(é) 4 ‘membrane’
PIE *pléu-ehz
Cogn. Gk. énimdooc m. ‘net around the intestines’
See also: *pelena; *pléna; *poltpnd
*plusks m. o
E Ru. plijusk ‘flattened spot’
Etymology unclear. The root seems to be a variant with *u of the root of > *ploske.
See also: *plusna
*plusna f. 4
E Ru. pljusnd ‘metatarsus’
BSI. *pl( j ousk-
B Lith. plaiksta ‘flat of the hand, palm’
See > *plusko.
*platje n. jo (b) Tung’
CS OCS pljusta (Supr.) Npl. n. ‘lungs’
E ORu. pljuca Npl. n. ‘lungs’
Ww Cz. plice f.(ja) ‘lungs’; OCz. plucé Npl. f. £.(ja) ‘lungs’; Slk. plica Npl. n.
‘lungs’; Pl. pfuco n. ‘lung’
S SCr. pluica Npl. n. ‘lungs’; pliéa (Vuk: Dubr., f. ung’; Cak. placa / placa
(Vrg.) f. ‘lungs’; pluca (Novi) Npl. n. ‘lungs’; pliica (Orb.) Npl. n. ‘lungs’; SIn.
pljuca Npl. n. ‘lungs’
406 *ploskp
BSI. *pl( j outiar
B Lith. plaiiciai m.(io) 2 ‘lungs’; Latv. plausi m.(io) ‘lungs’
See > *plaviti. Apparently, we are dealing here with a tio-derivative containing the
root *pleu-.
*plosk» adj. o ‘flat’
CS OCS ploske (Supr.)
E Ru. ploskij
W Cz. plosky; OPI. ploski (Maz.)
S SIn. plésk, f. pléska; Bulg. plosak
B Lith. plakanas
PIE *plok-sk-o-
Cogn. OHG flah
See also: *plast
*plots m. o ‘fence’
CS OCS plote (Ps. Sin.) ‘fence’
E Ru. plot (dial.) ‘fence’; ORu. ploto ‘fence’
Ww Cz. plot ‘fence’; Slk. plot ‘fence’; Pl. plot ‘fence’; USrb. ptot ‘fence’, Gsg. ptota,
Gsg. plotu
S SCr. plét ‘fence, Gsg. plota; Sln. plét ‘wickerwork, fence, Gsg. pléta, Gsg.
ploti
A to-derivative of the stem *plot- < *plokt- < *plok-t (— *plesti).
*pluti v. ‘swim, sail’
CS OCS plu (Supr.) 38g. aor. ‘sailed’
WwW Cz. plouti ‘swim, sail; 1sg. pluju; OCz. pluti ‘swim, sail, 1sg. plovu; Slk. plut
‘swim, sail’
S Sln. pluti ‘swim, sail, isg. plijem, 1sg. plovem
BSI. *plaru-
B Lith. plauti ‘wash, bathe’
See > *plavati.
*plato n. o (b) ‘flotsam’
WwW SInc. plite ‘flotsam’
S SCr. plité (Préanj) ‘flotsam’; pluto (Dubr.) ‘flotsam’
BSI. *plo?uto (ploutd?)
B Lith. plaiitas 2 ‘sweating shelf, bath shelf, sideboard (of a bee-hive or a
boat)’; Latv. plauts? ‘shelf, Verschlufbrett des Klotzbienenstocks’
PIE *plohsu-to-m (plou-t6-m?)
*po; *pa 407
Cogn. Olc. fleydr ‘cross-beam; Fi. lauta ‘bath shelf, board’
See Derksen 1996 (116-117) for a discussion of the accentual properties of the Slavic
and Baltic forms.
See also: *plavati; *plaviti; *pluti; *plato; *plyti
*plits m. o (b) ‘raft’
E Ru. plot ‘raft; Gsg. plota
WwW OCz. plet f.(i) ‘raft’; Slk. pit f.(i) ‘raft’; Pl. ptet ‘raft’
BSI. *plutom
B Latv. pluts m. ‘raft, ferry’ (possibly a borrowing from Slavic)
Here we clearly find the zero grade of the root *pleu-, ie. without a laryngeal, cf. Skt.
plavate ‘swim, float, Gk. mw ‘to sail, to swim.
See also: *plavati; *plaviti; *pluti; *plato; *plyti
*plyti v. (a) ‘swim, sail’
E Ru. plyt’ ‘swim, sail; 1sg. plyvu, 38g. plyvét
S SCr. pliti ‘swim, sail’ 1sg. plijém
BSI. *plru-
B Lith. pliti ‘flow’
According to LIV (486), Gk. mhbvw either goes back to *plu-n-ie-, which would be a
Greek innovation, or continues a set-root.
See also: *plavati; *plaviti; *pluti; *plato; *plat»
*po; *pa prep., pref. ‘after, by, at’
CS OCS po ‘after, by, at; pa pref.
E Ru. po ‘after, on, by, at, up to; pa- pref.
WwW Cz. po ‘after, on, by, at, up to, pa- pref.; Pl. po ‘after, on, by, at, up to, pa- pref.
S SCr. po ‘for, over, through, by, after’, pa- pref.; SIn. po ‘at, on, after, by, pa-
pref.; Bulg. po ‘on, over, in, at, to’
BSI. *po(?)
B Lith. pa- pref. {1}, pd- pref.
PIE = *hnpo
Cogn. Skt. dpa- adv. ‘away, from’; Gk. a6 ‘from, away from’; Lat. ab prep. ‘from,
away’; Go. af ‘from, away from, since’
The nominal prefix pa- is the equivalent of the verbal prefix po-. The prefix po- also
forms perfective aspect in Russian and most other Slavic languages. The glottal stop
of *po?- was probably adopted from nouns with an initial laryngeal or a glottalized
stop.
408 *pociti
*poditi v. (a) ‘rest’
CS OCS poCiti, 1sg. pocijo
E Ru. pocit’, isg. pociju
S Sln. pociti, sg. pocijem
Prefixed verb containing the root *k”ih,- ‘rest, cf. Av. Sditim Asg. f. ‘happiness’ Lat.
quiés f. ‘rest, quiet’
*podoba f. 4 (a)
CS OCS podoba ‘manner, necessity, decency, appearance’ (podoba jesto, na
podobg (sc. jest) ‘it is necessary, it is becoming; na podobg byti komu ‘be
worthy, podoba jesto ‘it seems, apparently’ )
Ww Cz. podoba ‘similarity, appearance’
S SIn. podéba ‘image, picture, appearance, likelihood’
BSL *dobar
B Lith. daba ‘nature, habit, character’; daba? adv. ‘now’; Latv. daba ‘manner,
habit, character’
See > *po and >*doba.
*podorg» m. o ‘hem, border
CS OCS podrago m. ‘hem, border’; RuCS podrags m. ‘hem, border’
W OCz. podrah m. ‘hem, border’; USrb. podroha f. ‘hem, border’
Cogn. OHG zarga f. ‘frame, side wall’
Derivative consisting of > *po- and a noun *dorgo, cf. OHG zarga f. ‘frame, side wall,
which is probably cognate with > *dorgati.
*pods I prep./pref.
CS OCS pod ‘under, towards (of time)’
E Ru. pod(o) “under, near, towards (of time)’
WwW Cz. pod(e) ‘under’; Slk. pod(e) ‘under’; Pl. pod(e) ‘under, near, towards (of
time)’
S SCr. pod(a) ‘under’; Cak. pod(@/a) (Orb.) ‘under, beneath’; SIn. pod ‘under,
towards (of time)’; Bulg. pod ‘under’
An extended form of > *po. Perhaps essentially the same as *podo II < *h,po-d'th,-o-.
*pod» II m. 0 (b/c) ‘floor, ground’
E Ru. pod ‘hearth-stone, sole (of furnace), Gsg. pdda; péd (Rjaz.) ‘hearth-
stone, sole (of furnace)’, Gsg. péda; ORu. podo ‘floor, bottom’; Ukr. pid (dial.)
‘hay-stack floor, Gsg. poda
Ww Cz. pida f. ‘floor, bottom’
SCr. péd ‘floor, ground’, Gsg. péda; pod (Vuk) ‘floor, ground’, Gsg. péda; Cak.
péd (Vrg.) ‘floor, ground’ Gsg. podd; pod (Novi) ‘floor, ground’ Gsg. poda;
Nn
*pokojp 409
Kajk. péd (Bednja) ‘floor, ground; Gsg. pyedd; SIn. pod ‘floor, threshing floor,
Gsg. attic, Gsg. pdda; Bulg. pod ‘floor’
BSI. *podum
B Lith. pddas 2 ‘sole, metatarsus, floor of a stove, (E. Lith.) clay threshing-
floor’; Latv. pads ‘stone floor’
Compound of > *po and an o-stem containing the zero grade of d'eh,- ‘do’ (> *déti
1), cf. > *prido.
*podBSsva ‘sole’
E Ru. podosva ‘sole, foot (of a slope)’; ORu. podosova ‘sole’; Ukr. piddsva ‘sole’
WwW Cz. podesev f.(i) ‘sole’; podesva (Mor. dial.) ‘sole’; Slk. podosva ‘sole’; Pl.
podeszwa ‘sole’
Compound of *podo I and *Sova < *siuH-eh, (> *Siti). Cf. also > *podo II.
*poiti v. (c) ‘give to drink
CS OCS poilo (Supr.) Nsg. m. I-pte. ‘gave to drink’
E Ru. poit’ ‘give to drink; 1sg. pojti, 38g. poit
Ww Cz. pojiti (obs.) ‘give to drink’ (now usually with a prefix, e.g. napojiti ‘give to
drink, opojiti ‘intoxicate’); Pl. poi¢ ‘give to drink
S SCr. pojiti ‘give to drink’ sg. pojim; Cak. pojiti (Vrg.) ‘give to drink’ 2s¢.
pojis; Sln. pojiti ‘give to drink, 1sg. pojim; Bulg. poja ‘give to drink, water’ isg.
pojim
PIE *pohsi-ei-
*pdjasb m. 0 (c) ‘girdle’
CS OCS pojaso ‘girdle’ ((the verb is pojasati, 1sg. pojaso or pojasajg)
E Ru. pojas ‘girdle’; ORu. pojaso ‘girdle’; pojasonica f. ‘girdle’
WwW Cz. pas ‘girdle’; Slk. pds ‘girdle’; Pl. pas ‘girdle’
S SCr. pojas ‘girdle’; pas ‘girdle’, Gsg. pasa; Cak. pds (Vrg.) ‘girdle’, Gsg. pasa;
pas (Vrg.) ‘belt, waist, Gsg. stripe’ pdsa; Sln. pds ‘girdle’, Gsg. pdsa, Gsg. past;
pojas ‘girdle’; Bulg. pdjas ‘girdle’
BSI. *jors-
B Lith. juosta f. ‘girdle’
Prefixed noun consisting of > *po- and *jaso < *ie/oh3s-o- from a PIE verbal root
meaning ‘to gird’ cf. Gk. Cwotrjp m. ‘girdle’; Gk. Cwotd¢ ptc. pret. pass. ‘girdled’; Av.
yasta- ptc. pret. pass. ‘girdled’.
*pokojp m. jo (a) ‘rest’
CS OCS pokoi ‘rest’
E Ru. pok6j ‘rest, (obs.) chamber’
Ww Pl. pokdj ‘peace, chamber’
410 *poléno
S SCr. pokoj ‘tranquility, Gsg. pokoja; Cak. pokéj (Vrg.) ‘tranquility, Gsg.
pokdja; Sin. pokoj ‘rest, Gsg. pok¢ja; pokoj ‘rest’, Gsg. pokdja; Bulg. pokdj ‘rest’
Compound of > *po and *kojp < *k”oih,-o, cf. OCS pokoiti ‘calm down, put at ease’.
See > *pociti for the etymology of the root.
*poléno n. 0 (a) ‘billet’
CS CS poléno
E Ru. poléno; ORu. poléno
Ww Cz. poleno; Slk. poleno; Pl. polano
S SIn. poléno
See > *palica.
*poléti v. ‘burn’
CS OCS poléti (Supr.) ‘burn; 1sg. poljg
S SIn. poléti ‘burn, flame; isg. polim
See > *paliti. Here the stem is *polh;-, which according to LIV (469) - but without
the laryngeal - continues an old perfect stem.
*polxp I m. 0 ‘fear
CS RuCS plaxo ‘fear’
E Ru. perepoldx ‘alarm, commotion’; Ukr. poldx ‘fear’; pdlox ‘horror’
WwW Cz. poplach ‘alarm’; Slk. poplach ‘alarm’
Etymology unclear. The connection with Gk. mdAAw ‘sway, swing’ from *pelh,- is a
possibility, cf. maAAovévn Kpadinv (Il. XXII 461) ‘with pounding heart’ (LIV: 469-
470). The *x of the suffix must have arisen secondarily for *s.
See also: *polxs I; *polgiti
*polxp II adj. 0 (a) ‘shy, timid’
WwW Cz. plachy ‘timid’; Slk. plachy ‘timid’; Pl. pfochy ‘frivolous’
S SCr. plah ‘quick, sharp, hot-tempered’; Sn. plah ‘shy, timid’ f. plaha; Bulg.
plax ‘shy, timid’
See > *polxo I.
*polica f. ja (a) ‘shelf’
CS CS polica ‘shelf’ (Supr. has one instance of polica for palica ‘staff’)
E Ru. polica ‘shelf (for kitchen-ware)’; ORu. polica ‘shelf’
Ww Cz. police; Slk. polica; P|. polica (arch., dial.)
S SCr. polica; Cak. polica; SIn. polica; Bulg. polica
See > *palica.
*poltpno 411
*pdle n. jo (c) ‘field’
OCS polje
Ru. péle
Cz. pole; Slk. pole; Pl. pole; USrb. polo
SCr. polje, NApl. pola; Cak. péle (Novi), NApl. péla; pélje, NApl. pold; Sin.
polje; poljé; Bulg. polé, Npl. poléta, Npl. polja
One might reconstruct *pol-i-om, cf. OHG feld n. ‘field’.
nemo
*polmy m. n (a) ‘flame’
CS OCS plamy m.(n) ‘flame, fire’ Gsg. plamene
E Ru. plamja n.(n) ‘flame, fire, Gsg. plameni (obviously a Church Slavicism);
polomja (dial.) n.(n) ‘flame, fire’
WwW Cz. plamen m.(o) ‘flame’; Slk. plamen m.(jo) ‘flame’; Pl. plomien m.(jo)
‘flame’
S SCr. plimén m.(o) ‘flame’, Gsg. plimena; Cak. plamen (Vrg.) m.(o) ‘flame’
Gsg. plamena; SIn. plamen m.(o) ‘flame, Gsg. plaména; plamén m.(0)
‘flame’; plaman m.(o) ‘flame; Gsg. plamna
B Lith. pelenai Npl. m. ‘ashes’; plénis f.(i) “speck, fine ashes’; Latv. pléne f.(é)
‘white ashes on coals’
OPr. pelanne ‘ashes’
The formation *polh,-men- is a Slavic innovation. For the etymology of the root, see
— *paliti.
*polsa f. a (c) ‘strip’
E Ru. polosd ‘stripe, strip, Asg. pdlosu; ORu. polosa ‘strip of land’
WwW Pl. ptosa ‘measure of arable land’; pidsa ‘measure of arable land’
S SCr. pldsa ‘clod of earth, piece of ice, a swelling beneath the eyes’; plasa
(dial.) ‘treeless land’, Asg. plasu; Cak. plasd (Novi) ‘treeless land’ Asg. plasii;
SIn. pldsa ‘strip of land, plateau, zone’
The same root *pol- may be present in OHG falg f. ‘plowed field; OE fealg ‘fallow’
*pol8iti v. ‘scare’
CS RuCS plasiti
E Ru. polosit’
WwW Cz. plasiti; Pl. ptoszyé
S SCr. plasiti; SIn. plasiti, 1sg. plasim; Bulg. plasa
See also: *polxs I; *polxs II
*poltpnd n. o (b) ‘linen’
CS OCS platono (Ps. Sin.); CS platuno
E Ru. polotné
412 *polvp
WwW Cz. platno; Slk. platno; Pl. pldtno
S SCr. platno; Cak. platno ‘fabric, textile’; Sln. platno; Bulg. platné ‘fabric,
linen, sail’
PIE —*pol-t-
See also: *pelena; *pléna; *pléva
*polvs adj. o
CS OCS plavo (Zogr., Mar., Ass.) ‘white’ (only in John 4:35.); RuCS plavo ‘white’
E Ru. poldvyj ‘pale yellow, sandy’; polovdj ‘pale yellow, sandy’
WwW Cz. plavy ‘faded, dun, light yellow’; Slk. plavy ‘faded, dun, light yellow; Pl.
plowy ‘faded, straw-coloured’
S SCr. plav ‘blue, blond; f. plava, n. plavo; Sln. plav ‘blue, pale, blond} f. plava
BSI. *polwos
B Lith. palvas ‘light yellow, straw-coloured’
PIE *pol-uo-
Cogn. Lat. pallidus ‘pale’; Olc. folr ‘faded’; OHG falo ‘faded’
*pols I m. o ‘half’
CS OCS pols ‘sex, half Gsg. polu
E Ru. pol ‘sex, (in compounds) half’
W Cz. pil ‘half’; Slk. pol ‘half’; Pl. pot ‘half’
S SCr. p6 ‘half’; Cak. pé (Vrg.) ‘half’; SIn. pol ‘side, half’
*pols II m.o
E Ru. pol ‘floor’; ORu. pols ‘foundation’; Ukr. pol ‘sleeping bench’
PIE —*pol-
Cogn. Olc. fjol m. ‘floar board, plank’
See also: *palica; *palpka; *poléno; *polica; *polb
*polbdza f. ja ‘use, benefit’
CS OCS polvdza ‘use, benefit’; polvza ‘use’
E Ru. pol’za ‘use, benefit’; pol’ga (Arx.) ‘use, benefit’
S Bulg. pdlza ‘use, benefit’
See > *lodza; *lvga.
*pélzp m. 0 (c)
E Ru. pdloz ‘sledge runner, grass-snake’
Ww Cz. plaz ‘reptile’; Sk. plaz ‘reptile’; Pl. ptoza f. ‘sledge runner’
S SCr. pléz ‘plough sole’; SIn. pléz ‘plough sole’; Bulg. plaz ‘sledge runner’
*poriti I 413
On the basis of OHG felga f. ‘felly, harrow’, one might be inclined reconstruct *polg'-
for the Slavic noun. The root seems to be acute, however (— *pelzati). Consequently,
we must reconstruct *polHg"- or give up the connection with the Germanic word.
*pora f. a ‘time’
E Ru. pord ‘time, season’; Ukr. pord ‘time, season, age’
Ww Pl. pora ‘ocurrence, time’
S Bulg. pora ‘age’
See > *poriti I.
*porg® m. 0 (a) ‘threshold’
OCS prage (Cloz., Supr.) ‘door-post’
Ru. porég
Cz. prah, Gsg. prahu; Slk. prah; Pl. prog, Gsg. progu; Slnc. pary, Gsg. paryu;
USrb. proh, Gsg. proha
S SCr. prig; Cak. prag (Vrg., Novi); prah (Orb.), Gsg. priga; Sln. prag, Gsg.
praga; Bulg. prag
BSI. *portgos
B Lith. pérgas ‘(fishing) canoe’
a
PIE *porg-o-
Cogn. Ole. forkr m. ‘bar, stick
*pérxb m. 0 (c) ‘dust’
CS OCS praxo ‘dust’
E Ru. pérox ‘gun-powder, powder’
WwW Cz. prach ‘dust, powder’; Slk. prach ‘dust, powder’; Pl. proch ‘dust, powder’
S SCr. prah ‘dust, powder’; Cak. prah (Vrg.) ‘dust, powder’; préh (Hvar) ‘dust,
powder’; prah (Novi, Orb.) ‘dust, powder’; Sln. prah ‘dust, powder’ Gsg.
praha, Gsg. prahii; Bulg. prax ‘dust, powder’
BSI. *pors-
B Latv. parsla f. ‘flake, particle (snow, hoarfrost, ashes)’
See > *pérxe.
*poriti I v.
E Ru. porit’ ‘grow fat, increase, help’
PIE *porhs-
Cogn. Gk. nopetv ‘procure’
See also: *pora; *porbn; *sbporb
414 *poriti IT
*poriti II v. ‘unstitch’
S SCr. poriti ‘unstitch, 18g. porim; Cak. poriti ‘unstitch’, 28g. poris; Bulg. porja
‘cut, unstitch, plough’
See > *porti.
*porbn> adj. o ‘healthy, strong’
E Ru. porndj (dial.); pérnyj (dial.)
PIE *porhs-
See also: *pora; *poriti I; *sbporb
*porse n. nt (c) ‘piglet’
CS CS prase, Gsg. prasete
E Ru. porosénok m., Npl. porosjdta; ORu. porosja
WwW Cz. prase n.(0/jo) ‘pig’; Slk. prasa; Pl. prosie
S SCr. prase, Gsg. prdseta; Cak. prdse (Vrg.), Gsg. praseta; prése (Hvar), Gsg.
proseta; prdse (Novi), Gsg. praseta; Sn. prase ‘piglet, pig, Gsg. praséta; Bulg.
prasé ‘piglet, pig’
BSI. *pors-
B Lith. parsélis m.(io) 2; parsittkas m.(0) 2
OPr. prastian
PIE *pork-os
Cogn. Lat. porcus m. ‘pig’; OHG far(a)h n. ‘pig’; OHG fearh m. ‘pig, boar’
*porti v. (b) ‘unstitch’
CS CS prati ‘cut’, 1sg. porjo
E Ru. porot’‘unstitch, rip, sg. porju, 38g. poret
WwW Pl. prd¢‘unstitch, cut, 1sg. porze
S Sln. prati ‘unstitch, 1sg. porjem, 1sg. pérjem
This verb is cognate with Gk. meipw ‘pierce’ (PIE *per-). LIV (472) links the o-grade
to a reduplicated present.
See also: *poriti II
*posétiti v. ‘visit’
CS OCS posétiti ‘visit, 1sg. posésto
E Ru. posetit’ ‘visit, sg. posescu, 38g. posetit
S Bulg. posetja ‘visit’
B Lith. svécias m.(jo) ‘guest’
PIE *sue-t-
Cogn. Gk. étapoc m. ‘comrade’
The lengthened grade is unexpected.
*pozdb 415
*pdt m. 0 (c) ‘sweat’
OCS pote
Ru. pot, Gsg. pota
Cz. pot; Slk. pot; Pl. pot
SCr. pét, Gsg. pota; Cak. pét (Vrg., Novi), Gsg. pota; pét (Vrg.) f.(d), Gsg.
pota; p"6t (Orb.), Gsg. pota; Sln. pdt, Gsg. pdta, Gsg. pota; Bulg. pot f.(i); pot
PIE —*pok"-to-
The Slavic word for ‘sweat’ formally matches MW poeth < *pok-to- < *k”ok"-to-.
nemo
See also: *pekti; *péktp
*povinoti v.
CS OCS povinoti ‘subject; isg. poving
BSI. *wit
B Lith. vyti ‘drive away, chase, pursue, 38g. véja
PIE *uih-
Cogn. Skt. véti ‘persecute, strive, chase’
See also: *vojp; *vojpna
*. ak, « ‘al
povorz; *pavorz>d m. 0 ‘cor
SerbCS povrazo ‘lobe’
Ru. pavoroz ‘cord of a tobacco pouch’; Ukr. pévoroz ‘cord, loop’
Cz. provaz ‘cord’ (from *povraz); Slk. povraz ‘cord’; Pl. powréz ‘cord’
SCr. povrdz ‘ear of a cauldron’; Sln. povraz ‘cord, noose, handle, Gsg.
povrdza; povraz ‘handle’
nemo
Cogn. OS wurgil m. ‘snare’
Compound of > *po and *vorzo < *uorg'-os.
See also: *otbverzti; *verslo
*pozdp adj. o ‘late’
CS OCS pozdé adv.
E Ru. pézdyj (dial.); ORu. pozdo
Ww Cz. pozdé adv.; Slk. pozde adv.
S Sln. pozd; pézdi adv.; pozdi adv.; pozde adv. ‘later, afterwards’
B Lith. pas prep. ‘to’
Cogn. Skt. pasca (RV+) adv. ‘behind, after’; OLat. poste prep. ‘behind, after’
For the element *-d"h,-o-, cf. > *nado, *pods, etc.
See also: *pozdpnb
416 *pozdpnp; *pozdpnb
*pozdpnp; *pozdpnb adj. 0; adj. jo ‘slow, late’
CS OCS pozdone (Supr.) ‘slow
E Ru. pézdnij ‘late’
Ww Cz. pozdni ‘late’; Pl. pozny ‘late’
S SCr. pozan ‘late’, f. pézna, f. pozna; Cak. pozni (Vrg.) ‘late’ f. poznd, n. poznd;
SIn. pdzan ‘late; f. pézna ‘late’; Bulg. pdzden ‘late’
See > *pozdo.
*poéati v. ‘bud, germinate’
WwW Cz. puceti ‘germinate, sprout, bud’; Slk. pucat’thrive, germinate, sprout, bud’
See > *poko.
*pocina f. 4
CS OCS pocina (open) sea
E Ru. pucina ‘gulf, abyss’
S SIn. pocina ‘open sea
Derivative of > pociti (‘crack > ‘abyss’ > ‘open sea’).
*pociti; *pokti v. (a) ‘swell, burst’
E Ru. pucit’ ‘become swollen’
S SCr. puci ‘burst, crack, shoot, 1sg. pitkném; pitknuti ‘burst, crack, shoot, 1sg.
piiknem; Cak. piiknuti (Vrg,) ‘burst, crack, shoot, 28g. piknes; Cak. puknut
(Orb.) ‘burst, crack, shoot’ 3sg. piikne; Sln. péciti ‘crack, hit, burst, 1sg. pécim
See > *poko.
*poditi v. ‘chase’
CS MBulg. poditi ‘push, chase’
E Ru. pudit’ ‘scare, chase’; pudit’ ‘scare, chase’
Ww Cz. puditi ‘impel, induce’; Pl. pedzic ‘chase’
S SCr. puditi ‘chase’; Sln. poditi ‘chase’ 1sg. podim; Bulg. padja ‘chase, dispel’
*pogy; *pogpvica f. t; f. ja (a) ‘knob, button’
CS MBulg. pogy ‘knob; Gsg. pogove
E Ru. pugovica ‘button’; ORu. pugy ‘knob, Gsg. pugove; pugovo ‘knob, Gsg.
pugove
WwW Pl. pggwica ‘buttor’
S Cak. piigva (Vrg.) ‘pimple’
BSI. *ponig-
B Latv. pudga ‘button’
The root *pog- seems to be a variant of *pok- (> *poko).
*potp 417
*poks m. 0 ‘bud’
E Ru. puk ‘bunch, bundel’
WwW Cz. puk ‘sprout, bud’; Slk. puk ‘sprout, bud’; Pl. pek ‘bunch, bundel’; pgk ‘bud’
PIE *ponHk-
Cogn. Lat. panus m. ‘tumour’
See also: * pocina; *pdciti; *pogy; *pogvica; *pokti
*pop; *poppks m. o ‘bud, navel’
CS CS pup? ‘navel’
E Ru. pup ‘navel’
Ww Cz. pupek ‘navel’; Slk. pupok ‘navel’; Pl. pep ‘plug, bung’; pepek ‘navel’
S SCr. pip ‘bud’; puipak ‘bud’; piipak ‘navel’; Cak. pip (Vrg.) ‘bud’; piipak
(Vrg.) ‘navel’; pip (Orb.) ‘bud’; piipak (Orb.) ‘navel, bud (on a tree or vine)’;
Sln. pép ‘bud, navel’; Bulg. pap ‘navel’
BSI. *pomp-
B Lith. pampti ‘swell’
*poto n. o (a) ‘fetter’
CS OCS pota Npl. ‘fetters’
E Ru. puto ‘fetter’
Ww Cz. pouto ‘fetters, shackles’; Slk. puto ‘fetter’; Pl. peto ‘fetter’
S SCr. piitto ‘fetter’; Sln. péto ‘fetter (for horses)’
BSI. *pontto
B Lith. pdntis m.(io) ‘horse-lock’
OPr. panto ‘fetter’
PIE *ponH-tom
Cogn. Arm. hanum ‘weave, sow together’
See also: *peta; *peti
*potp m. i (b) ‘way’
CS OCS pote m.(i) ‘way’
E Ru. put’ m.(i) ‘way, journey’
Ww Cz. pout f.(i) ‘pilgrimage, (lit.) journey’; Slk. puf f.(i) ‘pilgrimage, (lit.)
journey’; Pl. pgé m.(i) ‘way’
S SCr. pit m.(o) ‘road, way, Gsg. ptita; Cak. pit (Vrg.) m.(0) ‘road, way, time’
Gsg. pita; put (Hvar) m.(0) ‘road, way, Gsg. pita; p“6t (Orb.) m.(o) ‘road,
way, path, Gsg. p"6ta; piit (Orb.) m.(0) ‘time’; Sln. pét f.7@) ‘way’; pdt m.(0)
‘way’; Bulg. pdt m.(jo) ‘road, way’
BSI. *pont-/*pint-
B OPr. pintis ‘way, road’
PIE *p(o)nt-hy-
418 *pravb
Cogn. Skt. pantha- (RV+) m.; Gk. ndtog m. ‘road’; Gk. mévtog m. ‘sea’; Lat. pons m.
‘bridge’
The combined evidence of the various branches of IE points to a hysterodynamic h,-
stem.
*pravpb adj. o (a) ‘right’
OCS pravo ‘right’
Ru. pravyj ‘right
Cz. pravy ‘right’; Slk. pravy ‘right’; Pl. prawy ‘right’
SCr. prév ‘innocent, straight’; Cak. priv (Vrg.) ‘right, good’; prdv ‘innocent,
straight’; prdvi (Orb.) ‘right, good) f. prdva, n. prdvo; Sln. prav ‘right’; pravi
‘right, real’; Bulg. prav ‘right, straight’
nemo
If *pravo < *proH-uo- (see > *pro, *pra), we may compare the formation with Lat.
probus ‘solid, decent’ provided that the latter form continues *pro-b"(y)o- and not
*pro-b'uH-o-.
*pretivs prep. ‘against’
WwW Pl. przeciew; USrb. preciwo; LSrb. prsesiwo
BSI. *preti
B Latv. preti adv. ‘to meet, towards, opposite’; pret prep. ‘against, before’
PIE *preti-
Cogn. Skt. prati adv. ‘against’; Gk. mpéc (Aeol.) prep. ‘in addition’
See also: *protivs; *protivg; *proti
*prédati v. (a)
E Ru. prjddat’ (obs., dial.) ‘move (its ears)’
S SCr. prédati ‘fear’
PIE *(s)pr(e)nd-
Cogn. Olc. spretta ‘jump up, sprout’
An example of Winter’s law.
See also: *prednoti
*prednoti v. (a)
CS OCS vosprenoti ‘leap up, come to one’s senses’
E Ru. prjdnut’ (obs.) jump aside’
S SCr. prénuti ‘rouse somebody from sleep, (p. se) wake up, come to one’s
senses’; Cak. prénut (Orb.) ‘frighten, (se p.) get frightened’, 38g. priéne
See > *predati.
*prijatelb 419
*presti v. (c) ‘spin’
OCS predoto (Zogr., Mar., Ass., Sav.) 3pl. {1}
Ru. priast’, sg. prjadu, 38g. prjadét; Ukr. prjdsty, 1sg. prjadu
Cz. pristi, isg. predu; OCz. priesti, isg. pradu; Slk. priast, sg. pradiem; Pl.
przqsc, sg. przede; USrb. prasé, 18g. pradu; LSrb. psés¢, 1sg. psédu
S SCr. présti, 1sg. prédém; Cak. présti (Vrg.), 28g. prédés; prést (Hvar), 18¢.
préden; prés (Orb.), 1sg. priedén; Sn. présti, sg. predem; Bulg. preda
BSI. *(s)prenrd-
B Lith. sprésti ‘stretch, spread, solve, judge’, 3pres. spréndzia; Latv. spriést
‘stretch, press, judge, discuss, isg. spriéZu
PIE *(s)prend-
Another example of Winter's law. Vaillant (Gr. III: 153-154) assumes that this root is
etymologically identical with the root of *prédati.
eee)
{1} ‘Neither do they [the lilies of the field] spin’ (Matthew 6: 28, Luke 12: 27). Zogr. actually has
the scribal errors pridoto (also Sav.) and prexoto.
*pri prep., pref. ‘at, with, by’
CS OCS pri
E Ru. pri
WwW Cz. pri; Slk. pri; Pl. przy
Ss SCr. pri; Sln. pri ‘at, by’; Bulg. pri ‘at, with, by, to’
BSI. *prei(?)
B Lith. prié prep. ‘at, with, to’; prie- pref. ‘at, with, to’
OPr. prei prep. ‘at, with, to’
PIE *prei
See also > *prido.
*pridb m.o (b) ‘addition
S SCr. prid ‘addition, supplement, Gsg. prida; prid (Slavonia, Croatia)
‘addition, supplement; Gsg. prida; SIn. prid ‘use, advantage’ Gsg. prida; Bulg.
pridat ‘(the) gift to the bride’
BSI. *preidum
B Lith. priédas 2 ‘addition, bonus, supplement’; Latv. priéds ‘bonus’
PIE *prei-d'h,-o-m (*prei-dhs-o-m?)
See > *podo IL.
*prijatelb m. jo ‘friend’
CS OCS prijatelb (Euch., Ril.)
E Ru. prijatel’
WwW Cz. pritel, Npl. pratelé; Slk. priatel; Pl. przyjaciel
420 *prijati
S SCr. prijatelj; Cak. prijatel (Vrg.); prijatel (Novi); priétel (Orb.); Sln.
prijdtelj; Bulg. prijatel
PIE —*priH-
Cogn. Skt. priyd- adj. ‘dear, beloved’; Go. frijonds ‘friend’
See also: *prijati
*prijati v. ‘please, favour’
CS OCS prijati (Ps. Sin., Supr.) ‘take care of’
Ww Cz. prati ‘be well disposed towards’
S SCr. prijati ‘please, agree with, be of benefit’; Sln. prijati ‘favour, grant, do
good’
PIE —*priH-
Cogn. Skt. prinati ‘please’; OHG friten ‘to look after’
See also: *prijatelb
*pro; *pra prep. / pref. ‘through’
CS OCS pro- pref. ‘through; pra- pref. ‘through’
E Ru. pro prep./pref. ‘about’; pro- pref. ‘through, past’; pra- pref. ‘through, past’
Ww Cz. pro- pref. ‘through, past’
S Bulg. pro- pref. ‘through’
BSL. *pro(?)
B Lith. pra- pref. ‘by, through prd- pref. ‘pre-, fore-, between’; pré prep.
‘through, along, past’
PIE —*pro
Cogn. Skt. pro- adv. ‘before, forward’; Gk. mp6 adv. ‘before, forwards, forth
The variant pra- occurs in nominal compounds. The glottal stop was probably
adopted from nouns with an initial laryngeal.
See also: *procs; *proks; *prost
*proce adj. jo (b)
CS OCS proc» ‘remaining’; proceje adv. ‘further, then’
E Ru. précij ‘other’; proc’ adv. ‘away’
S SCr. préci ‘other’; Sln. proc adv. ‘away’
Derivative of > *proke.
*prodadja f. ja ‘sale, selling’
E Ru. proddZa ‘sale, selling’
S SCr. prédaja ‘sale, selling’; Sln. proddja ‘sale, selling’
The root of this prefixed jd-stem noun is the present stem of > *dati.
*prostb 421
*proks adj. o
CS OCS prokyi ‘remaining’; proko (Supr.) m. ‘remainder’
E Ru. prok m. ‘use, benefit’; ORu. proko m. ‘remainder’
Cogn. Gk. mpdxa adv. ‘immediately’; Lat. reciprocus adj. ‘mutual’
See also: *pro; *pra; *procs; *prostb
*proséjati v. ‘sift’
CS OCS proséati (Supr.)
E Ru. proséjat’
S Bulg. proséja
See > *séti II, *séjati II.
*prositi v. (b) ‘ask’
OCS prositi, sg. proso
Ru. prosit’, sg. prosui, 38g. prosit
Cz. prositi; Slk. prosit; Pl. prosié
SCr. prositi ‘beg for charity, ask a girl’s hand? 1sg. présim; Cak. prositi (Vrg.)
‘beg for charity, ask a girl’s hand} 2sg. prdsi3; prosit ‘beg for charity, ask a
girl’s hand; isg. prdsin, 38g. prosi, 38g. prosi; Sln. prositi ‘ask, 18g. prdésim;
Bulg. prosja ‘beg for charity, ask’
“emo
BSI. *pros-ei/i-
B Lith. prasyti
PIE *prok-eie-
Cf. Skt. prechdti ‘ask, Lat. poscé ‘demand’ < *prk-sk-.
*prosterti v. ‘extend’
OCS prostréti, 1sg. prostoro; prostoréti, 1sg. prostoro
Ru. prosterét’, sg. prosturo
Cz. prostriti
SCr. prostrijeti, 1sg. prostrijém; Cak. prostriti (Vrg.), 28g. prostres; prostrit
(Novi); Sln. prostréti ‘expand, sg. prostrém; Bulg. prostrd ‘expand, extend’
PIE *pro-sterhs-
Cogn. Skt. strnati ‘spread’; Gk. ot6pvuut ‘to extend, to strew’; Lat. sternere ‘strew,
spread’; Olr. sernaid ‘extend’
nemo
See also: *storna
*préstb adj. o (c) ‘simple, straight’
CS OCS prosto ‘simple, free’
E Ru. prostdj ‘simple’
422 *protivs; *protivo; *protiva; *proti
Ww Cz. prosty ‘simple, straight’; Slk. prosty ‘simple, straight’; Pl. prosty ‘simple,
straight’
S SCr. prést ‘simple’; Sln. prost ‘free, natural, simple’, f. prdsta; Bulg. prost
‘simple, dumb, ignorant’
PIE *pro-sth20-
See also: *pro; *pra; *procs; *prokp
*protivs; *protivo; *protivo; *proti prep. ‘against’
CS OCS protive (Supr.) adv. ‘against’; protivo (Euch.) prep. ‘against, in
accordance with’; protivo prep./adv. ‘against, towards’
E Ru. protiv prep. ‘against’; proti (dial.) prep. ‘against’; prot’ (dial.) prep.
‘against’
WwW Cz. proti prep. ‘against’; Slk. proti prep. ‘against’
S SCr. protiv prep. ‘against’; Cak. préti (Orb.) prep. ‘towards, in the direction
of, against’; Sln. proti prep. ‘towards’; préti adv. ‘to meet’; Bulg. protiv prep.
‘against’
PIE *proti
Cogn. Gk. mpdtt prep. ‘to, against’
See also: *pretivs
*proverti v. ‘stick through’
CS OCS provrése (Supr.) 3pl. aor. ‘stuck through’
Ss Bulg. provrd ‘stick through’
See > *otoverti.
*proglo n. 0 ‘noose, snare’
E Ru. pruglo (Dal’) ‘noose, snare’; ORu. progio ‘net’
WwW Cz. pruhlo ‘noose’
S SCr. pruglo ‘noose’; SIn. préglo ‘snare, trap’; prdgla f. ‘snare, trap’
Derivative in *-lo- of *prog- < *(s)prong'- ‘jump; cf. Olc. springa jump, MoE spring
(obs., dial.) ‘trap. See also > *progo.
*prog m. 0 ‘locust’
CS OCS prego (Sav., Ps. Sin., Euch.) ‘locust’
E ORu. prugo ‘locust’
PIE *(s)prong*-o-
Cogn. OHG houuespranca f. ‘locust’; MLG spranke f. ‘grasshopper, locust’; MLG
sprinke f. ‘grasshopper, locust’
See > *proglo.
*puxnoti 423
*prbskati v. ‘splutter, splash’
W Cz. prskati ‘splutter, sizzle’; Slk. prskat’‘splutter, sizzle’
S SCr. prskati ‘splash’; SIn. p/skati ‘splash’ 1sg. p?skam; Bulg. praska ‘sprinkle,
splash’
B Lith. praiisti ‘wash’
PIE *prus-sk-
Cogn. Skt. prusnoti ‘sprinkle’
See also: *pryskati; *prysnoti
*pryskati v. ‘sprinkle, splash’
E Ru. pryskat’ ‘sprinkle, spurt
WwW Cz. pryskati ‘splash, sprinkle’; Pl. pryskac ‘splash, sputter’
See > *proskati. The y is secondary,
*prysnoti v. ‘sprinkle, spurt’
CS CS prysnoti ‘sprinkle’
E Ru. prysnut’ ‘sprinkle, spurt’; ORu. prysnuti ‘become turbulent (of the sea)’
See the previous lemma.
*puxati v.
Ww OCz. puchati ‘swell ((in Modern Standard Czech only napuchati, opuchati);
Pl. puchac ‘blow’
Ss SCr. puihati ‘blow’ 1sg. pasém; puhati ‘blow, 18g. piiham; Cak. puhdti ‘blow,
asg. puses; puhat (Orb.) ‘blow, pant, 2sg. piises; Sln. puihati ‘snort, puff, blow,
1sg. puham, 1sg. pusem
See > *puxnoti.
*puxln adj. o
E Ru. puxlyj ‘chubby, plump’
WwW Cz. pouchly ‘fruitless, barren, empty’
Ss Sln. puhat ‘empty, having little substance’ f. puhla
BSI. *po
B Lith. pislé £.(€) 4 ‘blister, bladder’
See > *puxnoti.
*puxnoti v. ‘swell’
E Ru. puxnut ‘swell’
WwW Cz. puchnouti ‘swell’; Slk. puchnut ‘swell’; Pl. puchngé ‘swell
S SCr. puhnuti ‘blow, 1sg. pihném; Cak. pahniiti ‘blow, 1sg. pihnes; Sn.
puhniti ‘blow, blast’, sg. pihnem
424 *pustiti
PSL *pux- continues the o-grade of PIE *peus-, cf. Skt. puisyati ‘thrive, flourish, Nw.
foysa ‘swell.
See also: *puxati; *puxlp
*pustiti v. (c) ‘let go, let, send’
OCS pustiti ‘let go, let, send} 1sg. pusto
Ru. pustit’ ‘let go, let, send; isg. puscu, 38g. pustit
Cz. pustiti ‘let go, let’; Slk. pustit’‘let go, let’; Pl. puscic ‘let go, let’
SCr. pustiti ‘let go, let’, 1sg. piistim; Cak. pustiti (Vrg.) ‘let go, let’, 28g. piistis;
pustit (Orb.) ‘let, leave} 18g. piistin; Sln. pustiti ‘let go, let; sg. pustim
nemo
See > *piisto.
{1} AP (c) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 140).
*piistb adj. o (c) ‘empty, desolate’
CS OCS pusto ‘empty, desolate’
E Ru. pust6j ‘empty, deserted’
WwW Cz. pusty ‘empty, desolate’; Slk. pusty ‘empty, desolate’; Pl. pusty “empty,
desolate’
S SCr. piist ‘empty’ f. puista; Cak. piist (Vrg., Hvar) ‘empty’ f. pastd, n. pasto;
Sln. past ‘empty, desolate’; Bulg. pust ‘empty, desolate, poor’
BSI. *poustos
OPr. pausto ‘wild’
Etymology unknown. If the root were *pohzu- ‘end, cf. Gk. émavoa ‘ended,
terminated’ (LIV 462), we would expect fixed stress on an acute syllable.
See also: *pustiti
*pblkb m. 0 ‘troop’
OCS ploko (Ps. Sin., Supr.) ‘troop, army’
Ru. polk ‘regiment’
Cz. pluk ‘regiment’; Slk. pluk ‘regiment’; Pl. putk ‘regiment’
SCr. piik ‘people, crowd, regiment’, Gsg. piika; Cak. pak (Vrg.) ‘people,
crowd, Gsg. piika; Sln. pétk ‘regiment’
nemo
Cogn. Olc. folk m. ‘army, people’; OE folc m. ‘army, detachment, people’
Probably a borrowing from Germanic.
*pbtakp m. o ‘bird’
Ww Cz. ptak; Slk. vtdk; Pl. ptak; ptdk (Mat. dial.); SInc. ftauy
BSI. *put-
B Latv. putns
*pytati 425
*pptica f. ja (a) ‘bird’
CS OCS potica
E Ru. ptica
S SCr. ptica; Cak. tica (Vrg., Hvar); Sln. ptica f.(ja); ptié m.(jo), Gsg. ptica;
Bulg. ptica
See > *potake.
*pptpka f. 4 ‘bird’
E Ru. potka (dial.); ORu. potka
S SCr. patka ‘duck’; Cak. patka (Vrg., Orb.) ‘duck’
See > *potake.
See also: *pbtica
*pyrb; *pyrbjb m. 0; m. io (a) ‘spelt’
CS RuCs pyro n. ‘spelt’
E Ru. pyréj m.(jo) ‘couch-grass’
WwW Cz. pyr m.(o) ‘quitch’; Slk. pyr m.(o) ‘quitch’; Pl. perz m.(jo) “‘quitch’; OPI.
pyrz m.(jo) ‘quitch’
S SCr. pir m.(0) ‘spelt’; Cak. pir m.(o) ‘spelt’, Gsg. pira; Sln. pir m.(0) ‘spelt’;
pira f. ‘spelt, millet’
BSL *purro-
B Lith. piirai Npl. m.(0) 4 ‘winter corn’; piiras m.(o) 1 ‘grain measure’; Latv.
puri Npl. m.(io) ‘winter corn piri (E. Latv.) Npl. m.(io) ‘winter corn’; pairs
m.(0) ‘corn measure’
PIE *puH-ro-
Cogn. Gk. nipdc¢ m. ‘wheat’; Dor. ondpdc m. ‘wheat’
*pytati v. (b) ‘ask, examine’
OCS pytati ‘examine, scrutinize; 1sg. pytajo
Ru. pytat’ ‘torture, torment, try for; sg. pytdju
Slk. pytat’‘ask’; Pl. pytad ‘ask’
SCr. pitati ‘ask’; Cak. pitdti (Vrg.) ‘ask’, 28g. pitas; pitat (Orb.) ‘ask, request’
18g. pitan; SIn. pitati ‘ask, isg. pitam; Bulg. pitam ‘ask
nemo
Cogn. Lat. putdre ‘cut off branches, estimate, consider, think’
An interesting form is Cz. ptati se ‘ask, inquire, which seems to have a unique zero
grade.
426
*ppcpls; *ppksls; *ppkslo
*ppcpls; *ppkpls; *ppkslo m. 0; m. 0; n. o (b) ‘pitch, hell’
CS
E
W
BSI.
Cogn.
OCS pocolo (Supr.) m. ‘pitch’; pokolo (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) m. ‘pitch, resin’ (an
Isg. pekolomb occurs in the fragments of the Psalterium Sinaiticum that
were discovered in 1975); RuCS pokolo m. ‘pitch’
Ru. péklo n. ‘scorching heat, (coll.) hell’
Cz. peklo n. ‘hell’; Slk. peklo n. ‘hell’; Pl. piekfo n. ‘hell’; OPI. pkiet m. ‘hell’;
SInc. pjiekle n. ‘hell’
SCr. pakao m. ‘hell, pitch’; Cak. pakd (Vrg.) m. ‘hell, pitch, paklda; pakdl
(Novi) m. ‘hell Gsg. pakla; pakél (Hvar) m. ‘hell, Gsg. pakla; pakal (Orb.)
m. ‘hell’; SIn. pakat m. ‘pitch, hell} Gsg. pakla; Bulg. pakdl m. ‘hell’
*pikil-/*pikul-
Lith. pikis m.(io) ‘pitch’; Latv. pikis m.(io) ‘pitch’
OPr. pyculs (EV) ‘hell’
Gk. niooa f. ‘pitch’; Lat. pix f. ‘pitch’
*ppxati v. ‘push, shove’
CS
E
PIE
Cogn.
CS poxati ‘smite’
Ru. pixdt’ ‘push, shove’; pxat’ (dial.) ‘push, shove’; ORu. poxati ‘push, shove’;
pixati ‘push, shove’
Cz. pchati ‘prick, sting, stuff, poke’; pichati ‘prick, sting’; Slk. pchat ‘stuff,
shove’; pichat' ‘sting’; Pl. pchaé ‘push’
Sln. pahdti ‘push, shove’, 1sg. pahdm; Bulg. pdxam ‘push, shove’
*pis-
Lith. pisti ‘copulate’
*pis-
Skt. pindsti ‘crush’; Gk. nticow ‘winnow grain, bray in a mortar’; Lat. pinsere
‘to crush’
See also: *péstp; *ppSeno
*pplns adj. o (a) ‘full’
PIE
Cogn.
OCS plone
Ru. pélnyj
Cz. plny; Sik. plny; Pl. petny
SCr. piin; Cak. pin (Vrg,), f. pund, n. pitno; ptin (Novi), f. piina; piin (Hvar),
f. piina; piin (Orb,), f. pina, n. piino; Sln. pdtn; Bulg. pdlen
*pilnos
Lith. pilnas; Latv. pilns
*plhi-no-
Skt. parnd-; Olr. lan; Go. fulls
An example of Hirt’s law.
*pprati II 427
*pélstp f. i (c) ‘felt’
E Ru. polst’; ORu. polsto
WwW Cz. plst' plst; Sik. plst; Pl. pils¢
S SCr. piist (dial.); Sln. pétst, Gsg. polsti
Cogn. Lat. pilleus m. ‘felt hat’; OHG filz m. ‘felt’
*pblzati v. (a) ‘crawl, creep’
CS OCS plozati (Supr.) ‘crawl; 18g. pléZo {1}
E Ru. pdlzat’ ‘crawl; 18g. pdlzaju
Ww Pl. petzaé ‘crawl’
S SCr. puzati ‘creep, crawl, isg. piizém; Cak. puzdt (Orb, ‘creep, crawl’ 1sg.
puize; Sin. potzati ‘crawl; sg. polzam
See > pélzo.
{1} In the Staroslavjanskij slovar’, the participle ploze (Supr.) is listed under plwzéti or ploziti, cf.
Sln. polzéti, isg. potzim ‘slide, sneak’, SCr. puziti, sg. puzim ‘crawl, climb, slide’
*pplzti v. (c) ‘crawl, creep’
E Ru. polzti ‘crawl, creep’ 18g. polzt, 38g. polzét
See > pélzo.
*pénb m. jo (c) ‘trunk’
CS pono ‘trunk, stub’
Ru. pen’ ‘trunk, stub’
Cz. pen; Slk. pen; Pl. pien ‘trunk, stump’; USrb. pjen (arch.), Gsg. pjenja
SCr. panj, Gsg. panja; Cak. pan (Vrg.), Gsg. pand; panj (Novia); Sln. panj,
Gsg. pdnja, Gsg. panjd, Gsg. panji; Bulg. pan ‘trunk, log’
“emo
Etymology uncertain. The connection with Skt. pindka- n. ‘staff, stick, bow, Gk. mivag
m. ‘wooden board, writing slate, painting’ is doubtful.
*pprati Iv.
CS OCS perote (Supr.) 3pl. ‘fly
PIE —*prH-
Cogn. Go. faran ‘wander’
See > *pero.
*pprati II v. ‘beat, trample, wash’
CS CS porati ‘trample, press, wash, 1sg. pero
E Ru. prat’ ‘wash, beat linen; 1sg. pert; poprat’ ‘trample; isg. popru
428 *pprdéti
Ww Cz. prati ‘wash, beat, 1sg. peru; Slk. prat ‘wash, 1sg. perem; Pl. prac ‘wash; 1sg.
piore
S SCr. priti ‘wash’, 1sg. pérém; Cak. priti (Vrg.) ‘wash’, 28g. péres; prat ‘wash’
1sg. péren; SIn. prati ‘beat, wash, 1sg. pérem; Bulg. perd ‘wash’
PIE —*pr-
Cogn. Skt. p/t- (RV) f. ‘battle, strife, fight
See also: *perti; *ppréti; *pprtb; *sbpor
*pprdéti v. (c) ‘break wind’
E Ru. perdeét’, isg. perZu, 38g. perdit; Ukr. perdity
WwW Cz. prdéti; Slk. prdiet; Pl. pierdziec; USrb. pjerdze¢
S SCr. prdjeti, 1sg. prdim; Cak. prditi (Vrg.), 28g. prdis; Cak. prdét (Orb.), 3s¢.
prdi; Sln. prdéti, 1sg. prdim; Bulg. pdardja
BSI. *per?d-/* pirtd-
B Lith. pérsti; Latv. pifst
PIE *perd-/* pird-
Cogn. Skt. pardate (attested quite late); Gk. mépSopc; Olc. freta (with metathesis);
OHG ferzan; Alb. pjerdh
*ppréti v. ‘quarrel, deny, renounce’
CS OCS poréti ‘quarrel, contradict, deny, 1sg. porjg
WwW Cz. priti se ‘quarrel, (obs.) be engaged in a lawsuit’, 1sg. pru se, 1sg. pru se;
priti (obs.) ‘deny, renounce’ 1sg. pru, sg. prim; OCz. prieti ‘question, deny,
renounce, 1sg. pru, 1sg. pru; Pl. przec (sie) (a4th-18th c.) ‘repudiate,
renounce, be engaged in a lawsuit’, 1sg. prze (sie)
See > *perti, *porto.
*pbrxb m. 0 (c) ‘dust’
E Ru. perx (dial.) ‘dandruff’
S SCr. prh (dial.) ‘coal dust, Gsg. prha; Sln. prh ‘dust from fine earth, mould’
PIE *prs-o-
Cogn. Olc. fors m. ‘waterfall’
The root of this etymon has also been connected with Skt. pfsant- ‘dappled, with
white spots.
See also: *pérxp; *pprstb
*pbrstb m. o (b) ‘finger’
CS OCS prosto
E Ru. perst (obs.), Gsg. persta
PIE
Cogn.
*pbrsb 429
Cz. prst; SIk. prst
SCr. pist ‘finger, toe, Gsg. prsta; pst (Lepetane, Préanj, Ozrini¢i) ‘finger, toe’
Gsg. prsta; Cak. pst (Vrg.) ‘finger, toe’, Gsg. pista; pdrst (Hvar) ‘finger, toe’
Gsg. pdrsta; pis (Orb.) ‘finger, toe, Gsg. p7sta; Sln. prst; Bulg. prast
*pirsto
Lith. pifstas 2; Latv. pir(k)sts
OPr. pirsten ‘finger’
*pr-stha-0-
Skt. prstha- (RV+) n. ‘back, mountain ridge’
In view of the Sanskrit and Old Prussian evidence I am inclined to posit a Balto-
Slavic oxytone neuter o-stem. I suspect that the Nsg. in *-o was replaced by *-2 at a
stage when barytone masculine o-stems continuing old neuters still had a NApl. in
*-aH and may have shown neuter agreement (see Derksen forthe. a). Note that there
is a large-scale fluctuation between masculine o-stems continuing Balto-Slavic
barytone neuters and neuter o-stems belonging to AP (b).
*pbrstp f. i (c) ‘dust, earth
nemo
OCS prosto ‘dust, earth’
Ru. perst’ (arch.) ‘dust, earth’
Cz. prst“earth, soil’; OPI. piers¢ “dry earth, dust’
SIn. pfst ‘earth, soil, Gsg. prsti; Bulg. prast ‘earth, soil’
*pirstis
Lith. pitksnys (Zem.) Npl. f.(i) 4 ‘hot ashes’; Latv. pirkstis m.(io) ‘spark in
ashes, heat’
See > *pérxo. The development *s > *x did not take place before a consonant.
*pbrspb f. i (a) ‘chest, breast’
CS
E
WwW
BSI.
B
OCS prosi Npl. f.(i) ‘chest, bosom’
Ru. pérsi (arch., poet.) Npl. f.(i) ‘breast, bosom’
Cz. prs m.(0) ‘(female) breast’; prso (rare) n.(o) ‘(female) breast’; prsa Npl.
n.(o) ‘chest, bosom’; OCz. prsi Npl. f.(i) ‘chest, bosom’; Slk. prsia Npl. n.(o)
‘chest, bosom’; Pl. piers f.(i) ‘breast, chest’
SCr. pi'si Npl. f.() ‘breast, chest’; p?sa Npl. n.(o) ‘breast, chest’; Cak. psi
(Vrg.) Npl. £7 ‘breast, chest’; p7'sa Npl. n.(0) ‘breast, chest’; Sln. prsi Npl.
f.(i) ‘breast, chest’
*pirrsis
Lith. pirsys Npl. f.(i) ‘chest (of a horse)’
Since the connection with Skt. pdrsu- ‘rib, curved knife’ is better abandoned, the
etymology must be designated as unclear.
430 *pprtb
*pprtp f. i‘bath-house’
E Ru. pert’ (dial.) ‘Karelian cottage’; ORu. porto ‘bath-house’
BSI. *pirtis
B Lith. pirtis m.(i) 4 ‘bath-house’; Latv. pirts m.(i) ‘bath-house’
PIE —*pr-ti-
Derivative in *-ti- of the zero grade of > *perti. The connection with Skt. pft- (RV) f.
‘battle, strife, fight is uncertain.
*pbrvb num. o ‘first’
CS OCS prove
E Ru. pérvyj
Ww Cz. prvy; Pl. pierwszy; OPI. pierwy
S SCr. prvi; Cak. prvi (Vrg.), prva £.; prvi, f. p?va; Sln. prvi; Bulg. parvi
BSI. *pir?wos
B Lith. pirmas; Latv. pirmais
OPr. pirmas
PIE *prH-uo-
Cogn. Skt. puirva- (RV+) adj. ‘foremost, first, previous’
The suffix *-mo- of the Baltic forms, also found in Lat. primus, is analogical.
*ppsati v. (b) ‘write’
CS OCS posati, 18g. piso; pisati, 1sg. piso
E Ru. pisdt’, sg. pisti, 38g. piset
Ww Cz. psati, isg. pisi; Slk. pisat Pl. pisac
S SCr. pisati, isg. pisém; Cak. pisdti (Vrg.), 28. pises; pisdt (Hvar), 1g. pisen;
pisdt (Orb.), 3g. pise; Sln. pisati, 1sg. pisem; Bulg. pisa
BSI. *p(e)is-
B Lith. piésti ‘draw, paint’
OPr. peisdi 3pl. ‘write’
PIE _— *p(e)ik-
Cogn. Skt. pimmsdti (RV+) ‘hew, carve, form’
See also: *pbstrb
*pbstrb adj. o (b) ‘variegated’
CS CS postro
E Ru. péstryj; péstr, f. pestrd, n. péstro, n. pestro {1}
WwW Cz. pestry; Slk. pestry; Pl. pstry
S SIn. pastar, f. pastra; Bulg. pdstar
PIE *pik-r6-
*raciti 431
Cogn. Gk. mkpdc ‘sharp, pungent’; motkihocg ‘variegated’; OHG feh ‘variegated’
{1} AP (b) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 136).
See also: *ppsati
*pbsb m. 0 (b) ‘dog’
CS OCS pose
E Ru. pés (coll.)
Ww Cz. pes; Slk. pes; Pl. pies; USrb. pos, Gsg. psa; pds (dial.), Gsg. psa; LSrb. pjas,
Gsg. psa
S SCr. pas, Gsg. psd; Cak. pds (Vrg., Novi), Gsg. pasd; SIn. pas, Gsg. psa
There are many etymologies for this word, for instance the identification of *pos-
with the root of > *péstre ‘variegated’. One of the more appealing etymologies is *pk-
o- with zero grade of the root (s)pek- ‘see, watch’ (cf. Meillet Et. I: 238). Another
possibility is *pk-u-, cf. Skt. past, ksti- ‘cattle’.
*ppSend n. o (b) ‘millet’
E Ru. pseno ‘millet
WwW Cz. pseno (dial.) ‘millet’; OCz. psano ‘millet’; Slk. pseno ‘millet’; Pl. pszono
(W.) ‘millet’
S SCr. pséna f. ‘kind of clover’; Sln. pséno ‘peeled grain, millet’
PIE —*pis-
Cogn. Gk. rtiopua n. ‘peeled or winnowed grain’
See > *poxati.
*ppzdéti v. ‘break wind’
E Ru. bzdét’ ‘break wind’; Ukr. bzdity ‘break wind’; pezdity ‘break wind’
WwW Cz. bzditi ‘break wind’; P]. bzdzie¢ ‘break wind’
S SCr. bazdjeti ‘stink’; Sln. pazdéti ‘break wind} 1sg. pazdim
BSI. *p(e)sdétei
B Lith. bzdéti ‘break wind’; Latv. bzdét ‘break wind’
PIE —*psd-
Cogn. Gk. Bdéw ‘break wind’; Lat. pédere ‘break wind’
*R
*raditi v. (b) ‘wish, want’
CS OCS raciti ‘wish, want; 1sg. raco
E Ru. racit’ (dial.) ‘be zealous, wish, want’; racit’ (dial.) ‘be zealous, wish, want’
Ww Cz. raciti ‘wish, want, (lit.) deign’; Slk. racit“deign’; Pl. raczy¢‘deign’
432 *radi
S SCr. rd¢iti se ‘(+D) feel like’ 38g. raci se; Cak. raciti se (Vrg.) ‘(+D) feel like’
38g. raci se; Sln. raciti ‘wish, want, deign, (se) please’ sg. racim
LIV (506) hesitantly suggests an iterative *rdk-ie- (secondarily *-eie-) of *rek-
‘ordnen, festlegen, bestimmen’ According to Vaillant (Gr. III: 434), we are dealing
with a borrowing from Gmc. *rékija- ‘care about, cf. Olc. reekja.
See also: *otroks; *rekti; *ré¢p
*radi postp. ‘for the sake of’
CS OCS radi postp. ‘for the sake of, because of’; radvma postp. ‘for the sake of,
because of’
E Ru. radi postp./prep. ‘for the sake of’
S SCr. radi prep. ‘for the sake of, because of’; rddi prep. ‘for the sake of’; Cak.
radi (Vrg.) prep. ‘for the sake of’; Sln. zarddi prep. ‘because of’; zarad prep.
‘because of’; rddi prep. ‘because of”
Cogn. OP rddiy ‘for the sake of”
A borrowing from Iranian?
*raditi v. ‘care about, heed’
CS OCS raditi (Supr.) ‘care (about)’; neraditi (Mar., Supr.) ‘not care (about), not
heed’ (the form neroditi is much more frequent)
E Ru. radét’ (obs.) ‘oblige, take care (of), carry out rites, 3sg. radéet; ORu.
raditi ‘care (about)’
S SCr. rdditi ‘work, do’ 1sg. radim; Cak. raditi (Vrg.) ‘work, do, 28g. radig; Bulg.
radja ‘care (about), attempt’
See > *roditi
*rajati v.
E Ru. rdjat’ (dial.) ‘make a noise, sound’
BSI. rati-?
B Lith. rojéti ‘caw anxiously’; Latv. rat ‘scold’
According to LIV (501), the root is *reh2(i)-, the main motivation for *-i being Lith.
rieti ‘scold, bark. Schrijver (1991: 257-258) reconstructs *Hroh,- for the Baltic and
Slavic forms. He derives Olc. rdmr ‘hoarse’ from *Hrehi;-mo- and Olc. rémr from
*Hreh;-mo. LIV (1.c.), however, claims that Rasmussen is right in deriving the Old
Icelandic forms a root *rem-. As in Schrijver’s opinion Lat. ravus ‘hoarse’ may reflect
either *Hrh,yo- or *Hroyo-, PSI. *rajati has virtually no reliable cognates outside
Balto-Slavic, whichever reconstruction one chooses.
*razoriti v. ‘destroy’
CS OCS razoriti ‘destroy, 1sg. razorjg
E Ru. razorit’ ‘destroy’
*remy 433
S SCr. razoriti ‘destroy’
B Lith. ardyti ‘pull down, destroy’; Latv. ardit ‘destroy, scatter’
See also: *oriti
*rebro n. 0 (b) ‘rib’
OCS rebro ‘rib, (pl.) side’
Ru. rebro, Npl. rébra
Cz. Zebro; OCz. Zebro; rebro; Sik. rebro; P|. zebro
SCr. rébro, Npl. rébra; Cak. lebrd (Vrg.), Npl. lébra; rebré (Hvar), Npl. rebra;
rebrd (Orb.), Npl. riébra; Sln. rébro ‘rib, slope’ (cf. rébar f., rébar f. ‘slope’);
Bulg. rebro ‘rib, slope’
PIE *(H)reb"-rém
Cogn. OHG rippin. OHG ribbin.; Olc. rifn.
nemo
*rekti v. (c) ‘speak, say’
OCS resti, sg. reko
Ru. reci (dial.), isg. reku, 38g. recét; ORu. reci, 1sg. reku
Cz. rici, sg. Tku; Slk. riect, 1sg. reciem; Pl. rzec, sg. rzeke
SCr. réci, sg. récém; Cak. rééi (Vrg.), 28g. recés; SIn. réci, sg. récem; Bulg.
rekd, 28g. recés
PIE *rek-
Possible cognates are Skt. racayati ‘construct, work and W rhegi ‘curse’ (cf. LIV: 506).
nemo
See also: *otroks; *raciti; *récb; *rokp
*remy m. n ‘strap, belt’
CS OCS remenv m.(n) ‘latchet, Gsg. remene
E Ru. remén’ m.(jo) ‘strap, belt, Gsg. remnja
WwW Cz. temen m.(0/jo) ‘strap, belt’; Slk. remen m.(jo) ‘strap, belt’; Pl. rzemien
m.(jo) ‘strap, belt’; rzemyk m.(o) ‘little leather strap, thong’
S SCr. rémén m.(0) ‘strap, belt, Gsg. rémena; rémik (Herc.) m.(o) ‘strap, belt’;
Cak. rémik (Orb.) m.(0) ‘strap (of a whip)’; SIn. rémen m.(o) ‘strap, belt’
Gsg. reména
Attempts have been made to connect *remy with > *arvmo/o, but this meets with
formal difficulties. The fact that there are no South Slavic forms pointing to *ré- may,
for instance, be considered a counter-argument (but cf. OCS retv). More importantly,
*arom?/o is usually derived from PIE *hzer-, which seems incompatible with *remy.
On the other hand, the relationship with MHG rieme m. ‘strap, belt, the etymology
of which is unknown, is also unclear.
434
récb
*rétp f. i (c) ‘speech’
nemo
yy ¢
OCS réév ‘speech, accusation’
Ru. rec’ ‘speech’
Cz. rec ‘speech’; Slk. reé ‘speech’; Pl. rzecz ‘thing’; USrb. ré¢ ‘language, speech’
SCr. rijeé ‘word’; Cak. rié ‘word’; SIn. ré¢ ‘thing’, Gsg. reci; Bulg. rec ‘speech,
language, conversation’
Lengthened grade formation to > *rekti. The i-stem goes back to a old root noun.
*rédbkp adj. o ‘sparse, rare’
=
BSI.
OCS rédokyje (Supr.) Apl. m. ‘rare’
Ru. rédkij ‘sparse, rare’; rédok ‘sparse, rare) f. redkd, n. rédko
Cz. ridky ‘sparse, rare’; Slk. riedky ‘sparse, rare’; Pl. rzadki ‘sparse, rare’; USrb.
rédki ‘sparse, rare’
SCr. rijedki ‘thin, sparse, rare’; rijédak ‘thin, sparse, rare’, f. rijétka; Cak. ritak
(Vrg.) ‘thin, sparse, rare’ f. ritkd, n. ritko; r'étki (Orb.) ‘thin, sparse, rare’, f.
riétka; Sin. rédak ‘sparse, rare, f. redka
*re?d-
Latv. réns ‘undicht (e.g. réni rudzi ‘undicht stehender Roggen, réns audums
‘loses Gewebe’); réds (BW) ‘undicht’
*réjati v. (a)
CS
PIE
Cogn.
OCS réjati (Supr.) ‘push, press’
Ru. réjat’ ‘soar, hover, flutter’; Ukr. rijaty ‘swarm’
Bulg. réja ‘wander, fly’
*roir-
Latv. raidit ‘send hastily, urge’
*hsroiH-
Skt. riyate (RV, YV™) ‘flow, whirl’
See also: *réka; *rinoti; *rojp
*réka f. 4 (b/c) ‘river’
So
OCS réka ‘river’
Ru. rekd ‘river, Asg. reku; rekd ‘river’, Asg. réku {1}
Cz. reka ‘river’; OCz. #ieka ‘river’ (Nonnenmacher-Pribi¢ 1961: 84); SIk. rieka
‘river’; Pl. rzeka ‘river’; Slnc. 7ékd ‘river’ {2}; USrb. réka ‘river’; LSrb. réka
‘river’
SCr. rijéka ‘river’, Asg. rijéku; rijéka (Orahovica) ‘river’, Asg. rijeku {3}; Cak.
rika (Vrg.) ‘river’; riekd (Orb.) ‘river’; Sn. réka ‘river’; Bulg. rekd ‘river’
*h3roiH-
Lat. rivus m. ‘brook, stream’; Olt. riathor m. ‘torrent’
*rebp; *rebpkp 435
The Proto-Slavic AP is not entirely clear. Dybo (1981: 156) classifies réka as (b), but
the evidence for the on etymological grounds expected AP (c) cannot be ignored.
{1} AP (b) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 135). {2} Slnc. 7ékd belongs to a small group of 4-
stems that have a “Langstufenvokal” in the root but are nevertheless mobile. {3} According to
the RJA, rijeka (with root stress on the analogy of the Asg.) has been recorded in Bosnia and
Hercegovina.
See also: *réjati; *rinoti; *rdjp
*rebica f. ja ‘partridge’
S SCr. rebica (dial.) ‘partridge’; Sln. rebica ‘partridge’
BSI. *ri(m)?b-; *ru(m)?b-
B Lith. irbé f.(€) 1 ‘partridge’; irbénis m.(io) ‘snowball-tree’; Latv. ibe f.(€)
‘partridge’; rubenis m.(io) ‘black grouse’
See > *rebika, *rebina.
*rebika; *rebina f. 4 ‘rowan tree’
E Ru. rjabika (dial.); rjabina; Ukr. rjabyna (dial.)
S SCr. rebika (dial.); Sln. rebika
BSI. *ri(m)?b-; *ru(m)?b-
B Lith. irbé f.(€) 1 ‘partridge’; irbénis m.(io) ‘snowball-tree’; Latv. i7be f.(€)
‘partridge’; itbendjs m.(jo) ‘snowball-tree’; rubenis m.(io) ‘black grouse’
PIE *r(e)mb-
Cogn. Olc. rjupa f. ‘ptarmigan’
Latv. rubenis < *rub- and Olc. rjtipa < *reub- lack the nasal element of *reb- but
nevertheless seem to be cognate. Lith. rdibas, Latv. raibs ‘speckled, variegated’ (= Ukr.
ribyj? ) probably belongs here as well. The i: u alternation in the root and the traces
of prenasalization (not to mention the *e- of jerebo) definitely point to a non-Indo-
European origin. The u of Latv. rubenis must have been secondarily shortened
because in view of Winter’s law we would have expected *riibenis, cf. Lith. irbé, Latv.
irbe ‘hazel-grouse.
See also: *erebs; *erebp; *erebbks; *erebica; *erebina; *jprbica; *jprbina; *jprbika; *rebs; *rebs;
*rebpkn
*rebs adj. o ‘speckled’
E Ru. rjab6j (dial.) ‘speckled’; Ukr. rjabyj (dial.) ‘speckled’
See > *rebika, *rebina.
*rebs; *rebpks m. jo; m. 0 ‘hazel-grouse, partridge’
E Ru. rjab’ (Dal’: eccl., N. dial.) ‘sand-grouse, hazel-grouse’; rjabdk (dial.)
‘hazel-grouse. Cf. rjabcik (the Standard Russian form), rjdbuska and rjdbec
436
S
*rédb
or rjabéc ‘hazel-grouse’, rjabka ‘partridge’ (Dal’ s.v. rjabyj). The form rjabéc
also means ‘trout’
SIn. réb ‘partridge’
See > *rebika, *rebina.
*rédb m. 0 (c) ‘row, line’
ee
BSI.
OCS redo ‘row, line’
Ru. rjad ‘row, line’
Cz. fad ‘rank, row’; rdd ‘order’; fada f. ‘line, row’; Slk. rad ‘row, line’; riad
‘gear, order’; Pl. rzgd ‘row, line’, Gsg. rzedu; rzgd ‘government; Gsg. rzgdu
SCr. réd ‘row, line, Gsg. réda; Cak. réd (Vrg.) ‘row, line, Gsg. réda; Sln. réd
‘order’, Gsg. réda, Gsg. redii; Bulg. red ‘row, order’
*rind-
Lith. rinda f. 4 ‘row, line’; Latv. rifida f. ‘row, line’ (according to ME, either a
Curonianism or a Lithuanianism, cf. rida or ridams ‘reihenweise’ )
*rinoti v. (a) ‘push, shove’
PIE
Cogn.
OCS ringse se (Supr.) 3pl. aor. ‘precipitated’
Ru. rinut’sja ‘rush, dash’
Cz. rinouti se ‘stream, flow; Slk. rinuf se ‘stream, flow’
SCr. rinuti ‘push’ 1sg. riném; Cak. rinuti (Vrg.) ‘push’ 28g. rines; rinut (Orb.)
‘push, shove’ 1sg. rinen; Sln. riniti ‘shove, press; 1sg. rinem; Bulg. rina ‘shovel’
*hsr(e)iH-
Skt. rindti (RV+) ‘make flow, run’
See also: *réjati; *réka; *rdjp
*ritb f. i ‘buttocks’
SerbCS rito ‘buttocks’
ORu. ritv ‘hoof?
Cz. rit ‘buttocks’; Pl. rzyé ‘buttocks’
SIn. rit ‘arse’, Gsg. riti
*reift- (rerit-?)
Lith. rietas m.1 ‘thigh, loin’; Latv. riéta f. ‘thigh, haunch’
*ruti v. ‘roar’
CS
E
W
S
OCS revy (Hil) ptc. pres. act. ‘roaring’; rovy (Supr.) ptc. pres. act. ‘roaring’
(the SJS reconstructs the lemmas rjuti, sg. revo, and ruti, 1sg. rove)
Ru. revét’ ‘roar, 1sg. revui, 38g. revét; ORu. rjuti ‘roar, 1sg. revu
OCz. niti ‘roar’, 1sg. fevu; Pl. rzué ‘roar’
SCr. révati ‘roar, bray’, isg. revém; Cak. rovat (Vrg.) ‘roar, bray’, 28g. roves;
rovat (Orb.) ‘bray (of a donkey); 2sg. rovés; Sln. rjuiti ‘roar’ 1sg. rjovem, 1sg.
rjujem
*rodb 437
PIE *h3reu-
Cogn. Skt. ruvati ‘roar’; Gk. wpbouat ‘howl, roar, complain’; Lat. rimor m. ‘noise,
rumour’
*roditi I v. ‘give birth, bear (fruit)’
CS OCS roditi ‘give birth, beget’ 1sg. rozdo, 28g. rodisi
E Ru. rodit’ ‘give birth, bear’, 1sg. roZu, 38g. rodit
WwW Cz. roditi ‘give birth, bear (fruit)’; SIk. roditgive birth, bear (fruit)’; Pl. rodzi¢
‘give birth, bear (fruit)’
S SCr. réditi ‘give birth, bear (fruit), sg. rddim; Cak. roditi (Vrg.) ‘bear, bring
forth, 2sg. rddis; rodit (Orb.) ‘bear, bring forth, 1sg. rddin; Sln. roditi ‘give
birth, beget, bear (fruit); 1sg. rodim; Bulg. rodja ‘give birth, bear (fruit)’
BSI. *rod-ei/i-
B Latv. radit ‘give birth to, create’
Only Balto-Slavic. LIV’s reconstruction *(H)rod"-eie- (497) of an aspirated voiced
stop is based on Matasovic’s modification of Winter’s law (only in closed syllables),
which is why in a foonote *d is not completely ruled out. The often suggested
connection with Skt. vardhate ‘grow, increase, thrive’ is formally problematic, since
we would have to assume Schwebeablaut and loss of *u-.
See also: *nardd; *rd6db
*roditi II v. ‘care (about), heed’
CS OCS neroditi ‘not care (about), not heed’ 1sg. nerozdo
W OCz. neroditi ‘not care (about)’; USrb. rodzi¢ ‘want, strive’
S SIn. réditi ‘care (about), observe’, 1sg. rédim; Bulg. rodjd ‘care (about),
observe’
See also: *raditi
*r6db m. 0 (c) ‘birth, origin, clan, family, yield’
g 'Y> ¥-
CS OCS rode birth, origin, kin, people, sex, sort’
E Ru. rod ‘birth, origin, kin, genus, sort, Gsg. réda
W Cz. rod ‘family, clan, origin, birth’; Slk. rod ‘family, clan, origin, birth’; Pl. rod
‘family, clan, Gsg. rodu
S SCr. réd ‘family, clan, sex, genus, harvest, fruit, Gsg. rdda; Sln. réd ‘birth,
origin, kinship, race, generation, tribe, genus, Gsg. rdda, Gsg. rodd, Gsg.
rodii; Bulg. rod ‘birth, origin, clan, tribe, people, family, generation, sex,
genus, sort, fruit’
BSI. *rodos
B Latv. rads ‘birth, origin, kin, people, sex, sort’
The meaning of the denominative o-stem (> *roditi I) is ‘birth’ (hence ‘origin, clan,
family; etc.), but also ‘yield, harvest, fruit’ cf. Ru. uroZaj ‘harvest’ Lith. rasmé ‘ripeness,
maturity, Latv. rasma ‘prosperity, maturity, harvest; raza ‘harvest, yield, crop.
438 *régp
*régb m. 0 (c) ‘horn’
CS OCS rogo
E Ru. rog, Gsg. roga; Bel. roh, Gsg. roha; Ukr. rih, Gsg. roha
Ww Cz. roh; Slk. roh; Pl. rég, Gsg. rogu
S SCr. rég, Gsg. roga; Cak. rég (Vrg.), Gsg. riga; rég (Novi), Gsg. réga; r“6h
(Orb.), Gsg. réga; Sln. rég, Gsg. réga, Gsg. rogd; Bulg. rog
BSI. *rogos
B Lith. ragas 2/4; Latv. rags
OPr. ragis (EV)
*rdjb m. jo (b) ‘swarm’
E Ru. roj, Gsg. r6ja; r6j {1}; Bel. roj, Gsg. roja; Ukr. rij, Gsg. roja
Ww Cz. roj; Slk. roj; r6j (dial.); Pl. rdj, Gsg. roju
S SCr. r6j, Gsg. rdja; Cak. r6j (r'6j) (Orb.), Gsg. rojd; Sln. rdj, Gsg. réja; Bulg.
roj
PIE *hsroiH-o-m
Cogn. Lat. rivus m. ‘brook, stream’; Olr. riathor m. ‘torrent’
{1} According to Zaliznjak (1985: 134), the Old Russian evidence points to AP (b), cf. Gsg. rojd
in DerZavin (Illi¢-Svityé 1963: $52).
See also: *réjati; *réka; *ringti
*rokp m.o ‘time’
CS OCS rok (Euch., Supr.) ‘time’
E Ru. rok ‘fate, (dial.) year, time’ Gsg. roka
Ww Cz. rok ‘year’; Slk. rok ‘year’; Pl. rok ‘year’
S SCr. rék ‘period, time’, Gsg. réka; SIn. rok ‘period, fate, omen; Gsg. réka
B Lith. rakas (OLith.) ‘time, limit, end’; Latv. raks ‘goal, limit’
For the semantics, cf. Lat. fatum. The Baltic forms are probably borrowings from
Slavic (cf. SkardZius 1931: 185).
See also: *otroks; *raciti; *rekti; *récp
*rosa f. 4 (c) ‘dew’
CS OCS rosa (Euch., Supr.) ‘dew, rain’
E Ru. rosa ‘dew’, Asg. rosu; rosé (arch.) ‘dew’, Asg. rdsu {1}; Ukr. rosa ‘dew’, Asg.
rdsu; rosa ‘dew’, Asg. ros
Cz. rosa ‘dew’; Slk. rosa ‘dew’; Pl. rosa ‘dew’
SCr. résa ‘dew, Asg. rdsu, Npl. rdse; Cak. rosd (Vrg.) ‘dew, Npl. rése; rosa
(Orb.) ‘dew, Asg. rdso; SIn. résa ‘dew’; Bulg. rosd ‘dew, drop of sweat, drizzle’
BSI. *rosat
B Lith. rasa 4 ‘dew, drop’; Latv. rasa ‘dew, drop, drizzle’
PIE *Hros-ehz
Ce
*roka 439
Cogn. Skt. rasa f. ‘mythical river, moisture’
{1} According to Illit-Svityé (1963: $39), rosd, Asg. rdsu, Npl. résy is attested in 17th and 18th
century documents as well as in 18th and 19th century poetry. Zaliznjak (1985: 138)
reconstructs AP (c) for Early Old Russian.
*rovb m. 0 ‘ditch, pitch’
CS OCS rove ‘ditch, pit’
E Ru. rov ‘ditch, pit’
WwW Cz. rov (lit.) ‘grave’; Sk. rov ‘ditch’; Pl. réw ‘ditch, Gsg. rowu
S SCr. rév ‘ditch’; Sln. rov ‘ditch, Gsg. réva; Bulg. rov ‘ditch’
BSI. *rowos
B Lith. ravas ‘ditch’
OPr. rawys ‘ditch’
See > *ryti.
*robiti v. ‘chop, hem’
E Ru. rubit’ ‘fell, chop’ 1sg. rublju, 38g. rubit
Ww Cz. roubiti ‘erect, (rarely) hem, (arch.) graft’
S SCr. ruibiti ‘hem, 1sg. riibim; Cak. r‘obit (Orb.) ‘peel, shell (of nuts); 1sg.
robin; Sln. rgbiti hem, hew, beat’, 1sg. rébim; Bulg. rabja ‘hem’
B Lith. ruambuoti hem’
See also: *robb
*r6bp m. 0 (c)
CS SerbCS robo ‘cloth’
E Ru. rub ‘coarse cloathing, rags’; Bel. rub ‘hem, seam’; Ukr. rub ‘hem, seam’
Ww Cz. rub ‘hem, the wrong side’; Slk. rub ‘hem, the wrong side’; Pl. rgb (obs.)
‘hem, border, scar, Gsg. reba
S SCr. rib ‘hem, seam, edge, brink, Gsg. riba; Cak. rib (Vrg.) ‘edge, end’ Gsg.
riba; Sln. réb ‘hem, seam, cloth, plain clothing’; Bulg. rab ‘hem, edge,
border’
BSI. *romebas/*rum?bos
B Lith. rurmbas 4 ‘scar, notch, waist (of skirt or trousers)’; rumbas 3 ‘scar,
notch, waist (of skirt or trousers)’; Latv. ruiobs ‘notch’ (this form actually has
uo < *am before a homorganic obstruent)
See > *robiti.
*roka f. a (c) ‘hand, arm’
CS OCS roka ‘hand, arm’
E Ru. ruka ‘hand, arm, Asg. riku
W Cz. ruka ‘hand’; Sik. ruka ‘hand’; Pl. reka ‘hand, arm’
BSI.
Cogn.
*radb
SCr. ruka ‘hand, Asg. riiku; Cak. rakd (Vrg., Hvar) ‘hand Asg. riku; r“okd
(Orb.) ‘hand} Asg. r“6ko; SIn. réka ‘hand’; Bulg. raka ‘hand’
*ronka?
Lith. ranka 2 ‘hand’; Latv. rtioka ‘hand’
OPr. rankan Asg. ‘hand’
Olc. rd f. ‘corner, berth in a ship’
The Balto-Slavic word for ‘hand’ derives from a verbal root *urenk, cf. Lith. rinkti
‘gather. Since deverbative d-stems are usually immobile, Kortlandt (19774: 327)
suggests
old.
that the accentuation is analogical after *noga ‘foot, leg, where mobility is
*riid adj. 0 (©)
E
BSI.
PIE
Cogn.
Ru. rudyj (dial.) ‘blood-red’; rudoj (dial.) ‘red, red-haired (S., W.), dirty
(Smol.)’
Cz. rudy ‘red, reddish’; Slk. rudy ‘red, reddish’; Pl. rudy ‘reddish’
SCr. riid ‘reddish, rust-coloured, Gsg. rida; Sln. rid ‘reddish’; Bulg. rud
‘blood-red’
*roudos
Lith. ratidas ‘reddish brown, bay, reddish’; Latv. raiids ‘red, reddish brown,
‘light bay’
*h, roud"-o-
Lat. riifus (dial.) ‘red-haired, reddish’; Go. raups ‘red’
*riixb m. 0 (c) ‘movement’
E
WwW
PIE
Cogn.
*rino n.
E
W
S
PIE
Cogn.
Bel. rux ‘movement, bustle, Gsg. riixu; Ukr. rux ‘movement, bustle, Gsg.
ruxu
Cz. ruch; Slk. ruch; Pl. ruch; Slnc. rach
*(H)rous-o-
Olc. reyrr m. ‘pile of stones’
0 (b) ‘fleece’
OCS runo (Ps. Sin.) Asg.
Ru. runé ‘fleece, (dial.) school of fish, bundle (of hops) with roots’; Ukr.
runo
Cz. rouno; Slk. rtino; Pl. runo
SCr. rtino; Cak. riino (Vrg., Hvar); rind (Orb.) ‘skin, fleece, Npl. riina; Sln.
runo; Bulg. rtino
*(A )rou-(m)no-
Skt. réman- (RV+) n. ‘(body-)hair’; OIr. ru“amnae m. ‘blanket’
*rygati 441
*rbvati v. (©) ‘tear’
CS SerbCS rovati ‘tear’, sg. rove
E Ru. rvat’ ‘tear, 1sg. rvu, 38g. rvét; ORu. revati ‘tear, 1sg. rovu
WwW Cz. rvati ‘tear’; Slk. rvat ‘tear’; Pl. rwac ‘tear’
S SCr. ?vati se ‘wrestle, struggle’, isg. 7vém se; Cak. rvdti se (Vrg.) ‘wrestle,
struggle’, isg. ¢rvds se; Sln. rvati ‘tear out, pull’ sg. rujem
B Lith. ravéti ‘weed’; Latv. ravét ‘weed’
PIE *(A)ruH-
See > *ryti.
*rydati v. ‘weep, wail’
CS OCS rydati ‘mourn, lament; 1sg. rydajg
E Ru. rydat’ ‘sob, sg. ryddaju; ORu. rydati ‘weep, wail’
W Cz. rydati ‘wail, nag’; OCz. rydati ‘attack, nag’; Slk. rydat’‘wail, lament’
S SCr. ridati ‘sob; 1sg. ridam
BSI. *rurd-
B Lith. raudoti ‘weep, sob, lament’; Latv. ratidat ‘weep’
PIE *(H )rud-
Cogn. Skt. rudanti 3pl. ‘weep’; OE réotan ‘weep, complain’
*rydlo n. 0 (a) ‘spade, snout’
CS OCS rylo (Supr.) ‘spade’
E Ru. rylo ‘snout, mug’
Ww Cz. rydlo ‘cutter’; Slk. rydlo ‘cutter, spade’
S SCr. rilo ‘snout, trunk’; SIn. rilo ‘snout’; Bulg. rilo ‘snout
B Latv. ratiklis ‘scraper
PIE *(H)ruH-
See > *ryti.
*rygati v. ‘belch’
CS OCS oterigati (Supr., Ps. Sin.) ‘disgorge, throw out (words)’
E Ru. rygat’ ‘belch, (dial.) sob, weep; 18g. rygaju
Ww Cz. rihati ‘belch Slk. rihat ‘belch; Pl. rzygac¢ ‘throw up’
S SCr. rigati ‘belch’ 1sg. rigam; Cak. rigati (Vrg.) ‘belch, 28g. rigds; SIn. rigati
‘throw up, belch, bray; 1sg. rigam
BSI. *rurg-
B Lith. rdugéti ‘belch’; Latv. ratigatiés ‘belch’
PIE *hirug-
>
Cogn. Gk. épevyouat ‘belch out, disgorge, discharge, vomit, roar’; Lat. riigire ‘roar’,
érigere ‘disgorge noisily, belcl’
442 *ryti
Some of the Slavic forms seem to reflect *rigati. This may be due to a relatively recent
development, but it is also conceivable that these forms continue *rju?g-, with
analogical *j from *rjou?g- < *h,reug-, cf. Lith. ridugéti (dial.).
*ryti v. (a) ‘dig, root’
OCS ryti (Euch.) ‘dig, tear up’ 1sg. ryjo; SerbCS ryti ‘dig’ isg. ryjo
Ru. ryt’ ‘dig; 1sg. rdju, 38g. roet
Cz. ryti ‘dig’; Slk. rytdig’; Pl. ryé ‘dig’
SCr. riti ‘dig, 18g. rijém; SIn. riti ‘root, dig} 1sg. rijem; Bulg. rija ‘root, dig’
BSI. *rur-
B Lith. rauti ‘tear out, pull’; Latv. radit ‘tear, pull, take’
PIE *(A)ruH-
Cogn. Lat. rita caesa Npl. n. ‘minerals and timber already quarried and felled at
the time an estate is put up for sale’; Olc. ryja ‘tear out wool’
nemo
See also: *rovs; *rbvati; *rydlo
*S
*saditi v. (c) ‘plant’
OCS saditi ‘plant, isg. sazdo
Ru. sadit’ ‘plant; 1sg. sazu, 38g. sddit {1}
Cz. saditi (arch.) ‘set, plant’; Slk. sadif'‘set, plant’; Pl. sadzi¢ ‘set, plant’; Slnc.
sdzac ‘set, plant; 1sg. siuza
S SCr. sdditi ‘plant, seat’, isg. sadim; Cak. sdditi (Vrg.) ‘plant’, 28g. sadis; sadit
(Orb.) ‘plant’ 1sg. sadin; Sln. saditi ‘set, plant; 1sg. sadim; Bulg. sadja ‘sow, set,
plant’
BSI. *sord-ei/i-
B Lith. sodinti ‘set, plant’
OPr. saddinna 3sg. ‘sets’
PIE *sod-eie-
Cogn. Skt. sddayati ‘set’
{1} AP (c) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 140).
See also: *sadp; *sédéti; *sésti
au
*sadb m. 0 (c) ‘plant, garden’
OCS sado ‘plant’
Ru. sad ‘garden’; ORu. sado ‘tree, plant, garden’
Cz. sad ‘orchard, (pl.) park’; Slk. sad ‘garden, park’
SCr. sdd ‘new planting’ Gsg. sada; Cak. sad ‘new planting; Gsg. sada; Sln. sad
‘fruit, plantation, Gsg. sada, Gsg. sadii
em O
*sedblo 443
B Lith. s6das ‘orchard, garden, park, (dial.) plant’; Latv. sdds ‘garden, orchard’
The Baltic forms are borrowings from Slavic. For the root, see > *saditi.
*sanb f. i ‘sleigh, sledge’
CS RuCS sano ‘snake’
E Ru. sdni Npl.; ORu. sani Npl.; Ukr. sany Npl.
WwW Cz. sané Npl|.; sané Npl.; san ‘dragon, tapeworm’; PI. sanie; OPI. sani Npl.
S SCr. sdoni Npl.; sdone Npl. f.(a); sani (NW dial.) Npl.; Sln. sani Npl.
BSI. *Sarnos; *Sarnis
B Lith. Sénas m. 1 ‘side, flank’; Latv. sans m. ‘side’
*sédmb num. o ‘seventh
CS OCS sedmo
E Ru. sed’m6j {1}
Ww Cz. sedmy; sédmy (dial.); OCz. sédmy; Slk. siedmy; Pl. sibdmy
S SCr. sédmi; Cak. sédmi (Vrg.); sédmi (Novi); s'édmi; Sln. sédmi; Bulg. sédmi
BSI. *septmos
B Lith. septifitas; Latv. septits
OPr. septmas
PIE *septm-0-
Cogn. Skt. saptamd- (VS+); Gk. €Bdopt0¢; Lat. septimus; OHG sibunto
{1} AP (b) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 136).
See also: *sedmb
*sedmpb num. i (b) ‘seven’
CS OCS sedmp, Gsg. sedmi
E Ru. sem’, Gsg. semi
Ww Cz. sedm; Sik. sedem; Pl. siedem, Gsg. siedmiu; siedm (arch.) ‘sever’; Slnc.
sétém; USrb. sydom; LSrb. sedym
S SCr. sédam; Cak. sédan (Vrg., Orb.); sédam (Novi); SIn. sédam; Bulg. sédem
BSI. *sept-
B Lith. septyni; Latv. septini
PIE *septm
Cogn. Skt. saptd; Gk. entd; Lat. septem; Go. sibun
Both in Baltic and Slavic the cardinal was reshaped under the influence of the
ordinal.
See also: *sedm»
*sedblo n. 0 (b) ‘saddle’
CS CS sedvlo
E Ru. sedlé; ORu. sedvlo
444 *selo
W Cz. sedlo; Slk. sedlo; Pl. siodto
S SCr. sédlo, Npl. sédla; Cak. sedlé (Vrg.); sedlé (Novi), Npl. sédla; sédlo (Orb.)
‘seat (on a bicycle), saddle’ Npl. sédla; SIn. sédlo; Bulg. sedld
A borrowing from Germanic, cf. Olc. sodull m.; OHG satul m.
*selo n. 0 (b)
OCS selo ‘field, abode, tabernacle, village’
Ru. selo ‘village’
OCz. selo ‘field’; Pl. sioto ( poet.) ‘soil, hamlet, village’
SCr. sélo ‘village, country’ Npl. séla; Cak. seld (Vrg.) ‘village, country; Npl.
séld; sel6 (Novi) ‘village, country, Npl. séla; seld (Orb.) ‘village’, Npl. s‘éla;
SIn. sélo ‘building lot, colony, hamlet, village’; Bulg. sélo ‘village, Npl. seld
nemo
B Lith. sala f. 4 ‘island, (dial.) field surrounded bij meadows (or vice versa), (E.
Lith.) village’
Cogn. Olc. salr m. ‘hall, room, house’
*serda f. 4 (c) ‘middle, Wednesday’
CS OCS sréda ‘middle, community, Wednesday’
E Ru. seredd (obs.) “Wednesday, Asg. séredu
W Cz. streda ‘Wednesday’; Slk. streda ‘Wednesday’; Pl. sroda ‘Wednesday’;
USrb. srjeda ‘Wednesday’
S SCr. srijéda ‘Wednesday’, Asg. srijedu; Cak. sridd (Vrg.) ‘Wednesday’, Asg.
sridu; sriedd “Wednesday, Asg. sriédu; Sln. sréda ‘middle, centre’; sréda
‘Wednesday’; Bulg. sreda ‘middle, centre, environment’; srjada ‘Wednesday’
BSI. *Serd-
B Lith. Serdis f.(i) 3 ‘core, kernel, pith
PIE —*kerd-
Cogn. Go. hairto n. ‘heart’
See also: *sprdpce
*sermSa; *sermuésa f. ja ‘ramson, bird cherry’
S SCr. srijemusa ‘ramson’;; Sln. srémSa ‘bird cherry’; srémsa ‘bird cherry’
See > *¢ermoxa, etc., for a discussion of the etymology.
*sérn; *sérnb m. 0; m jo (b) ‘hoarfrost, crust of ice’
CS CS sréno ‘white, greyish white (horses)’
E Ru. serén (dial.) m.(o) ‘crust of ice’; séren (dial.) m.(o) ‘crust of ice’; séren
(dial.) f.() ‘crust of ice’; Ukr. serén m.(0) ‘frozen hard snow
Ww Cz. st7in (dial.) m.(o) ‘ice on branches’; st7in (dial.) f.(i/j4) ‘ice on branches’;
Slk. srieri m.(jo) ‘hoarfrost’; Pl. szron m.(o) ‘hoarfrost’ (older spellings sron,
srzon)
*sédlo 445
S SIn. srén m.(o) ‘hoarfrost, frozen crust of snow; srénj m.(jo) ‘hoarfrost,
frozen crust of snow’
BSI. *Ser(s)nos
B Lith. serksnas m. ‘hoarfrost’; serksnas adj. ‘grey, whitish’; Latv. sérsna f.
‘hoarfrost’
PIE *ker(H)-no-m
Cogn. Olc. hjarn n. ‘frozen snow’; Arm. sarn ‘ice’
*sestra f. 4 (b) ‘sister’
CS OCS sestra
E Ru. sestrd, Asg. sestru
W Cz. sestra; Slk. sestra; Pl. siostra
S SCr. séstra; Cak. sestrd (Vrg.); sestra (Orb.), Asg. sestrd; SIn. séstra; Bulg.
sestra
BSI. *ses-(e)r-
B Lith. sesué f.(r) 3°, Gsg. sesers
OPr. swestro
PIE *sues-r-
Cogn. Skt. svdsar- f.; Lat. soror f.; Go. swistar f.; OIv. siur f.
*sédéti v. ‘sit’
CS OCS sédéti, 1sg. sézdo
E Ru. sidét’, 1sg. siZu, 38g. sidit
W Cz. sedéti; Slk. sediet; Pl. siedzieé
S SCr. sjédjeti; sjéditi, sg. sjédim; Cak. siditi (Vrg.), 28g. sidis; sedét (Orb), 18¢.
sedin; SIn. sedéti, 1sg. sedim; Bulg. sedja
BSI. *se?d-er-
B Lith. sédéti, 38g. sédi
PIE *sed-ehj-
Cogn. Lat. sedére
For the root, cf. also Gk. &Copiat ‘to sit down, Go. sitan, Olc. sitja
See also: *saditi; *sad'b; *sésti
*sédl6 n. o (b) ‘seat’
W Cz. sidlo ‘seat, residence’; Sedlo PN; Slk. sidlo ‘seat, residence’; Pl. Diugosiodto
PN; USrb. sydto ‘residence’; LSrb. sedfo ‘residence’
PIE *sed-lo-m
If this is a Proto-Slavic formation, we must assume that in those languages where
*dl- > *I- the etymon merged with *selo. In West Slavic as well these two etyma seem
to have infuenced one another, cf. Pl. Diugosiodto with *e in the root.
446 *sékti
*sékti v. (c) ‘cut, mow
CS OCS sésti (Euch., Supr.) ‘cut, sg. séko (the attested forms are séky Nsg. m.
ptc. pres. act. (Euch.) and sééete 2pl. (Supr.))
E Ru. sec’ ‘cut to pieces, beat’, 1sg. seku, 38g. secét
W Cz. sici ‘mow, 18g. seku, 1sg. secu; OCz. sieci ‘mow; 1sg. séku; Pl. siec ‘hew,
beat; 1sg. sieke; USrb. syc ‘hew, beat’ 1sg. syku; LSrb. sec ‘hew, beat’ 18g. seku
S SCr. sjédi ‘cut’, 1sg. sijécém; Cak. sici (Vrg.) ‘cut’, 28g. siéés; séé (Orb.) ‘cut,
chop, hew; 1sg. s‘ecén; Sln. séci ‘cut’, 1sg. sé¢em; Bulg. sekd ‘chop, fell’, sg. secés
It is hardly imaginable that *sékti is not cognate with Lat. secé ‘cut, mow. The acute
root cannot be reconciled with the root variant *sek-, however. LIV (524) predictably
reconstructs an acrodynamic present to account for the Slavic length, which in their
framework yields the desired acute. Kortlandt claims that “*sékti adopted the long
root vowel for disambiguation from the root which is preserved in Lith. sékti ‘watch,
follow and Slavic soditi ‘indicate, pursue” (1997a: 28). The original short vowel is
attested in OCS sekyra ‘axe.
*séme n. n (a) ‘seed’
CS OCS séme, Gsg. sémene, Gsg. sémeni
E Ru. sémja
W Cz. simé; Pl. siemig
S SCr. sjéme, Gsg. sjémena, Npl. sjeména; Cak. sime (Vrg.), Gsg. simena; sime
(Hvar), Gsg. simena, Npl. simend; Sln. séme, Gsg. sémena; Bulg. séme, Npl.
semenda
BSL *se?men-
B Lith. sémenys m.(n) 1/3* ‘linseed, flaxseed’
OPr. semen
PIE *seh,-men-
Cogn. Lat. sémen n.
See also: *séti I
*séno n. 0 (c) ‘hay’
CS OCS séno ‘hay, grass’
E Ru. séno
Ww Cz. seno; Slk. seno; Pl. siano; USrb. syno
S SCr. sijeno, Gsg. sijena; Cak. séno (Vrg.), Gsg. séna; séno (Novi), Gsg. séna;
s‘éno (Orb.), Gsg. s‘éna; Sln. send; Bulg. send
BSI. *Sdino
B Lith. siénas m. 4; Latv. siens m.
If this etymon is cognate with Gk. kotvé (Hesych.) f. ‘hay, we may reconstruct *koi-
n-om.
*séti I; *séjati I 447
*sénp f. i (a) ‘shadow’
CS
E
WwW
S
B
PIE
Cogn.
OCS sénp ‘shadow’
Ru. sen’ (obs., poet.) ‘canopy’
Cz. sin (entrance) hall’; OCz. sien ‘(entrance) hall’; Slk. sievt ‘(entrance) hall’;
Pl. sien ‘(entrance) hall’
SCr. sjén m.(0) ‘shadow’
Latv. seja f.(ja) ‘face’; seija (dial.) f.(ja) ‘face’; paseija adv. ‘behind one’s back’
*skoHi-n(-i)-
Skt. chayd- (RV+) f. ‘shadow, reflection’; Gk. oxida f. ‘shadow’; Alb. hie
‘shadow’
The *s- was adopted from forms with zero grade of the root, cf. > *sijati.
See also: *sténn; *ténb
*$érb adj. o ‘grey’
CS
E
WwW
S
PIE
Cogn.
RuCS séro
Ru. séryj; ser, f. sera, n. séro; Uke. siryj
Cz. Sery; OCz. séry; Slk. Sery; Pl. szary; USrb. séry
Sn. sér, f. séra
*kHe/oiro-
Olr. ciar ‘dark-brown’; Olc. hdrr ‘grey-haired, old’; OE hdr ‘grey, grey-haired’
The initial fricative results from the palatalization of *x- before *é < *oi/ai. According
to Kortlandt (1994: 112), *kh, was depalatalized to *kH in Balto-Slavic, which
sequence ultimately yielded k in Lithuanian and *x in Proto-Slavic. Lubotsky (1989:
51), on the other hand, reconstructs *kh, in order to account for the vocalism *ei of
the Old Irish form. Heidermanns (1993: 269) seems to ignore the problem.
*sésti v. ‘sit down
OCS sésti, 1sg. sedo
Ru. sest’, 18g. sjadu, 38g. sjddet
Cz. siesti, sg. sadu, 28g. sédés; Pl. sigs¢, 18g. sigde
SCr. sjésti, isg. sjédém; Cak. sésti (Vrg.), 28g. sédes; sés, 1sg. siéden; Sln. sésti,
isg. sédem; Bulg. sjddam
*serd-
Lith. sésti, 38g. séda
OPr. sindants ‘sitting’
See > *sédéti.
*séti I; *séjati I v. (a) ‘sow’
CS
E
WwW
OCS séti, sg. séjo; séjati, 18g. séjo
Ru. séjat’, 1sg. séju
Cz. siti; Slk. siat; Pl. siaé; USrb. syé; LSrb. ses
448 *séti II; *séjati II
S SCr. sijati, isg. sijém; Cak. sijati (Vrg.), 28g. sijes; séjat (Orb.); SIn. sejati, 18g.
séjem; Bulg. séja
BSI. *ser-
B Lith. séti; Latv. sét
PIE *sehy-
Cogn. Lat. serere; Go. saian
See also: *séme
*séti II; *séjati II v. (a) ‘sift’
CS OCS séti ‘sift, sg. séjo; séjati ‘sift, sg. séjo
S SCr. sijati ‘sift’, sg. sijém; Cak. séjat (Orb.) ‘sift, sieve’, 1sg. s‘éjen; Sln. sejati
‘sift, sg. séjem; Bulg. séja ‘sift
BSI. *s(e)fi-
B Lith. sijoti ‘sift’; Latv. sijat ‘sift
PIE *sehyi-
See also: *proséjati; *sito
*sétp f. i (a?) ‘snare, net’
CS OCS séto ‘snare, trap’
E Ru. set’ ‘net, Gsg. séti {1}
W Cz. sit ‘net’; Slk. sief ‘net’; Pl. sieé ‘net’
PIE *shy-(0)i-t-
Cogn. Skt. sétu- (RV+) m. ‘band, fetter, dam’; OHG seid n. ‘cord’
If one does not wish to posit PIE *seH- alongside *sei- (Insler 1971: 581 ff), Lith. siéti,
Latv. siet ‘tie’ must reflect *sHei- (Schrijver 1991: 519) or rather *shzei- (LIV: 544).On
the basis of Hitt. ishamin- c. ‘cord’ alongside ishdi, 3pl. ishiianzi ‘bind, wrap’,
Kloekhorst (2008: 393) has argued that we must reconstruct PIE *seh2- and *sh2-(o)i-.
This seems to be a satisfactory solution. Baltic forms with e-vocalism, e.g. Lith. séja
(dial.) ‘ties’ can easily be analogical. On the other hand, we may wonder wat the fate
of *sh2-oi- would be in Balto-Slavic. It is possible that *sh2-oi- > would develop into a
root *soi-, which could have given to rise to new apophonic grades *sei- and *si-. The
root of *sétv seems to be acute, however. Perhaps the zero grade *shzi-provided the
basis for a new full grade *sohzi (after all, *Ce/oHI : *CHI is a common type of
ablaut) or the word for ‘net’ was influenced by the verbal root *sefi- ‘sieve. The
semantic connection is obvious.
{1} AP (a) is also attested in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 132).
See also: *sidld; *sitb
*séverb m. 0 (a) ‘North’
CS OCS sévers ‘North, north wind’
E Ru. séver ‘North’
*segti 449
W Cz. sever ‘North’; Slk. sever ‘North’; USrb. sowjer ‘(high altitude) haze’ {1}
Ss SCr. sjévér “North Sln. séver m.(jo) ‘north wind, North, Gsg. séverja; séver
‘north wind, North, Gsg. sévera; sévar ‘north wind, North, Gsg. sévra; Bulg.
séver ‘North’
BSI. *Sé?wer-; *Sjorur-
B Lith. siduré f. ‘North’
PIE *keh,uer-o-
Cogn. Lat. caurus m. ‘northwestern wind’ (< *kh,uer-o-)
{1} Sewjer ‘North’ is a 19th century borrowing from Czech (Schaarschmidt 1997: 150).
*sédzati; *segati v. (a) ‘reach for, attain’
E Ru. posjagdt’ ‘encroach, infringe’
W Cz. sahati ‘touch, reach for’; OCz. sahati ‘touch, reach for’ 1sg. sahu, 28g.
séZes; Pl. siegac ‘reach for, reach
S SCr. sézati ‘reach, attain; 1sg. sézém; Sln. sézati ‘reach for’, 1sg. sézam; ségati
¢ > a
reach for’, sg. ségam
See > *segti. The acute root is in agreement with Winter’s law.
*ségnoti v. ‘reach for, attain’
CS Only prefixed verbs, e.g. prisegnoti (Supr.) ‘touch.
E Ru. sjagnut’ (Dal’) ‘reach for, attain’
Ww Cz. sdhnouti ‘touch, reach for’; Slk. siahnut ‘reach for’; Pl. siegngc ‘reach for,
reach’
S SCr. ségnuti ‘reach’; ségnuti se (Vuk) ‘reach for’; SIn. ségniti ‘reach for, 1sg.
ségnem
BSI. *se(n)g
According to Kortlandt (1988: 389), the fact that Winter’s law apparently did not
operate in the derivative in *-ngti (where AP (a) is productive!) is due to the cluster
*-ngn-, which blocked the law. For the etymology, see > *segti.
*segti v. ‘reach for’
CS OCS prisesti se ‘touch, 18g. prisego se
Ww Cz. dosici ‘reach’
S SIn. séci ‘reach for, try to grab’ 1sg. sézem
BSI. *se(n)rg-
B Lith. ségti ‘fasten, pi’
PIE *se(n)g-
Cogn. Skt. sdjati ‘adhere to’
Lith. seg- must have been created on the basis of the nasal present (> *ségndti).
See also: sedzati; *segati
450 *seknoti
*seknoti v. ‘run dry’
CS OCS iseknoti ‘run dry; 1sg. isekno
E Ru. issjaknut’‘run dry’
WwW Cz. saknouti ‘ooze, trickle, wet’; Pl. sigkngé ‘run dry’
S Bulg. sékna ‘stop, fade away’
BSI. *se(n)k-
B Lith. sékti ‘subside (water), diminish (strength)’
PIE *sek-
Cogn. Skt. sascasi (RV) 2sg. imper. act. ‘dry out} Gk. Zoxeto @wvr] (Hom.) ‘his
voice broke down’
See also: *so¢citi
*setjp adj. jo ‘sensible, wise’
CS CS sesto ‘sensible, wise’
BSI. *sint- (*sent-)
B Lith. sintéti (Zem.) ‘think’
For the root *sent-, cf. Lat. sentire ‘feel’.
*sidlo n. 0 (b) ‘noose, snare’
CS OCS silo (Supr.)
E Ru. sild (dial.); silo (dial.); ORu. silo
WwW PL. sidfo ‘snare, trap’
B
Lith. dtsailé f£.(@) ‘cross-bar between beam and axle’; Latv. saiklis m.(io)
‘string, band’
Cogn. OHG seil n. ‘rope, snare, fetter’
In view of the etymology discussed s.v. > *sétv, we must in principle reconstruct
*shzi-d"lom. Formally this is without problems. The stressed suffix was not affected
by Hirt’s law as well as Ebeling’s law and the laryngeal was lost in pretonic position
with compensatory lengthening. Nevertheless, a secondary full grade *seid- cannot
be excluded (see also > *sito).
*sijati v. ‘shine’
CS OCS sijati, 1sg. sijajo
E Ru. sijdt’, 18g. sijaju
S SCr. sjati, 1sg. sjam; Cak. sjati se (Vrg.), 38g. sjdjé se; Sln. sijdti, 18g. sijem;
Bulg. sijdja
PIE —*skHi-
Cogn. Go. skeinan
In the position before *i, PIE *sk was realized as [sk] > BSI. *S.
*sivb 451
See also: *sénp; *sténp; *ténb
*sila f. a (a) ‘strength, force’
OCS sila ‘strength, force, miracle’
Ru. sila
Cz. sila; Slk. sila; Pl. sita
SCr. sila; Sln. sila ‘force, mass, need’; Bulg. sila
BSI. *sé?ila?
B Lith. séela 1 ‘soul’
OPr. seilin Asg. ‘diligence’
Oem O
Etymology unknown.
*sito n. 0 (a) ‘sieve’
E Ru. sito
W Cz. sito; Slk. sito; Pl. sito
S SCr. sito; Cak. sito (Vrg., Novi, Orb.); Sln. sito; Bulg. sito
BSL. *sérito
B Lith. sietas m.; Latv. siéts m.
The fixed root stress originates from Hirt’s law. The original form must have been
*seh,i-to(d). The Latvian broken tone is explained by the fact that barytone neuter o-
stems with an acute root became mobile in Latvian (see Derksen 1995).
See also: *proséjati; *séti II
*sitb m.o (b)
W OCz. sit ‘twining’
S SIn. s#t m.(0) ‘rush’; sit f.(i/) ‘rush’; sita f.(a) ‘rush’
B Lith. siétas m. 2 ‘tie’; saitas m. 2/4 ‘tie’; Latv. saite f.(é) ‘string, cord, tie, leash’
OPr. saytan ‘strap, belt’
Cogn. OHG seid n. ‘cord’ (< *saipa-)
A reconstruction *sh,i-tém (cf. > *sidlo) seems possible, as there are indications that
neuters in *-to were productive anterior to the loss of the laryngeals in pretonic
syllables, but we would have to assume that *-to was replaced by *-ts. This is not
unprecedented in original neuters, however. Alternatively, we may posit a secondary
e-grade *seitom (see > *sétv), cf the (rare) Lithuanian variant seitas 2. The Baltic and
Germanic forms mentioned above point to *sh,di-tom, though for Baltic an oxytone
neuter cannot be excluded.
*sivb adj. o (a) ‘grey’
E Ru. sivyj
Ww Cz. sivy; SIk. sivy; Pl. siwy
452 *skora (skora)
S SCr. siv; Sln. siv, f. siva; Bulg. siv
BSI. *Sif?vos
B Lith. syvas 3 ‘light grey’
OPr. sijwan ‘grey’
PIE *kihy-u6-
Cogn. Skt. syavd- ‘dark brown, dark’ (<*kieh,-y-)
*skora (skora) f. 4 (b) ‘bast, skin’
WwW Cz. skura (obs., dial.) Npl. “(tanned) skin’; skura (obs., dial.) Npl. ‘(tanned)
skin’; skora (obs., dial.) Npl. (tanned) skin’; Pl. skéra ‘skin’; SInc. skéura
‘skin, bast, leather’
S SIn. skérja ‘bark, crust’; skérja ‘bark, crust’
As in the case of > *kora, a number of forms behave as if they belong to the *volja
type, e.g. SIn. skdérja. According to Bulaxovskij (1953: 45), we must reckon with
influence of the semantically similar *koZa. The widely attested long o in the root
may be somehow connected with the following r (cf. Zaliznjak 1985: 135-136).
See also: *kora; *korica; *koryto; *korpcb
*skorda f. 4 ‘harrow
E Ru. skoroda (dial.) ‘harrow’
BSL. *skord-
B Lith. skardyti ‘dig up, crush’; Latv. skdrdit ‘pound, crush’
OPr. scurdis ‘dibstone, mattock’
PIE *skord*-ehz
See also: *oskbrdb
*slabs adj. 0 (a) ‘weak’
CS OCS slabo
E Ru. slabyj
W Cz. slaby; Slk. slaby; P1. staby
S SCr. slab ‘weak, bad? f. slaba; slab ‘weak, bad? f. slaba; Cak. slab (Vrg.) ‘weak,
f. slabd, n. slabo; slap (Orb.) ‘weak, bad; f. slaba, n. slabo; Sln. slab ‘weak, bad,
f. slaba; Bulg. slab ‘weak, bad’
B Lith. slabnas (Zem.); sl6bnas (E. Lith.) {1}; Latv. slabs
PIE *slob-o-
Cogn. MLG slap ‘weak, slack’
Though Latv. slabs matches the Slavic etymon perfectly, I am inclined to regard the
Baltic forms as borrowings (cf. Derksen 1996: 83). Rasmussen (1992: 72) mentions
slabnas as an example of his blocking rule, according to which Winter’s law did not
operate for resonants. Since he also claims that Winter’s law applied exclusively to the
*sliva 453
syllable immediately preceding the stress, his version of Winter’s law cannot account
for PSI. *slabo (Derksen 2003: 9).
{1} According to Fraenkel (151), the vocalism of slébnas may be due to an East Lithuanian
development (cf. Zinkevi¢ius 1966: 103).
*slava f. 4 (a) ‘glory, fame’
OCS slava ‘glory, fame, magnificence’
Ru. sldva
Cz. slava; Slk. slava; Pl. stawa
SCr. sldva; Cak. slava (Vrg., Orb.) ‘glory’; SIn. sldva; Bulg. slava
BSI. *slour-
B Lith. slové £.(€) 3/4 ‘honour, fame’; slévé (Zem.) f.() 1 ‘honour, fame’; Latv.
slava f. ‘rumour, reputation, fame’; slave f.(é) ‘rumour, reputation, fame’
PIE —-*kléu-
Cogn. Skt. srdvas- n. ‘fame, honour’; Gk. «Agoc n. ‘fame’; Olr. clu f. ‘fame, rumour’
nemo
The root-final laryngeal reflected in Baltic as well as Slavic is a Balto-Slavic
innovation. We must assume an original root noun with lengthened grade.
See also: *sldvo; *slixati; *slixs; *sluséti; *sluti; *slySati
*slimakp m. 0 ‘snail’
E Ru. slimak (dial. ‘snail, slug’
Ww Cz. slimak; Slk. slimak; P|. slimak
PIE *slehji-m-
Cogn. Gk. Aeiwag m. ‘slug’; Lat. limax m. ‘snail, slug’
*slina f. 4 (a) ‘saliva’
OCS sliny (Euch.) Npl.
Ru. slina (dial.); slind (dial.)
Cz. slina; Slk. slina; Pl. slina
SCr. slina; Sn. slina
BSI. *sle?ina?
B Latv. sliénas Npl.
PIE *slehyi-n-ehz
Cogn. Olc. slim m. ‘slime’
“emo
*sliva f. 4 (a) ‘plum, plum-tree’
E Ru. sliva ‘plum, plum-tree’
WwW Cz. sliva ‘plum, plum-tree’; PI. sliwa ‘plum-tree’
S SCr. sijiva ‘plum (tree)’; Cak. sliva (Vrg., Hvar) ‘plum (tree)’; sliva (Orb.)
‘yellow plum (tree)’; Sln. sliva ‘plum’; Bulg. sliva ‘plum, plum-tree’
454 *slovo
For the root we may perhaps compare Lat. livére ‘be livid, bluish, Olr. /i ‘colour,
pallor’ In that case the reconstruction would be *(s)liH-y-. Lith. slyva 2 and sljvas
(dial.) ‘plum, plum-tree’ are borrowings from Slavic.
*slivo n. s (c) ‘word’
CS OCS slovo n.(s)
E Ru. slévo
W Cz. slovo; Slk. slovo; Pl. stowo
S SCr. slévo ‘letter (of the alphabet)’; Cak. sldvo ‘letter (of the alphabet), Npl.
slova, Npl. slova; slvo (Orb.) ‘letter’, Npl. sléva; SIn. slové ‘good-bye, farewell’
n.(s), Gsg. slovésa; slévo ‘letter (of the alphabet), word’, Gsg. sléva; Bulg.
slovo ‘word’
B Lith. slavé (E. Lith.) f.(€) ‘honour, respect, fame’; Latv. slava f. ‘rumour,
reputation, fame’; slave f.(€) ‘rumour, reputation, fame’
PIE *kleu-os-
Cogn. Skt. srdvas- n. ‘fame, honour’; Gk. «Agoc n. ‘fame’; Olr. clu f. ‘fame, rumour
See > *slava.
*sloka f. a (a) ‘snipe, woodcock’
E Ru. sluika‘woodcock’
Ww Cz. sluka ‘snipe, (s. lesn?) woodcock’; SIk. sluka ‘snipe’; Pl. slomka ‘snipe’
S SCr. sijiika ‘snipe, (Sumska S$.) woodcock’; SIn. sléka ‘woodcock’
BSI. *slonka?
B Lith. slanka1, slanka 4 ‘snipe’; Latv. sluoka ‘snipe’
OPr. slanke ‘snipe’
I have no explanation for the tonal difference between Slavic and the Latvian form
(see Derksen 1996: 137 for a the complete Baltic material). In my dissertation I opted
for a root *slonHk-, even considering to give up the connection with Lith. slinkti
‘sneak, crawl, Latv. slikt ‘lean over, be submerged, drown’ The snipe, however, is an
extremely elusive bird and a name corresponding to OHG slango m. ‘snake’ would be
entirely appropriate. I also failed to point out that Lith. slanka may very well show
métatonie rude, cf. pecialinda, pecialdnda ‘leaf-warbler, from pécius ‘over and Ijsti
‘crawl. The root is therefore to be reconstructed *slenkv- and the Slavic acute must be
regarded as irregular.
*sluxati v. (a) ‘listen’
E Ukr. sluxaty ‘listen’
WwW Pl. stuchaé ‘listen’
BSI. *klou(?)s-
B Lith. kldusti ‘ask’; klausyti ‘listen, 38g. klatiso
OPr. klausiton ‘hear’
*slysati 455
See > *sluSati.
*sliixp m. 0 (c) ‘hearing, rumour’
CS OCS sluxe
E Ru. slux
W Cz. sluch; Slk. sluch; Pl. stuch
S SCr. slith; slith; Sin. slith; Bulg. slux
PIE *klous-o-
Cogn. — Skt. srdvas- n. ‘fame, honour’; Gk. «Agoc n. ‘fame’; Olr. clu f. ‘fame, rumour
See > *sluSati.
*sluSati v. (a) ‘listen’
CS OCS slusati ‘listen, 1sg. slusajo
E Ru. sligat ‘liste’
W Cz. sluseti ‘become, befit’; Slk. slusat ‘become, befit’; Pl. sfuszaé ‘listen to,
obey’
S SCr. slilgati ‘listen’; Cak. sliigati ‘listen’; Sln. slviSati ‘listen, follow, 1sg. slusam;
Bulg. slusam ‘listen, follow, obey’
BSI. *klours-
B Lith. kldusti ‘ask’; klausyti ‘listen, 38g. klatiso
OPr. klausiton ‘hear’
PIE *klous-
Cogn. Skt. srdsati ‘listen, obey’
Slavic *s- < *s- was adopted from forms with e-grade. The acute of Lith. kldusti may
originate from a desiderative *kleu-Hs-. The question is if this is also the origin of the
acute tone of *sluSati. As we have seen s.v. > *slava, the presence of a laryngeal is not
limited to the root variant with *-s, at least not in Slavic.
See also: *slava; *slovo; *slixati; *slixs; *sluti; *slySati
*sluti v. ‘be called’
CS OCS sluti ‘be called} 1sg. slove
WwW Cz. slouti ‘be called, have a reputation (for); 1sg. sluji, (obs.) 18g. slovu; OCz.
sluti ‘be called, have a reputation (for); 1sg. slovu
S SIn. sluti ‘be famous (for), sound, 1sg. slovem, 18g. slujem
See > *slava, *slusati.
*slySati v. (a) ‘hear’
CS OCS slySati, 18g. slyso, 28g. slysisi
E Ru. slysat’
W Cz. slyseti; Pl. styszec
S SCr. sligati; Cak. slifati (Vrg.); Sln. sliSati, ig. slisim
456
*slyti
See > *sluSati.
*slyti v. ‘have a reputation (for)’
E
Ru. slyt’ ‘have a reputation (for); 1sg. slyvi, slovu (arch.), 38g. slyvét
See > *slava, *slusati.
*sméxp m. 0 (b (c)) ‘laughter, laugh’
nemo
OCS sméxe (Euch., Supr.)
Ru. smex, Gsg. sméxa
Cz. smich; Slk. smiech; Pl. smiech
SCr. smijeh, Gsg. smijeha; Cak. smih (Vrg.), Gsg. smihd; smiéh (Vrg.), Gsg.
smiehd; Sln. sméh; Bulg. smjax
Derivative of > *smojati. The suffix *-x arose from *-so- as a result of the ruki-rule.
*smordb m. 0 (c) ‘stench’
PIE
OCS smrado (Supr.)
Ru. smérod (dial.); Bel. smaréd; Ukr. smorid, Gsg. smorodu
Cz. smrad; Slk. smrad; Pl. smréd, Gsg. smrodu
SCr. smrad, Gsg. smrada; Cak. smrad (Vrg.), Gsg. smrada; smrad (Novi);
smrdd (Orb.) ‘dirt, dust’, Gsg. smrdda; Sln. smrad, Gsg. smrdda, Gsg. smradii;
Bulg. smrad
*smor?dos
Lith. smardas (Bretk.) ‘odour, stench’; Latv. smafds ‘smell, odour’
*smord-o-s
The glottal stop originating from Winter’s law was eliminated as a result of Meillet’s
law.
See also: *smprdéti
*smpjati v. (c) ‘laugh’
nemo
OCS smijati se, sg. sméjo se
Ru. smejat’sja, sg. smejus’, 38g. smeétsja
Cz. smati se; OCz. smieti se; Slk. smiat sa; Pl. smiaé sie, 18g. smieje sie
SCr. smijati se, 18g. smijém se; Cak. smijati se (Vrg.), 28g. smijés se; smijat se
(Hvar), 1sg. smijén se; smejdt se (Orb.), 18g. smejin se; Sln. sméjati se, 18g.
sméjem se, sméjam se; smejati se, sg. sméjem se, sméjam se, smejim se; Bulg.
sméja se
*smir-
Latv. smiét ‘laugh at, mock} smiétiés ‘laugh’; smaidit ‘mock’ (alongside E.
Latv. smaidindat); smidinat ‘make smb. laugh’ (alongside W. Latv. smidindt)
*sm(e)i-
Skt. smayate (RV) ‘smile’
*snuti 457
Here, too, the Balto-Slavic laryngeal seems to be an innovation.
See also: *sméxb
*smprdéti v. (c) ‘stink’
BSI.
B
OCS smrodeéti, 1sg. smrvzdo, 28g. smrozdisi
Ru. smerdeét’, sg. smerZu, 38g. smerdit
Cz. smrdéti; Slk. smrdiet; Pl. smierdzieé
SCr. smfdjeti, 1sg. smf¢dim; Cak. smrdéti (Vrg.), 28g. smrdis; smrdét (Orb.),
asg. smrdis; Sln. smrdeéti, sg. smrdim; Bulg. smardja
*smir?d-er-
Lith. smirdéti, 3pres. smirdi; Latv. smitdét
See also: *smérdb
*snégp m. 0 (c) ‘snow’
E
Se
PIE
Cogn.
*snuti v.
eae?
PIE
Cogn.
See also: *
OCS snégo
Ru. sneg, Gsg. snéga; Bel. sneh, Gsg. snéhu; Ukr. snih, Gsg. snihu; snih (dial.),
Gsg. sniha
Cz. snih, Gsg. snéhu; Slk. sneh; Pl. snieg; Slnc. snjég, Gsg. snjiegu
SCr. snijeg, Gsg. snijega; Cak. snig (Vrg.), Gsg. sniga; snig (Novi); sniéh
(Orb.), Gsg. snéga; Sn. snég, Gsg. snéga, Gsg. snega; Bulg. snjag
*snoigos
Lith. sniégas 4 (AP 2 is attested in dialects); Latv. sniegs
OPr. snaygis
*snoig'-o-
Go. snaiws m.
‘warp’
RuCs snuti ‘warp’ 1sg. snovo
Ru. snovat’ ‘warp, dash about; isg. snuju, 38g. snuét
Cz. snouti ‘warp, spin, (lit.) prepare, plan, 1sg. snuji, (rarely) snovu; snovati
‘warp, spin, (lit.) prepare, plan; sg. snuji, (rarely) snovu; Slk. snovat ‘wind’;
Pl. snuc ‘warp, spin’
SCr. snovati ‘warp, 1sg. sntijém; Sln. snovati ‘warp’ 18g. snujem; Bulg. snova
‘warp’
*snour-
Latv. snaujis m.(io) ‘noose’
*sneuH-
Go. sniwan ‘hurry’; Olc. sna ‘wind, twist, warp’
osnova
458 *sn'bxa
*snbxa f. a (b/c) ‘daughter-in-law’
CS SerbCS snoxa ‘daughter-in-law
E Ru. snoxd ‘(father’s) daughter-in-law, Asg. snoxti; ORu. snoxa ‘daughter-in-
law’
W Cz. snacha ‘daughter-in-law’ {1}
S SCr. snaha ‘daughter-in-law’; Cak. snahd (Novi) ‘daughter-in-law, Asg.
snahi; Kajk. sniéhé (Bednja), Asg. snieho, Asg. snehoi; SIn. sndha ‘daughter-
in-law, bride’; snéha ‘daughter-in-law, bride’; Bulg. snaxd ‘daughter-in-law,
sister-in-law’
PIE *snus-6-
Cogn. Skt. snusd- (AV+) f. ‘daughter-in-law’; Gk. vudc f. ‘daughter-in-law’; Lat.
nurus f. ‘daughter-in-law’; OE snoru f. ‘daughter-in-law’
The form *snus-6- was replaced by *snus-eha- in many languages.
{1} A borrowing from Serbo-Croatian. The original designations synovd and nevésta (cf. Slk.
nevesta) still occur in dialects.
*so€iti v. ‘indicate, accuse’
CS SerbCS soCiti ‘indicate’
E Ru. socit’ (Dal’) ‘look for, track down, summon, 1sg. socu; ORu. sociti ‘look
for, search for, conduct an action (leg.)’
W Pl. soczyé ‘slander, abuse’
Ss SCr. sd¢iti ‘establish the guilt of, reveal, find’; Bulg. soca ‘show, indicate’
BSI. *sok-
B Lith. sakyti ‘say’; Latv. sacit ‘say’
PIE *sokw-eie-
Cogn. Olc. segja ‘say, announce’
See also: *sokn I
*soxa f. a (c) ‘forked stick’
E Ru. soxd “(wooden) plough; Asg. soxi; soxd (dial.) (wooden) plough, Asg.
séxu; ORu. soxd ‘stake, club, brace, plough’
WwW Cz. socha ‘statue, sculpture’; Slk. socha ‘column’; Pl. socha ‘two-pronged fork’
S SCr. soha ‘forked stick, Asg. sdhu; Cak. sohd (Vrg,) ‘forked stick, Asg. sdhu;
SIn. soha ‘pole, pole with a cross-beam’; Bulg. soxa ‘forked stick’
BSI. *Sok?ar
B Lith. saka ‘branch’; saké 2 ‘fork, pitchfork, dungfork’; sakés Npl. 2 ‘fork,
pitchfork, dungfork’
PIE —*kok-(e)ha-
Cogn. Skt. sakha- (RV+) f. ‘branch, twig’; Go. hoha f. ‘plough
The *x arose in case-forms where the suffix had zero grade, e.g. Gsg. *kok-hp-os.
*solma 459
*sokp I m. o ‘accuser’
CS RuCS soko ‘accuser’
E ORu. soko ‘accuser’
Ww Cz. sok ‘rival, opponent’; OCz. sok ‘plaintiff’; Slk. sok ‘rival, opponent’
S SCr. sdk ‘accuser, prosecutor, witness’
PIE *sok"-o-
Cogn. Lat. inquit 3sg. ‘says’; OHG sagen ‘say’
See also: *so¢iti
*s6kp II m. 0 (©) ‘juice’
CS OCS sokome (Supr.) Isg.
E Ru. sok, Gsg. séka; Ukr. sik, Gsg. soku
W Cz. sok (dial.); Pl. sok
S SCr. s6k, Gsg. sdka; SIn. sdk, Gsg. séka, Gsg. sokd; Bulg. sok
BSI. *sokos
B Lith. sakai Npl. 4 ‘resin, tar
PIE *sokv-o-
*soldbks adj. 0 (a) ‘sweet’
CS OCS sladoko
E Ru. solédkij (dial.)
WwW Cz. sladky; Sik. sladky; P|. stodki; USrb. stédki
S SCr. slatki; slédak, f. sldtka, f. slatka; Cak. slaki (Vrg.); slak (Vrg.), f. slakd, n.
slako; slatki (Orb.), f. slatka; Sin. slddak, f. sladka; Bulg. sladak ‘sweet, tasty’
BSI. *sol?dus
B Lith. saldiis 3; Latv. salds
The root is an enlargement of *shzel- ‘salt’ (>*sélv), cf. Go. salt n. ‘salt’
*solma f. a (a) ‘straw’
CS slama
Ru. sol6ma
Cz. slama; Slk. slama; P|. stoma; USrb. stoma
SCr. sldma; Cak. slama (Vrg., Novi, Orb.); Sln. sldma; Bulg. slama
BSI. *sol?m-
B Latv. salms m.
OPr. salme
PIE —*kolha-m-
Cogn. Gk. kaddun f. ‘stubble’; Gk. kdAauocg m. ‘reed’; Lat. culmus m. ‘stubble, stem
(of wheat)’; OHG hal(a)m m. ‘stalk’
Oem O
460 *solna
*solna f. 4 (c?) ‘hoarfrost’
CS OCS slana (Ps. Sin.); RuCS slana
S SCr. sléna, Asg. slanu; Cak. sland (Vrg.) ‘dew’; SIn. sldna; Bulg. sland
BSI. *sol?nda?
B Lith. Salnd 4 ‘light frost’; Latv. salna ‘id?
PIE —*kolH-n-ehz
Cogn. Olc. héla f. ‘hoarfrost’
*solnb adj. 0 (c) ‘salt(y), salted’
CS OCS slano (Euch., Supr.)
E Ru. sdlonyj (dial.); Ukr. solonyj
W Cz. slany; Slk. slany; Pl. stony
S SCr. slani; slan, f. slana; Cak. slani (Vrg.); slain (Vrg.), f. sland; SIn. slan, f.
slana
See > *sélb.
*s6lpb m. 0 (c) ‘rapid, waterfall’
Ww Cz. slap ‘(usu. pl.) rapid, waterfall’
S SCr. sldp ‘waterfall, stream, wave, Gsg. sldpa; Sln. slap ‘waterfall, stream,
wave, Gsg. sldpa, Gsg. slapti
BSI. *solpos
B Lith. salpas 2/4 4 ‘river cove, creek, backwater’; salpd ‘flood-land, river cove,
creek, backwater’
Other ablaut grades of this root occur in RuCS voslépati ‘flow, slupati ‘flow, spout.
*solvb adj. o
CS CS slavoocije n.(io) ‘state of having green eyes, glaucitas’
E Ru. solovyj ‘light bay’; solovdj ‘yellowish grey’
PIE *sal-uo- (solH-uo-?)
Cogn. Olc. solr ‘dirty yellow; OHG salwo ‘dirty yellow, Gsg. sal(a)wes; MoE sallow
‘sickly yellow, pale brown’; MoDu. zaluw ‘yellowish; Olr. salach ‘dirty’
I suspect that we are dealing with a root *sal- with “European a”. According to
Schrijver (1991: 212-213), ablaut *solH- : *slH is an alternative solution.
See also: *solvpjp; *sol(o)vikn
*solvbjp; *sol(o)vikb m. io; m. o ‘nightingale’
CS RuCS slavii
E Ru. solovéj, Gsg. solov’jd; ORu. solovii
WwW Cz. slavik; Pl. stowik; USrb. sylobik; solobik
*sova 461
S SCr. slaviij, Gsg. slavuja; slaviij, Gsg. slaviijd; SIn. slavac, Gsg. slavca; Bulg.
slavej
BSI. *sal(V )w-
B OPr. salowis (EV)
See > *solvo.
*soltina f. 4 ‘salt marsh’
CS OCS slatina ‘salt-marsh’
E Ru. solotina (dial.) ‘sticky liquid, stagnant marsh’
Ww Cz. slatina ‘marsh’; Slk. slatina ‘marsh’
S SCr. slatina ‘mineral spring’; Sln. sldtina ‘carbonic water’
See > *sélo.
*s6lp f. i (c) ‘salt’
CS OCS solv
E Ru. sol’
W Cz. sil; Slk. sol; Pl. sél, Gsg. soli; USrb. sol, Gsg. sele; sel (dial.)
S SCr. s6, Gsg. sdli; Cak. s6 (Vrg.), Gsg. sdli; s6l (Novi, Hvar), Gsg. soli; s“6l
(Orb.), Gsg. soli; SIn. s6f, Gsg. soli; Bulg. sol f.(i)
BSL. *sal-; *sal-
B Latv. sals f.(i)
OPr. sal
PIE *shoel-
Cogn. Gk. GAc m,; Lat. sal m./n.; OHG salz n.; Olr. salann n.
According to Kortlandt (1985: 119), the root shape *shzel- originates from the Asg. of
a hysterodynamic paradigm. Latv. sdls is supposed to reflect a Nsg. *séhal-s.
See also: *sdldbks; *solns; *soltina
*somb m. 0 (b) ‘sheat-fish’
E Ru. som, Gsg. somd; som (dial.), Gsg. séma; Ukr. som, Gsg. séma
Ww Pl. sum; OPI. som
S SCr. sém, Gsg. soma; SIn. som, Gsg. séma; Bulg. som
BSI. *somum
B Lith. S4mas 2/4; Latv. sams
The sometimes advocated connection with Gk. kapaoryv m. ‘a fish’ seems a shot in
the dark.
*sova f. 4 (b) ‘owl’
E Ru. sova
WwW Cz. sova; suva (dial.); Slk. sova; Pl. sowa
462 *sovati
S SCr. s6va; séva (Vuk); Cak. sova (Orb.), Asg. sovd; SIn. séva; séva; Bulg. séva
I find it tempting to seek a connection with Lat. cavannus (a borrowing from Celtic),
W cuan, Bret. kaouenn, kaouann ‘owl. According to Schrijver (1995: 99, 335), the
Celtic forms may reflect either Proto-Celtic *koyanno- or *kuuanno-, which renders
the *a of cavannus somewhat enigmatic. I provisionally reconstruct *kou-.
*sovati v. ‘shove’
CS OCS sovaato (Supr.) 3sg. ‘overflows’
E Ru. sovat’ ‘shove, thrust’ 18g. sujzi, 38g. suét
WwW Cz. souvati (obs.) ‘shove’ (still common in prefixed verbs); OCz. suvati
‘shove; 1sg. suju; Pl. suwac ‘shove, slide’
S SIn. suvati ‘thrust, knock; 1sg. suivem, 18g. sujem; suvati ‘thrust, knock; 1sg.
suvam; sovati ‘thrust, knock; 1sg. stijem
BSI. *SouH-
B Lith. Sduti ‘shoot’; Latv. Sait ‘shoot’; sau (E. Latv.) ‘shoot’
Only Balto-Slavic. Transposed to PIE, the root is *keuH- (thus LIV: 330).
See also: *sungti
*so- pref. ‘together’
CS OCS so-
E Ru. su-
Ww Cz. sou-; SIk. sit-; Pl. sq-
S SIn. so-; Bulg. sd-
BSI. *som
B Lith. sam- (san-, sg-)
OPr. sen- (san-)
PIE *som
Cogn. Skt. sém (RV+) prvrb./prep. ‘together, at the same time’
A nominal prefix.
See also: *sb(n)
*sociti v. ‘dry up, dry out’
CS CS so¢citi ‘dry up, dry out’
See > *seknoti.
*sodi m. i (b) judge’
CS OCS sodi (Zogr., Mar., Cloz., Sav., Supr., Ps. Sin.); sodii (Zogr., Mar., Ass.,
Supr.)
E Ru. sud jd m.(ia); Ukr. suddjd m.(ia)
WwW Pl. sedzia m.(ja)
*s6kp 463
S SCr. sudija m.(ia); Sln. sédij m.(io); sédja m.(ja); Bulg. sadija m.(ia)
PIE *som-d"h,-ih;
Forms such as Ru. sud’jd reflect *spdvja < *soddja. The prefix *so- < *som- was
already in pretonic position before the operation of Dybo’s law and is therefore
reflected as a short vowel. The root is *d’h;.
See also: sdditi; s6db
*soditi v. (b) ‘judge’
OCS soditi, sg. spzdo
Ru. sudit’, sg. suZu, 38g. sudit
Cz. souditi; OCz. suditi; Pl. sgdzic; sedzi¢ (obs.)
SCr. suditi, 18g. stidim; Cak. siiditi (Vrg.), 28g. stidis; Sln. séditi, sg. sédim;
Bulg. sddja ‘judge’
nemo
See the previous lemma.
*sodorga; *sodorgs; *sodprga f. 4 ‘fine hail’
Ss SIn. sédraga f. ‘fine hail, frozen grains of snow sdédrag m. ‘fine hail, frozen
grains of snow’; sédrga f. ‘fine hail, frozen grains of snow
BSI. *dor’ga?
B Lith. darga f. 4 ‘bad, rainy weather, (dial.) retting’; dargana f. 1 ‘bad, rainy
weather’
See also: *padorga
*sodb m. o (b) ‘court of law, trial, verdict, judgment’
CS OCS sod ‘court of law, trial, verdict, judgment’
E Ru. sud ‘court of law, trial’, Gsg. sudd
W Cz. soud ‘court of law, trial, verdict, judgment’; SIk. std ‘court of law, trial,
verdict, judgment’; Pl. sgd ‘court of law, trial, verdict, judgment’, Gsg. sgdu;
SInc. séyd ‘court of law, trial’, Gsg. séydu
S SCr. sid ‘court of law, trial, judgment, opinion’, Gsg. svida; Cak. stid (Vrg.)
‘court of law, trial, Gsg. sida; sit (Orb.) ‘court of law’; SIn. sdd ‘verdict, court
of law’; Bulg. sdd ‘court of law’
See > sodi.
*s6kp m. 0 (c) ‘bough, knot (in wood), splinter’
CS OCS soko (Sav.) ‘splinter’
E Ru. suk ‘bough, knot (in wood), Gsg. sukd; suk (arch.) ‘bough, knot (in
wood), Gsg. stika; Bel. suk ‘bough, knot (in wood), Gsg. suka; suk ‘bough,
knot (in wood), Gsg. stika; Ukr. suk ‘knot (in wood), Gsg. suka
464 *spéx'b
WwW Cz. suk ‘knot (in wood)’; Slk. suk ‘knot (in wood)’; PI. sek ‘knot (in wood)’;
SInc. sgk ‘knot (in woody’
S SCr. Kajk. séuk (Bednja) ‘knot (in wood), Gsg. séuka; SIn. sék ‘twig, knot (in
wood)’
BSI. *Sonk-
B Lith. atsanké f.(@) 3> ‘barb, funnel-shaped part of a fishing-net, branch,
bough’
PIE *konk-u-s
Cogn. Skt. Sarikut- (AV+) m. ‘peg, wooden nail’; Olc. har m. ‘thole pin’
*spéxb m. 0 (c) ‘haste’
CS OCS spéxs (Supr., Euch.) ‘diligence, aspiration’
E Ru. spex (coll.) ‘haste’
W Cz. spéch ‘haste’; USrb. spéch ‘haste’
S SIn. spéh ‘haste’, Gsg. spéha, Gsg. spehii
B Lith. spékas 2/4 ‘power’; Latv. sp¢ks ‘power’
Derivative in *-x of > *spéti, cf. OE spdd m. ‘haste’
*spésiti v. ‘hurry’
CS OCS spésiti ‘strive, hurry’
E Ru. spesit’ ‘hurry; 18g. spesti, 38g. spesit
WwW Cz. spisiti (obs.) ‘hurry’; spésiti (obs.) ‘hurry’; OCz. spésiti ‘hurry’; Pl. spieszyc¢
‘hurry’
S Sln. spésiti ‘hurry, rush; 1sg. spésim
Derivative of > *spéxe.
*spéti v. (a) ‘advance, ripen, hurry’
CS OCS spéti ‘advance’, 18g. spéjo
E Ru. spet’ ‘ripen; 1sg. spéju
Ww Cz. spéti ‘hurry’; Slk. spiet ‘approach’
S SCr. dospjeti ‘ripen, manage, succeed’; Sln. spéti ‘hurry, increase, ripen, 1sg.
spéjem, 1sg. spém
BSI. *spér-
B Lith. spéti ‘be in time, guess’; Latv. spét ‘be able’
PIE *spehy-
Cogn. Skt. sphird- (RV) adj. ‘fat’; OE spéwan ‘prosper, succeed’
See also: *spéx; *spésiti
*stado n. o (a) ‘herd, flock
CS OCS stado
E Ru. stddo
WwW
S
PIE
Cogn.
*stati 465
Cz. stddo; Slk. stddo; Pl. stado
SCr. stddo; stddo; Cak. stido (Vrg.); Bulg. stddo
*steha-d"o-m
Olc. stéd n. ‘stud-farm, herd’; OE stéd f. ‘stud-farm, herd’; OHG stuot f.
‘stud-farm, herd’
For the root, see > *stati.
*stanb m. 0 (c)
PIE
Cogn.
OCS stanz (Ps. Sin., En.) ‘camp’
Ru. stan ‘figure, torso, camp’
Cz. stan ‘tent’; Slk. stan ‘tent’; Pl. stan ‘state, condition’
SCr. stdn ‘habitation, loom, (mil.) headquarters’; Sln. stdn ‘building,
habitation, enclosure’, Gsg. stdna, Gsg. stanii; Bulg. stan ‘loom, camp’
*stafnos
Lith. sténas ‘state, condition’
*steha-no-m
Skt. sthana- n. ‘abode, place’
See also: *stado; *stati; *staviti; *stojati
*starb adj. 0 (a) ‘old’
PIE
Cogn.
OCS staro ‘old’
Ru. staryj ‘old’; star ‘old’ f. stard, n. star {1}
Cz. stary ‘old’; Slk. stary ‘old’; Pl. stary ‘old’
SCr. stari ‘old’; stdr ‘old’; Cak. start (Vrg.) ‘old’; star (Vrg.) ‘old? f. stard, n.
stdro; st6r (Hvar) ‘old) f. stard, f. stara; star (Orb.) ‘old’ f. stdra, n. staro; SIn.
star ‘old; f. stdra; Bulg. star ‘old’
*starros
Lith. stéras 3 ‘thick, fat?
*steh2-ro-
Olc. stérr ‘big’
{i} AP (a) in Zaliznjak (1985: 133).
*stati v. (a) ‘stand, become’
=O
BSI.
OCS stati ‘stand, become; 18g. stang
Ru. stat’ ‘stand, begin, become; 1sg. stdnu, 38g. stanet
Cz. stati se ‘happen, become’; Slk. stat sa ‘happen, become’; Pl. staé sie
‘happen, become; 1sg. stane sie
SCr. stati ‘stand 1sg. stanem; Cak. stat (Orb.) ‘stand, stay, halt, stop (intr.);
asg. stdnes; Sln. stati ‘stand, step, cost, 18g. stanem; Bulg. stana ‘stand up,
become, happen’
*star-
466 *staviti
B Lith. st6ti ‘stand’; Latv. stat ‘stand, stop, begi’
OPr. postat ‘become’
PIE *steho-
Cogn. — Skt. tisthati ‘stand’; Gk. iotnut ‘place’; Lat. stdre ‘stand’
See also: *stado; *stans; *staviti; *stojati; *stolb
*staviti v. (a) ‘place, put’
CS OCS staviti ‘place, put; 1sg. stavljg
E Ru. stavit’ ‘place, put’ 1sg. stavlju, 38g. stavit
WwW Cz. staviti ‘stop, halt, (obs.) prevent’; Slk. stavit sa ‘bet’; Pl. stawié ‘place, put’
S SCr. staviti ‘place, put’, 1sg. stdvim; Cak. stdvit (Orb.) ‘put, put on (clothes),
place’ 2asg. stavis; Sln. stdviti ‘place, put} 1sg. stavim
BSI. *staw-
B Lith. stovéti ‘stand’; Latv. stavét ‘stand’
PIE *stho-éu-
Cogn. OE stowian ‘keep from’
The acute must originate from forms with *ste/oh,- (Kortlandt 1989: 111). For the
root, see > *stati.
*stegno n.o (b) thigh’ ESSJa 1175-176, 179-180
CS OCS stegno (Supr.) ‘thigh’
E Ru. stegno (obs., dial.) ‘thigh’
WwW Cz. stehno ‘thigh’; Slk. stehno ‘thigh; Pl. sciegno ‘tendon’
S SCr. stégno ‘thigh’, Npl. stégna; Cak. stegnd (Vrg.) ‘thigh, Npl. stegnd; stegnd
(Novi) ‘thigh, Npl. stégna; Sln. stégno ‘thigh’
If we keep in mind that > *bedro may contain the root *b'ed"- ‘stab’ of > *bosti, it
does not seem far-fetched that *stegno ‘thigh’ < *steg'-nd-m derives from a root
meaning ‘stab’ as well, cf. Ru. stegat’ ‘quilt, Olc. stinga ‘stab, thrust’.
*stenati v. ‘groan, moan’
CS OCS stenati (Supr.) ‘groan, moan; 18g. stenjo
E Ru. stendt’ (obs.) ‘groan, moan; 18g. stendju
WwW Cz. sténati ‘groan, moan’; Slk. stenat ‘groan, moat’
S SCr. sténjati ‘groan, moan 18g. sténjém; Cak. stenjdti (Vrg.) ‘groan, moan,
asg. sténjes; Sn. stenjati ‘groan, moan, 1sg. stenjam; Bulg. sténa ‘groan, moar’
BSI. *sten-
B Lith. stenéti ‘groan, moan’
PIE *sten-
Cogn. Gk. otévw ‘sigh, moan, bewail’; OE stenan ‘groan’
See also: *stonb
*stigti 467
*stergti v. (c) ‘guard’
CS OCS strésti, 1sg. strégo
E Ru. steréc’, 18g. steregu, 38g. sterezét
Ww Cz. strici, sg. strehu; OCz. strieci, sg. st’éhu; Pl. strzec ‘guard, 1sg. strzege
S Sn. stréci, 18g. stréZem
BSI. *ster?g-
B Lith. sérgéti, 3pres. sérgi, 3pret. sérgéjo
PIE *sterg-
Cogn. Gk. otépyw ‘love, be content’
See also: *st6rZb
*sténp m.i/ f. i (a) ‘shadow’
CS OCS sténv (Cloz., Supr.) m.(i) ‘shadow’
E Ru. sten’ (dial.) f.(i) ‘shadow; stin’ (dial.) f.(i) ‘shadow; ORu. sténo f.(i)
‘shadow, vision’
WwW Cz. stin m.(0) ‘shadow’
S SIn. stén m.(0) ‘wick’; sténj m.(jo) ‘wick
See > *sénv.The anlaut may be explained by assuming contamination with > *ténv.
*stignoti v. (a) ‘attain, reach, catch up with’
OCS postignoti ‘attain, catch up with, grasp’
Ru. postignut’ ‘grasp, overtake’
Cz. stihnouti ‘catch up with, overtake’; Slk. stihnuf ‘catch up with, overtake’;
Pl. scigngc¢ ‘chase’
Ss SCr. stignuti ‘catch up with, reach, arrive; sg. stigném; Sln. stigniti ‘reach for,
reach, arrive, 1sg. stignem; Bulg. stigna ‘catch up with, reach, extend’
PIE *steigh-
Cogn. Gk. otetyw ‘walk, march; Go. steigan ‘climb’
ea?
See > *stigti.
*stigti v. ‘attain, reach, catch up with’
E Ru. postic’‘grasp, overtake’
Ss SCr. stici ‘catch up with, reach, arrive; isg. stigném
BSI. *steig-
B Lith. steigti ‘organize, (Zem.) want, hurry’; Latv. stéigt(iés) ‘hurry’
PIE *steigh-
Cogn. Gk. ote{xw ‘walk, march’; Go. steigan ‘climb’
See also: *stignoti; *stbdza; *stpgna
468 *stogb
*stogp m. 0 (b/c) ‘stack, rick’
CS OCS stogo (SPbOKt.) ‘haystack, rick’
E Ru. stog ‘haystack, rick, Gsg. stéga; stog (dial.) ‘haystack, rick, Gsg. stogd; Bel.
stoh ‘haystack, rick, Gsg. stdha; Ukr. stih ‘haystack, rick, Gsg. stohu; stih
(dial.) ‘haystack, rick, Gsg. stoha
W Cz. stoh ‘stack, rick’; Slk. stoh ‘stack, rick’; Pl. stég ‘stack, rick, Gsg. stoga
S SCr. stég (Vuk) ‘haystack, pile’; Gsg. stoga; stog (Piva, Pocerje) ‘haystack, pile;
Gsg. stoga; Sln. stog ‘stack, rick, barn, Gsg. stoga
BSI. *stag-
B Lith. stdgaras 3° ‘(dry) stalk, switch’
PIE *stogt-o-
Cogn. Gk. otdxo¢ m. ‘brick pillar’; OE staca m. ‘stake’
*stojati v. (c) ‘stand’
CS OCS stojati, sg. stojo
E Ru. stojat’‘stand, begin, become’ 1sg. stojt, 38g. stoit
Ww Cz. stati, 1sg. stojim; SIk. stat, 1sg. stojim; PI. sta¢, 1sg. stoje
Ss SCr. stajati, sg. stojim; Cak. stati (Vrg.), 28g. stojis; stat (Orb.), 18g. stojin;
SIn. stati, sg. stojim; Bulg. stoja
PIE *stohy-
Cogn. Skt. tisthati; Gk. tomy ‘place’; Lat. stare
For the formation, see Kortlandt 1989.
See also: *stado; *stans; *stati; *staviti
*stolb m. o (b) ‘table’
CS OCS stol ‘throne’
E Ru. stol, Gsg. stold; Bel. stol, Gsg. stala; Ukr. stil, Gsg. stolu
WwW Cz. stil; Slk. stl; Pl. stét, Gsg. stotu
S SCr. st6, Gsg. stdla; Cak. sté (Vrg.), Gsg. stold; st6l (Orb.), Gsg. stold; Sln.
stot ‘chair, table’, Gsg. stdla; Bulg. stol ‘chair’
BSI. *stolos
B Lith. stalas
OPr. stalis (EV); stallan (Ench.) Asg.
Cogn. Go. stols m. ‘throne’ (<*stehz-lo-)
Derivative in *-lo- of the stem of > *stojati.
*stonb m. 0 ‘moan, groa’
E Ru. ston
W Cz. ston; Slk. ston
S Bulg. ston
*strokp 469
PIE *ston-o-
Cogn. Gk. otdévoc m. ‘sighing, moaning’
See also: *stenati
*storna f. 4 (c) ‘side, land’
CS OCS strana ‘side, land, people’
E Ru. storond ‘side, land, Asg. stéronu
WwW Cz. strana ‘side, page’; Slk. strana ‘side, page’; Pl. strona ‘side, page, region’;
UStb. strona ‘side’
S SCr. strana ‘side’, Asg. strdnu; Sln. strdn f.(i) ‘side, area, land, Gsg. strani;
strana f.(a) ‘side, area, land’; Bulg. strand ‘side, land’
Derivative of the root *sterhs-, cf. Skt. strnati ‘strew, spread’, Gk. ot6pvow ‘strew,
spread.
See also: *prosterti
*st6rZp m. jo (c) ‘guard’
OCS strazo ‘guard’
Ru. storoz ‘guard’
Pl. stréz ‘guard’ Gsg. stroza
Bulg. straz ‘watchman, guard’
BSI. *storg-
B Lith. sdérgas m. ‘watchman, guard’; Latv. sags m. ‘watchman, guard’
See > *stergti.
nemo
*strigti v. (c) ‘cut, slip’
CS OCS stristi (Euch., Supr.), 1sg. strigo
E Ru. stric’, 18g. strigu, 38g. strizet
WwW OCz. strici, 1sg. strihu; Pl. strzyc, 1sg. strzyge
S SCr. strici, 1sg. strizém; Cak. strici (Vrg.), 28g. strizés; SIn. strici, 18g. strizem;
Bulg. striZa
PIE *streig-
Cogn. Lat. stringere ‘skim, scratch’; OE strican ‘brush (past), rub, wander’
*strokp m. 0 ‘pod’
E Ru. struk, Gsg. strukd; Bel. struk, Gsg. strukd; Ukr. struk, Gsg. strukd
Ww Cz. struk; Sik. struk; Pl. strgk, Gsg. strgka
S SCr. striik ‘stem, Gsg. stalk, striika; Sln. strok ‘pod, shoot, corn cob, clove of
garlic, Gsg. stroka; Bulg. strak ‘stem, stalk, twig’
PIE *stronk-o-
Cogn. Lat. truncus m. ‘tree-trunk’
470 *struja
*struja f. ja ‘stream’
CS OCS struja (Supr.)
E Ru. strujd ‘stream, jet’
S SCr. struja ‘stream, current; Sln. strijja ‘arm of a river, canal, stream,
current’; Bulg. strija ‘stream, jet’
BSI. *sroujar
B Lith. srauja; Latv. strauja
The root is the o-grade of *srou- ‘flow, cf. Gk. pd0¢ m. ‘stream; Olc. straumr m. ‘id..
See also: *ostrovb
*striipb m. 0 (c) ‘scab’
CS OCS strups ‘wound’
E Ru. strup ‘scab, Gsg. stripa; Bel. strup “scab, Gsg. striipa; Ukr. strup ‘scab,
Gsg. strupa
W Cz. strup ‘scab’; Pl. strup ‘scab, crust’; SInc. strap ‘scab’
S SCr. striip ‘scab; Gsg. striipa; SIn. strip ‘poison
BSI. *(s)roupos
B Lith. raupai Npl. m. 4 ‘smallpox’; Latv. raupa f. ‘goose bumps’
PIE *(s)roup-o-
*strbjp; *stryjb; *strycb m. jo ‘uncle’
CS SerbCS stroi ‘uncle’
E Ru. stroj ‘(arch.?) father’s brother, (dial.) cripple, beggar’; ORu. stroi ‘uncle’;
stryi ‘uncle’; Bel. stryj ‘uncle; Gsg. stryja; Ukz. stryj ‘uncle’ Gsg. stryja
WwW Cz. stryc ‘uncle, cousin; Slk. stryc ‘uncle’; Pl. stryj ‘uncle; Gsg. stryja
S SCr. stric ‘uncle (father’s brother), Gsg. strica; Cak. stric (Vrg.) ‘uncle
(father’s brother); Gsg. stricd; Sln. stric ‘uncle (father’s brother)’
BSI. *strujos
B Lith. strujus m.(ju) ‘uncle, old man’ (the existence of a variant strijus is
uncertain)
PIE *stru-io-
Cogn. Olr. sruith adj. ‘old, venerable’; OW strutiu m. ‘old mar’
The hypothesis that these words have *str- < *ptr- < *photr- is unwarranted
(Kortlandt 1982: 26).
*strbZb; *strbZa m. jo; f. ja ‘core, deepest spot of a river’
E Ru. strez (dial.) ‘centre and deepest spot of a river, strong current’; strezd
(dial.) ‘id’
W OCz. strziess ‘charybdis’
S SCr. st?Z ‘core’; Sln. st7Z ‘core’
*stiidn 471
See > *stroZonb, *stroZenb.
*strbZbnb; *strbZenb m. jo ‘core’
CS CS strozenv ‘core’; RuCS strvzonv ‘core’
E Ru. stréZen’ ‘channel, main stream (of a river)’; stérZen’ ‘pivot, core’; Bel.
stryZen ‘core of an abscess’; Ukr. stryZen’ ‘core of a tree’
Ww Cz. strzen ‘core of an abscess’; Slk. strZeri ‘core of a tree, honeycomb’
S Sln. strzén ‘core of a tree or an abcess, current, path through a valley
BSI. *strigen-
B OPr. strigeno ‘brain’
Since Winter’s law apparently did not affect this etymon, we must reconstruct
*strigh-. Sw. streke ‘main stream (of a river)’ seemingly points to *strig-, but perhaps
the *k arose from Kluge’s law.
See also: *strbZp; *strbZa
*studénb adj. 0 ‘cold’
OCS studeno
Ru. studényj ‘very cold, freezing’
Cz. studeny; Slk. studeny
SCr. stiiden (Vuk), f. studéna; Cak. studén (Vrg.), f. studend, n. studend; Sln.
studen, f. studéna; Bulg. studén
nemo
Adjective in -ens. See > *stiido.
* studiti v. ‘cool’
E Ru. studit’ ‘cool; 1sg. stuzt, 38g. studit {1}
W Cz. studiti ‘cool’; Slk. studit’‘cool’; Pl. studzié ‘cool
S SCr. studiti (Vuk: W) ‘be cold; 38g. studi; Sn. stiditi ‘treat with aversion, 1sg.
studim
See > *stiido.
{1} AP (c) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 140).
*stiids m. 0 (c) ‘cold, shame’
CS OCS stud ‘shame’
E Ru. stud’ (NO dial.) f.(i) ‘cold’; stuida (Arx.) f.(a) ‘cold’
WwW Cz. stud ‘shame’
S SCr. stiid f. ‘cold’; Sn. stiid ‘aversion’; Bulg. stud ‘cold’
In view of > *stydo, where *y probably originates from Winter's law, the root of
*stydo is best reconstructed as *stoud-. This is reminiscent of the more common root
*steug-, e.g. Gk. otvyéw ‘hate, abhor, fear, Gk. ot¥& f., ‘Styx, well of fatal coldness,
hatred, abhorrence, (pl.) piercing chill, Gsg. otvyéc. A relationship is hard to
demonstrate.
472 *stpblo
See also: *studens; *studiti; *stydnoti; *styds; *stygnoti
*stpblo n. o (b) ‘stem, stalk, trunk’
CS SerbCS stvblo ‘stem, stalk’
E Ru. stebl6 (dial.) ‘stem, stalk’; ORu. stoblo ‘stem, stalk’
W Cz. stéblo ‘stalk, straw’; zblo (dial.) ‘stalk, straw’; OCz. stblo ‘stalk, straw’; Slk.
steblo ‘stalk, straw’; Pl. ZdZbfo ‘stalk, straw’; OPI. scbto ‘stalk, straw’; scieblo
(Ps. Flor.) ‘stalk, straw’
S SCr. stdblo ‘tree, tree trunk’; Cak. stablé (Vrg.) ‘tree, tree trunk’; stablo (Orb.)
‘tree, tree trunk’; Sln. stéblo ‘stem, stalk, trunk’ stablo ‘stem, stalk, trunk;
Bulg. stablo ‘stem, stalk’
BSL. * stib-
B Lith. stibyna f. 3 ‘shin, calf’; stiebas m. 3 ‘stem, stalk, mast’; Latv. stiba f. ‘staff,
rod’
No certain etymology.
See also: *stpblp
*stpblp m. jo ‘stem, stalk, trunk’
CS SerbCS stoblo ‘stem, stalk’ (OCS stoblije n. (Ps. Sin.) ‘straw’)
E Ru. stébel’ ‘stem, stalk, Gsg. stéblja; ORu. stvblv ‘stem, stalk
S Sln. stabat m.(o) ‘stem, stalk, trunk’
See > *stoblo.
*stbdza f. ja ‘path’
OCS stvdza ‘path, street’; stoza ‘path, street’
Ru. stezjd (rhet.) ‘path, way’; stegd (dial.) ‘path’
Cz. stezka ‘path’; stezka ‘path; stez (poet.) f.(i) ‘path’; OCz. stzé ‘path; Pl.
sciezka ‘path’; OPI. scdza (Ps. Flor.) ‘path’
S SCr. staza ‘path, trail’; Cak. stdza (Vrg.) ‘path, trail’; stazd (Novi) ‘path, trail’,
Asg. stazd, Asg. stazu; stdza, (rarely) stazd (Orb.) ‘path, trail, wooden board,
used as a ruler when making barrels, etc’; SIn. staza ‘foot-path’
BSI. *stiga
B Latv. stiga ‘path’
PIE *stigh-ehy
Cogn. OHG steg m. ‘path, small bridge’
ao
See also: *stignoti; *stigti; *stpgna
*stpgna f. a ‘path’
CS OCS stogna ‘street, (pl.) square’
E Ru. stégna (arch.) ‘street, square’
WwW Pl. sciegna ‘pasture’; OPI. sciegna ‘crossroads’
*sixb 473
S SIn. stagné Npl. ‘path along which cattle is driven, Gpl. stagan
Cogn. OHG steg m. ‘path, small bridge’
Derivative in *-na. See > *stodza.
*stplati v. (b) ‘spread’
CS OCS stolati (Supr.) ‘spread’ 1sg. steljg
E Ru. stlat’ ‘spread; 1sg. stelju, 38g. stélet
WwW Cz. stlati ‘make one’s bed’; OCz. s#lati ‘make one’s bed; 1sg. stelu
S SIn. stlati ‘strew; 1sg. stéljem; Bulg. stélja ‘cover, spread’
B OPr. stallit ‘stand’
PIE *stel-/*stl-
Cogn. Gk. otéd\w ‘prepare, equip, array, send’; OHG stellen ‘array, establish,
arrange
*stydnoti v. ‘cool’
E Ru. stynut’ ‘cool, get cool’; stygnut’ (dial. ‘cool, get cool’; Bel. stygnuc ‘cool,
get cool’
WwW Cz. stydnouti ‘cool down’; Slk. stydnut ‘cool down’; Pl. stygngé ‘cool down’;
OPI. stydngé ‘cool dow
See > *stiido.
*stydb m. o ‘shame’
E Ru. styd, Gsg. styda
Ww Pl. wstyd
S SCr. stid, Gsg. stida, Lsg. stidu; Cak. stid (Vrg.), Gsg. stida; Sln. stid
See > *stiido.
*siixb adj.o (c) ‘dry
CS OCS suxe
E Ru. sux6j
W Cz. suchy; Sk. suchy; Pl. suchy
S SCr. sith; Cak. sth (Vrg., Hvar), f. sahd, n. sitho; sith (Orb), f. sha, f. sttha, n.
stiho; SIn. stih, Gsg. suha; Bulg. sux
BSI. *sousos
B Lith. satisas; Latv. sauss
OPr. sausa [sausan] Asg. f.
PIE *hpsous-o-
Cogn. Skt. stuiska- (RV+) ‘dry, barren’; Gk. aboc (Hom.) ‘dry’; OE séar ‘dry’
Probably based on the perfect participle of the root *h2s (Lubotsky 1985), *h2s-us-.
The o-grade must be secondary.
474
*sujb
See also: *suSiti; *spxnoti
*sujb adj. jo ‘vain’
CS
E
PIE
Cogn.
OCS suéa (Ps. Sin.) Apl. n. ‘vanities’
Ru. sie (eccl.) adv. ‘in vain, idly’; ORu. sui ‘empty, vain’
*kouH-io-
Skt. Siya- ‘empty’
See also: *vpsuje
*sunoti v. ‘shove, thrust’
CS
E
WwW
S
CS sunoti ‘pour out’
Ru. stinut’ ‘shove, thrust’ 1sg. sunu; ORu. sunuti ‘throw
Cz. sunouti ‘shove’; Pl. sungé ‘shove, slide’
SCr. suinuti ‘pour, strew; 18g. siiném; SIn. siniti ‘thrust, knock; 18g. stinem
See >*sovati.
*surovs; *syrovb adj. 0 ‘raw, severe, cruel’
E
WwW
S
PIE
Cogn.
OCS surove (Supr.) ‘severe’
Ru. surdvyj ‘severe, stern, unbleached’ {1}; suvdryj (dial.) ‘severe, stern,
peevish, angry’; ORu. surovo ‘raw, uncooked, cruel’
Cz. surovy ‘severe, cruel’; Slk. surovy ‘severe, cruel’; Pl. surowy ‘severe’
SCr. sirov ‘raw, fresh, f. sirova, n. sirovo; Cak. sirov (Vrg.) ‘raw, fresh’; sirof
(Orb.) ‘raw, fresh’ f. sirova, n. sirovo; SIn. surév ‘raw, fresh’; sirév ‘raw, fresh; f.
sir6va; Bulg. surév ‘raw, rough’
*souH-ro-
Olc. saurr m. ‘damp earth, filth’
{1} AP (c) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 138).
See also: *syrb; *syrb
*susiti v. (c) ‘dry’
OCS susiti (Euch., KF, Supr.) ‘dry, exhaust’
Ru. susit’, 18g. sust, 38g. susit
Cz. susiti; Slk. susit; Pl. suszy¢
SCr. stisiti, sg. siSim; Cak. sisit (Orb.), 38g. sisi; Sn. susiti, 18g. susim; Bulg.
susd
*sous-ei/i-
Lith. sadisinti
LIV (285) equals *susiti with Skt. sosdyati (AV) ‘let dry’ < *h,sous-eie-, but it may be
better to see them as independent formations.
See also: *six; *spxnoti
*svétja 475
*suti v. ‘pour, strew’
Ww Cz. souti (obs.) ‘pour, strew’; Pl. su¢ (obs.) ‘pour, strew’
S SCr. sdsiiti ‘pour, strew,, 1sg. saspém; Sln. siti ‘pour, strew, 18g. spém, sitijem
B Lith. suipti ‘rock, cradle’
For the root *soup-, cf. Lat. supare ‘throw’; Lat. dissipare ‘scatter’
See also: *svepiti; *sbp; *sypati
*svekrb m. o ‘father-in-law (husband’s father)’
CS CS svekro
E Ru. svékor; ORu. svekro
W Cz. svekr; Slk. svokor; Pl. Swiekr
S SCr. svékar (Vuk), Gsg. svékra; Cak. s(v)ékar (Vrg.), s(v)ékra; svékrf, Gsg.
svekrd; Sln. svékar, Gsg. svékra; Bulg. svékar
BSI. *swesuros
B Lith. séSuras 3>
PIE *suekur-o-
Cogn. — Skt. Svdsura- (RV+) m.; Gk. éxupdc m.; Lat. socer m.; OHG swehur m.
In Slavic, *swesur- was replaced by *swekr < *swekr- on the analogy of > *svekry.
*svekry f. a ‘mother-in-law (husband’s mother)’
OCS svekry (Mar., Zogr.) f.(@), Gsg. svekrove
Ru. svekrov’ £.(i); svekry (dial.) f(a); ORu. svekry f.(a@)
OCz. svekrev f.(i)
SCr. svékrva f.(a); Cak. sékrva (Vrg,) f.(a); svekrvd (Novi) f.(a), Asg. svekrvil;
svékrva (Orb.) f.(a), Asg. svékrvo; SIn. svékrva f.(a); svékrv £7); Bulg.
svekarva f.(a)
PIE *suekr-uH
Cogn. Skt. svasrii- (RV+) f. ‘mother-in-law’; Lat. socrus f. ‘mother-in-law’; OHG
swigar f. ‘mother-in-law
nemo
See also: *svekrb
*svepiti v.
CS CS svepiti se ‘move, stir’
The root *suep-, cf. Olc. sdfl m. ‘broom; has been connected with *soup- in > *suti by
assuming Schwebeablaut.
*svétja f. ja (b) ‘candle’
CS OCS svésta ‘light, candle’
E Ru. svecd ‘candle’
476 *svétb
W Cz. svice ‘candle’; OCz. sviecé ‘candle’; Pl. swieca ‘candle’
S SCr. svijéca ‘candle’, Asg. svijécu; Cak. svicd (Vrg.) ‘candle, light (on a boat);
Asg. svicil; sviecd (Orb.) ‘candle, light (also electric), Asg. sviecd; Sln. svéca
‘candle’; Bulg. svest f.(i) ‘candle, light’
B Lith. $viésti ‘shine’
Cf. Skt. svetd- ‘white, bright’ (RV+). The root is *kuoit-, but the *s- has been adopted
from the zero grade, where depalatalization did not occur. The regular development
of the anlaut is found in > *svéto.
See also: *kvéts; *kvisti; *svétp; *svptéti
*svétb m. 0 (c) ‘light, world’
CS OCS svéto ‘light, world’
E Ru. svet ‘light, world’
Ww Cz. svét ‘world’; Slk. svet ‘world’; Pl. swiat ‘world’; USrb. svét ‘world’
S SCr. svijet ‘world, people’, Gsg. svijeta; Cak. svit (Vrg.) ‘world, people’, Gsg.
svita; sviét (Orb.) ‘world, people’; Sln. svét ‘world, Gsg. svetd; Bulg. svjat
‘world’
BSL. *§woit-
B Lith. sviésti ‘shine
PIE —*kuoit-o-
Cogn. Skt. svetd- ‘white, bright’ (RV+) adj.
See also: *kvéts; *kvisti; *svétja; *svptéti
*svednoti v. ‘wither
CS OCS prisvenoti (Zogr., Mar.) ‘wither’
W OCz. svadniti ‘wither’
PIE *(s)u(e)nd*-
Cogn. OHG swintan ‘fade, pine away, wither’; OE swindan ‘subside, fade’
See also: *oditi; *uvedati; *vednoti
*svetb adj. o ‘holy, sacred’
CS OCS sveto
E Ru. svjatoj
WwW Cz. svaty; Sik. svdty; Pl. swiety
S SCr. svét, f. svéta, n. svéto; Cak. svét (Vrg.), f. svétd, n. svéto; Sln. svét, f. svéta;
Bulg. svet
BSI. *swentos
B Lith. sventas 4; Latv. svéts (a borrowing from Slavic)
OPr. swints
PIE *kuen-to-
Cogn. Av. spanta-
*svorka; *sorka 477
*svinb adj. 0 ‘pig-’
CS OCS svino ‘pig-’
E Ru. svin6j ‘pig-’
BSI. *swifnos
B Latv. svins ‘dirty’
PIE *suH-iHn-o-
Cogn. Lat. suinus adj. ‘swine-’; Go. swein m. ‘pig, swine’; OHG swin m. ‘pig, swine’
See also: *svinpja
*svinpja f. ia (©) ‘pig, swine’
CS OCS svinija
E Ru. svin jd
W Cz. sviné; Slk. svina; Pl. Swinia
S SCr. svinja; Cak. sviid (Vrg.), Asg. svinu; Sln. svinja; Bulg. svinjd ‘pig, swine,
>
SOW
BSL. *switn-
B OPr. swintian
See > *svino.
*svérbb m. 0 (c) ‘itch’
E Ru. sv6rob ‘itch, (dial.) rash’
W Cz. svrab ‘itch; SIk. svrab ‘itch’
S SCr. svrab ‘itch’; Cak. srab ‘itch, Gsg. sraba; SIn. srab ‘scabies’; svrab ‘scabies’
PIE *suorb*-o-
See also: *svprbéti
*svorka; *sorka f. 4 (a) ‘magpie’
CS CS svraka
E Ru. soréka
W Cz. straka; OCz. straka; Slk. straka; Pl. sroka; Slnc. sarkd; USrb. sroka; sréka
(dial.)
S SCr. svrdka; Cak. srdka (Orb.); Sln. srdka; Bulg. svraka
BSI. *S6reka?
B Lith. Sarka
OPr. sarke
Etymology unclear. If the Baltic evidence were disregarded, the Proto-Slavic would
best be reconstructed as *svorka, with inconsistent loss of *v (cf. > *xvore).
Apparently, the original form *sorka was influenced by *svoréati ‘whistle, e.g. RuCS
svrecati. The connection with Skt. sari- (YV+) f.(i) ‘a kind of bird’ has nothing to
recommend itself.
478 *svprbéti
*svprbéti v. ‘itch’
E Ru. sverbét’ (coll.) ‘itch, irritate} isg. sverblju, 38g. sverbit; Ukr. sverbity ‘itch’
WwW Cz. svrbéti ‘itch’; Slk. svrbiet ‘itch’; Pl. swierzbied ‘itch’
S SCr. svrbeti ‘itch’, 1sg. stbim; Cak. srbiti (Vrg.) ‘itch, 38g. srbi; srbét (Orb.)
‘itch, 38g. s7bi; Sln. srbéti ‘itch, 1sg. srbim; Bulg. sarbi ‘itch’
B Lith. skverbti ‘pierce’
PIE *surbh-
See also: *svérbb
*svptéti v. (c) ‘shine’
CS OCS svotéti se ‘shine’, 18g. svosto se
BSI. *Switer-
B Lith. svitéti ‘shine, shimmer’
PIE —*kuit-o-
Cogn. — Skt. svit- ‘become bright’
See also: *kvét; *kvisti; *svétja; *svétp
*sp(n) prep./pref. ‘from, with’
CS OCS so prep. ‘with’; so- pref. ‘together’
E Ru. s(o)
WwW Cz. s(e) ; Slk. s(e) ; Pl. z(e)
Ss SCr. s(a) ; SIn. s(a) ; Bulg. s(ds)
PIE *sm
Cogn. Skt. sém (RV+) prvrb./prep. ‘together, at the same time’
It may not be necessary to reconstruct zero grade if we assume that *som underwent
the regular development of *om in auslaut. As a prefix, *so- could be analogical.
See also: *so-
*spdorvp adj. 0 (a) ‘healthy’
CS OCS sedravo
E Ru. zdorévyj; zdorév, f. zdorovd, n. zdorovd {1}; ORu. zdorove; storove
(Novg.)
WwW Cz. zdravy; Slk. zdravy; Pl. zdrowy; OPI. strowy (Gn.); USrb. strowy; LSrb.
strowy
S SCr. zdrdv; Cak. zdrav, f. zdriva, f. zdrava; zdraf, f. zdrdva, n. zdravo; Sin.
zdrav, f. zdrava; Bulg. zdrav
PIE *h,su-d'or-uo-
Cogn. Skt. dhruva- ‘fixed, firm’; Av. druua- ‘healthy’
A reconstruction *h,su-dor(H )uo- - with the root of > *dérvo - would leave us with
the problem why Winter’s law did not affect the first member of the compound, cf.
*sBlnpce 479
Lith. sidrus ‘thick, dense. It seems to me that Meillet’s etymology (Et. II: 364),
according to which *sedravo is cognate with Skt. dhruva- ‘firm, solid’ and Av. druua-
‘in good health’ is preferable. To explain the prosodic characteristics of the noun one
could posit a sef variant *d'orH- (cf. Le Feuvre 2006: 240-241), but this is not
necessary, as *sodorve may originate from *sédorve as a result of Dybo’s law, cf. Ru.
ogoréd ‘kitchen-garden.
{1} AP (a) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 133).
*spxnoti v. ‘dry, wither’
CS OCS soxnéase (Supr.) 38g. impf. ‘dried’
E Ru. séxnut’ ‘dry, wither’
WwW Cz. schnouti ‘dry, become dry, pine away’; Slk. schnuti ‘dry, become dry’; Pl.
schngé ‘dry, become dry, wither, pine away’
S SCr. sahnuti ‘dry’; Sln. sahniti ‘wither’ 1sg. sdhnem; Bulg. saxna ‘dry, wither’
Derivative in *-noti with zero grade of the root. See > *siixo; *susiti.
*splati v. (b) ‘send’
CS OCS solati, 1sg. soljo
E Ru. slat’, isg. slju, 38g. slét {1}
Ww Cz. slati (obs., lit.), 18g. slu; posldti, 1sg. poslu; Slk. poslat, 1sg. poslu; Pl. stac
(lit.), 18g. sle; postac, 1sg. posle
S SCr. slati, isg. sljém, 1sg. saljém; Cak. slati (Vrg.), 28g. Sales; slat (Orb,), 18g.
sdlen; Sln. poslati, sg. posliem
Verb with zero grade of a root *selH-. It remains to be seen if this root is identical
with LIV’s *selh,- ‘nehmen; to which Gk. eidov 18g. aor. ‘took’ and Go. saljan ‘sacrifice’
are considered to belong.
{1} AP (b) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 136).
See also: *sblb
*sblnbce n. jo (c) ‘sun’
CS OCS slonvce
E Ru. sdlnce
W Cz. slunce; Slk. slnce; Pl. storice
Ss SCr. since; Cak. siince, Gsg. siinca, Npl. suncd; siince, stince (Novi); stince
(Orb.), Gsg. séinca {1}; Sln. sdince; Bulg. slance
BSI. *sarul-/*s?ul-
B Lith. sdulé f.(@) 1 ‘sun’; Latv. sadile f.(€) ‘sur’
OPr. saule ‘sur’
PIE *s(e)h2-ul-
Cogn. Skt. svdr- (stivar-) (RV+) n. ‘sun, sunlight’; Skt. siirya- (RV+) m. ‘sun, deity
of the sun’; Gk. éAtog (Hom.) m. ‘sun; Lat. s6J m. ‘sun’; Go. sauil n. ‘sur’
480 *splojp
The long root vowel of the Serbo-Croatian forms results from the widespread
lengthening of short vowels before resonants.
*splojp m. jo ‘layer
E Ru. sloj ‘layer, coating, Gsg. sl6ja; Uku. slij ‘vein, Gsg. sloja
Ww Cz. sloj f.(i) ‘layer’; Slk. sloj ‘layer’; PI. s£6j ‘wooden bench, vein, stratum, Gsg.
stoja, Gsg. stoju
S SCr. s16j ‘layer’, Gsg. sl6ja; SIn. sloj ‘layer, flotsam, dirty pool; Gsg. sldja; Bulg.
sloj ‘layer’
Prefixed deverbative noun. See > *so- and > *léjv.
See also: *liti; *]pjati
* ‘ >
sblb m. 0 messenger
CS OCS solo ‘messenger, apostle’
E ORu. solo ‘ambassador’
S SIn. sat ‘messenger, Gsg. sla
See > *solati.
*spméti v. (a) ‘dare’
CS OCS someéti ‘dare’, 1sg. soméjo
E Ru. smet’ ‘dare’, isg. sméju
WwW Cz. sméti ‘be allowed’; smiti (obs.) ‘be allowed’; OCz. sméti ‘dare’; Slk. smiet
‘be allowed’; Pl. smieé ‘dare’
S SCr. smjéti ‘dare, be allowed, be permitted’ 1sg. smijem; Cak. smiti (Vrg.)
‘dare, be allowed, be permitted’ 28g. smis; smét (Orb.) ‘dare’ 1sg. sméén; Sln.
sméti ‘dare; 1sg. sméjem, 1sg. smém; Bulg. sméja ‘dare’
Cogn. Go. mops m. ‘courage, wrath’; OHG muot m. ‘mind, courage, wrath
Prefixed verb consisting of > *so- and *méti < *meh,-.
g
*spmprtb f. i ‘death’
CS OCS somroto
E Ru. smert’, Gsg. smérti
Ww Cz. smrt; Slk. smrt; PL. smieré
S SCr. sm#t, Gsg. smiti; Cak. smit (Vrg., Orb.), Gsg. smrti; SIn. smrt, Gsg.
smfti; Bulg. smart
BSI. *mirtis
B Lith. mirtis 4
PIE *mr-ti-
Cogn. Lat. mors f.
Noun consisting of the prefix *se and *mroto < PIE *mr-ti-.
*sppor IT 481
{1} AP (b) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 136).
See also: *merti; *mor; *mprtvb
*sbnb m. 0 (b) ‘sleep, dream’
CS OCS sone
E Ru. son, Gsg. sna
Ww Cz. sen; Slk. sen; Pl. sen; USrb. son, Gsg. sona
S SCr. sdin, Gsg. snd; Cak. san (Vrg.), Gsg. snd; sin (Novi), Gsg. snd; sanj
(Orb.) ‘sleep’ Gsg. snd; Sln. san, Gsg. snd; Bulg. san
BSI. *su(o)pnum
B Lith. sdépnas 2/4 ‘dream’; Latv. sapnis m.(io) ‘dream’
PIE *sup-n-o-
Cogn. Gk. bmvocg m. ‘sleep’
Cf. also Skt. svdpna- m. ‘sleep, dream’, Lat. somnus m. ‘id’, Olc. svefn m. ‘id., with full
grade of the root.
See also: *sppati; *uspnoti
*sppati v. ‘sleep’
OCS sapaiti, sg. soplig
Ru. spat’, 1sg. splju, 38g. spit
Cz. spati, 1sg. spim; Slk. spat, 1sg. spim; Pl. spac, 18g. spie
SCr. spati, 1sg. spim; Cak. spati (Vrg.), 28g. spis; spat (Orb.), 18g. spin; Sln.
spati, sg. spim; Bulg. spja
PIE *sup-
Cogn. Skt. svdpati; svdpiti; Lat. sopire ‘fall asleep’; OE swefan
nemo
See > *sonv.
*spporb I m. 0 ‘conflict, dispute’
CS RuCS sapore ‘conflict, dispute’
E Ru. spor ‘dispute, argument’; Ukr. spir ‘dispute’
Ww Cz. spor ‘dispute’; Slk. spor ‘dispute’; Pl. spdr ‘dispute’
S SIn. spor ‘dispute, conflict, Gsg. spéra; Bulg. spor ‘dispute, discussion’
PIE *por-o-
Cogn. Skt. pft- (RV) f. ‘battle, strife, fight
See also: *perti; *pprati II; *ppréti; *pprtp
*sppor? II adj. o ‘abundant’
CS CS spore ‘abundant’
E Ru. sporyj (coll.) ‘successful, profitable’
WwW Cz. spory ‘substantial (food), stocky, (lit.) weak, sparse’; Pl. spory
‘considerable’
482 *sbpb
S SCr. spdr ‘sluggish, slow’; Sln. spor ‘abundant, nutritious, f. spéra
Prefixed deverbative adjective with o-grade of the root. See > perti.
*sppb m. o ‘embankment’
E Ru. sop (dial.) ‘embankment’; ORu. s#po ‘embankment, hill, mountain’
S SIn. sép ‘elevated border of a vineyard; Gsg. sépa, Gsg. sepii
PIE *sup-o-
Cogn. Lat. supdre ‘throw’; Lat. dissipdre ‘scatter’
See also: *suti; *svepiti; *sypati
*sprésti v. encounter’
CS OCS sorésti ‘encounter’ 1sg. soresto
Ww OPI. posrzes¢é ‘encounter’
S SCr. srésti ‘encounter; 1sg. srét(n)ém; Sin. srésti ‘encounter; 18g. sretem
BSI. *(w)ret-/*(w)ret-?
B Lith. surésti ‘seize’
Compound of > *so and *rét-. The Lithuanian form, which is important for
Pokorny’s reconstruction *yrét-, is rather obscure. It can be traced to Bezzenbergers
Beitrdge zur Kunde der indogermanischen Sprache 26: 168.
See also: *obrésti
*spsati v. ‘suck’
CS OCS sesati, 1sg. soso
E Ru. sosdat’, isg. sosti, 38g. sosét; ssat’ (dial.)
WwW Cz. sati, sg. saji; OCz. ssati, 1sg. ssu; Slk. sat} Pl. ssa¢, sg. sse
S SCr. sdti, 1sg. sém; SIn. sasdti, isg. sasim
BSI. *sus-/*suk-
B Latv. stukt
PIE —*suk-
The root *seuk- seems to have a variant *seug-, cf. Lat. sticus ‘juice’. Lat. siigere; Olc.
suga.
*spto num. (c) ‘hundred’
CS OCS soto
E Ru. sto
W Cz. sto; Slk. sto; Pl. sto
S SCr. sté; Cak. sté (Vrg., Hvar); Sln. st6; Bulg. sto
BSI. *Simto
B Lith. Simmtas 2/4; Latv. simts; simt ‘hundred’
PIE *dkmtom
*syrb I 483
The vocalism of the Slavic proto-form must be secondary (cf. Trautmann 1923b for a
discussion of the apophonic patterns *eN : *iN and *oN:: *uN ).
Cogn.
Skt. satdm (RV+); Gk. éxatdv; Lat. centum
See also: *desets; *desetb
*sfnb m. u (c) ‘son’
PIE
Cogn.
OCS syne
Ru. syn, Npl. synov’ja
Cz. syn; Slk. syn; Pl. syn
SCr. sin, Gsg. sina; Cak. sin (Vrg., Hvar, Orb.), Gsg. sina; Sln. sin, Gsg. sina,
Gsg. sini; Bulg. sin
*sufnus (2)
Lith. sinus m.(u) 3 (AP 1 is attested in DaukSa’s Postilla and the anonymous
Catechism of 1605)
OPr. sunun (I) Asg.; souns
*suH-n-u-
Skt. stinu- m.; Go. sunus m.
In case-forms where the stress was on the second syllable, one expects initial stress as
a result of Hirt’s law. The final stress may have been restored analogically in Balto-
Slavic times already, but cf. OLith. sinus.
*sypati v. (a) ‘pour, strew ESSJa ‘pour, strew’
E Ru. sypat’
Ww Cz. sypati; Slk. sypat; Pl. sypac¢
S SCr. sipati ‘pour’, 18g. sipam, 1sg. sipljém; Cak. sipati (Vrg.) ‘pour’, 28g. siples;
sipat (Orb.) ‘pour, scatter; 1sg. sipan; SIn. sipati, 1sg. sipam, 18g. sipljem; Bulg.
sipja
B Lith. siipoti ‘rock, cradle’
In spite of the acute roots of the Slavic and Baltic forms, it seems to me that the
developments that generated this accentuation must be dated to the individual
branches, cf. > *suti. For the Baltic métatonie rude, cf. Derksen 1991: 303-308.
*syrb I m. 0 (a) ‘cheese’
OCS syro (Supr.)
Ru. syr
Cz. syr; Slk. syr; PL. ser
SCr. sir, Gsg. sira; Cak. sir (Vrg., Orb.), Gsg. sira; sir (Novi), Gsg. sira; SIn.
sir, Gsg. sira
*sutr(i)os
Lith. stiris m.(io) 1
OPr. suris
484 *syrb II
PIE *suH-ro-
Cogn. Olc. surr m. ‘leaver”
See also: *surovs; *syrb
*syrb II adj. o ‘damp, raw
CS OCS syro (Zogr., Mar.) ‘damp, fresh’
E Ru. syr6j ‘damp, raw’ {1}
Ww Cz. syry ‘damp, raw’
S SCr. sirov ‘raw, crude, damp’; Cak. sirov (Vrg.) ‘raw, crude, damp’; sirof
(Orb.) ‘raw, uncooked’
BSI. *surros
B Lith. suiras 3 ‘salt, salty’; Latv. srs ‘salt, salty, bitter’
PIE *suH-ro-
Cogn. Olc. surr‘sour’
{1} AP (a) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 133).
See also: *surovs; *syr'b
*sytb adj. o (a) ‘satiated, full’
CS OCS syta (Supr.) Ndu. m. ‘satiated’
E Ru. sytyj
Ww Cz. syty; Sik. syty; Pl. syty
S SCr. sit; Cak. sit (Vrg.), f. sitd, n. sito; sit (Hvar, Orb.), f. sita, n. sito; Sln. sit, f.
sita; Bulg. sit ‘satiated, full, filling’
BSL. *sd?tos
B Lith. sdtus 3
PIE *s(e)hp-to-
Cogn. Lat. satis adv. ‘enough’; Go. saps ‘satisfied, full’
The origin of the *y is obscure.
*sb prn. ‘this’
CS OCS sp, f. si, n. se
E Ru. sej, f. sija, n. sijé; ORu. so, f. si, n. se
S Sln. sej
BSL. *Sis
B Lith. Sis, f. $4; Latv. Sis, f. 7
OPr. schis
PIE * ki-
Cogn. Hitt. kds; Go. hina Asg. m., hina Asg. n.
*sprsenb 485
*spcati v. ‘piss’
CS
E
WwW
S
PIE
Cogn.
SerbCS socati, 18g. sco, 28g. socisi
Ru. scat’ (dial.), 1sg. scu, 38g. scit; Ukr. scjaty, 1sg. scju
Cz. scdti, 1sg. stim; chcdti (dial.); Pl. szczaé, 1sg. szcze
Sln. scati, 1sg. scim, 1sg. scijem
* sikw-
Skt. sificati ‘pour out} OHG sihan ‘strain, drip’; OHG seichen ‘piss’
*sbrdbce n. jo (c) ‘heart’
CS
E
W
S
BSI.
B
PIE
Cogn.
OCS srvdoce
Ru. sérdce
Cz. srdce; Slk. srdce; Pl. serce; OPI. sierce
SCr. s?ce, Gsg. sica; C/ak. s?ce (Vrg.), Gsg. sica; Cak. s?ce (Orb.) ‘heart,
heartwood, inner (middle) part (of a branch); Gsg. s7ca; Sln. srcé; Bulg. sarcé
*Sird-
Lith. sirdis f.(i) 3; Latv. sifds f.(i)
*krd-
Skt. h¢d- (RV+) n.; Gk. kijp m.; Gk. kapdia f.; Arm. sirt
See also: *serda
*sprna f. a ‘roe’
CS
E
WwW
PIE
Other possible reconstructions are *krH-neho, with the root of Lith. sérnas ‘wild boar’,
RuCS srona ‘roe
Ru. sérna ‘chamois’; ORu. sorna ‘roe’
Cz. srna ‘roe; Slk. srna ‘roe’; Pl. sarna ‘roe’
SCr. sfna ‘roe’; SIn. s‘na ‘roe’; Bulg. sdrnd ‘roe’
*Str?nat
Lith. stirna ‘roe’; Latv. stifna ‘roe
*krho-nehz
>
Sirvas ‘dapple-grey, and *srH-neho, cf. Lith. sa?tas ‘fox-red’, Latv. sarts ‘reddish. The
anlaut of the Baltic forms is problematic. The existence of a Latvian variant sirna is
uncertain.
*sprsenb m. jo ‘hornet’
CS s(£)rosenv m.(jo)
Ru. sérsen’ m.(jo); ORu. sorsenv m.(jo); sorsenb m.(jo)
Cz. srseri m.(jo); Slk. srsevi m.(jo); Pl. szerszen m.(jo); OPI. sierszen m.(jo)
SCr. s?sljénj m.(jo); Cak. s?gen (Orb.) m.(o0) ‘big wasp, hornet’; SIn. s/Sen
m.(0), Gsg. srséna
*Sir’sen-
Lith. sirsuo (OLith.) m.(n); sirsé £.(€); Latv. si7suonis m.(io); sitsnis m.(io)
486 *$cene
OPr. sirsilis m.(io)
PIE *krhys-en-
Cogn. Lat. crabr6 m.; OHG hornuz m.
*S
*Scene n. nt ‘young animal’
CS CS stene ‘young animal, cub’
E Ru. scendk m. ‘puppy, whelp, cub, Npl. scenjdta (alongside scenki); scenja
(dial.) ‘puppy, whelp, cub’
Ww Cz. sténé ‘young animal, cub’; Slk. stevia ‘young animal, cub’; Pl. szczenie
‘young animal, cub’
S SCr. sténe ‘puppy’; Sln. scené ‘puppy, piglet, Npl. scenéta
See > *¢edo for the etymology of the root. The form *sceng apparently has s-mobile.
*$ditb m. o (b) ‘shield’
CS OCS Stito
E Ru. scit, Gsg. scitd
Ww Cz. stit ‘shield, facade, top’; Slk. Stit; Pl. szczyt ‘top, summit’; SInc. scit
S SCr. stit, Gsg. Sstita; Sln. scit, Gsg. scita; Bulg. stit
BSL. *skeitum; *skoitum
B Lith. skiétas 2 ‘reed (in a loom)’; Latv. skiéts” ‘reed (in a loom)’
OPr. staytan [scaytan] ‘shield’
PIE *skei-to-m
Cogn. Lat. sciitum n. ‘shield’ (*skoitom?); Olr. sciath m. ‘shield’; W ysgwyd f. ‘shield’
*$éstb num. o (c) ‘sixth
CS OCS Sesto
E Ru. Sest6j
Ww Cz. Sesty; sésty (dial.); OCz. Sésty; Sk. Siesty; Pl. szdsty; USrb. sesty
S SCr. sésti; Cak. Sésti (Vrg.); Sésti (Orb.) ‘the sixth’; SIn. sésti; Bulg. sésti
BSI. *sestos (*ustos )
B Lith. séstas 4; Latv. sestais
OPr. wuschts (1); usts (11); uschts (IID)
PIE _—*sueks-t(hz)o- (suks-t(hz)o-)
Cogn. Skt. sastha- (AV+)
The oldest Balto-Slavic form may have been *ustos < *sustos < *sustos. The form
*sestos may have arisen when the cardinal *ses was introduced into the ordinal. The
initial *s result from assimilation to *s < *ks.
Stijb 487
See also: *Sestb
*$éstb num. (c) ‘six’
CS OCS Sesto
E Ru. Sest’
W Cz. Sest; Slk. Sest; Pl. szesé; Slnc. Siesc; USrb. Sésé
S SCr. sést; Cak. sést (Vrg.); Siés (Orb.); SIn. sést; Bulg. sest
BSL. *ses
B Lith. se3i 4
PIE *sueks
Cogn. Skt. sds- (RV+); Gk. €&
The suffix *-tv is secondary. See also > *Sesto.
*Sibati v. ‘whip’
OCS sibaaxg (Supr.) 3pl. impf. ‘whipped’
Ru. sibat’ ‘throw, hit; 1sg. sibdju
SIk. sibat ‘beat’
SCr. sibati ‘flog, whip’, 1sg. sibdm; Sln. Sibati ‘flog, whip; 18g. sibam; Bulg.
sibam ‘flog, whip’
PIE *ksueib-
Cogn. Skt. ksipdti ‘swing, throw Olc. sveipa ‘sweep, swing’; OE swdpan ‘sweep,
swing’; OHG sweifan ‘wind’
nemo
*Siti v. (a) ‘sew
CS SerbCS Siti, 18g. sijo {1}
E Ru. sit’, isg. $"ju, 38g. Pt; Ukr. syty, sg. syju
WwW Cz. Siti, isg. Siji; Sk. sit; Pl. szyé, 18g. szyje
S SCr. Siti, 1sg. Sijém; Cak. Siti (Vrg.), 28g. Sijes; siti (Hvar), 1sg. Sijen; sit (Orb.),
1sg. Sijen; Sln. Siti, 1sg. Sijem; Bulg. sija
BSI. *sjur-
B Lith. sidti; Latv. ait
PIE * siuH-
Cogn. Skt. sivyati; Lat. suere, ptc. pret. pass. situm; Go. siujan
{1} In OCS, we find neSoveno (Zogr., Mar.) ‘without a seam’ (in John 19:23) and seven
‘embroidered’ in zlatoms Sovenyixe rizo (Supr.).
See also: *podbSpva; *Sbvbcb
*Siijp adj. jo (c) ‘left’
CS OCS sui
S Sln. sij, f. Suja
488 *Sulo
PIE *seu-io-
Cogn. Skt. savyd-; Av. haoya-; MW aswy; MW aseu
*Sulo n. o ‘post, pole’
E Ru. sulo (W. dial.) n. ‘fence post’; sila (Smol.) f. ‘fence post’; Ukr. suila f.
‘fence post’
WwW OPI. szuto n. ‘wooden pole’
S SCr. sailj m. ‘block’; SIn. siilj m. ‘sawn-off trunk, block’
B Lith. Stilas 4 ‘post, pole, stave’ {1}
OPr. sulis (EV) ‘stave’
PIE *kseul-o-/*ksul-o-
Cogn. Gk. EdAov n. ‘wood, beam”
Much have been said about the possibility of borrowing and the direction of
borrowing (from Baltic into Slavic or vice versa, from Germanic into West Slavic,
etc.). I prefer to treat the Baltic and Slavic forms as inherited.
{1} There is indirect evidence for AP 2, viz. stlinis, suliné ‘well’ (Illi¢-Svityé 1963: 35).
*Surb m. jo ‘brother-in-law (wife’s brother)’
CS Surv
Ru. Surin, Npl. sur’ja; ORu. Surin, Npl. surjata, surja
Pl. szurzy, Gsg. szurzego
SCr. Stira; Suir(j)ak, Gsg. sur(j)dka; Cak. Surjak (Vrg.), Gsg. Surjaka; Sin.
surjak; surja; Bulg. surej
nemo
The connection with Skt. syala- ‘wife’s brother’ is not really possible.
*$bvbCcb ‘tailor, shoemaker’
E Ru. Svec ‘(obs.) tailor, (dial.) shoemaker’, Gsg. Svecd; ORu. Sovoco ‘tailor,
shoemaker’; Bel. sve¢ ‘shoemaker, Gsg. Sovcd; Ukr. vec’ ‘shoemaker, Gsg.
Sevcja
W Cz. Svec ‘shoemaker; Gsg. Sevce; Slk. svec ‘shoemaker’; Pl. szewc ‘shoemaker’
S SCr. sévac (Vuk: Dubr.) ‘tailor, Gsg. Sdvca
BSI. *sjuwikos
B Lith. siuvikas (Ness., dial.) m.(0) ‘tailor’; siuvikis (DP) m.(jo) ‘tailor’
OPr. schuwikis (EV ) ‘shoemaker’
Derivative in *-vcv of > Siti ‘sow. The root shape *Sov- < *siuH- is regular in
antevocalic position.
*tekti 489
*T
*tajati v. (a) ‘melt’
CS OCS tajati (Ps. Sin.) ‘melt’ 1sg. tajg; SerbCS tajati ‘melt, thaw
E Ru. tajat’ ‘melt, thaw, dwindle’
W Cz. tati ‘melt, thaw’; Pl. taja¢ ‘melt, thaw’
S SCr. tdjati ‘thaw’; Sln. tdjati ‘melt, thaw, 1sg. tajam; Bulg. tdja ‘melt slowly,
asg. tdis
PIE —*fehz-
Cogn. Gk. tr}kw ‘melt’; Lat. tabére ‘melt, dwindle’; W tawdd ‘dripping’
*tajiti v. (c) ‘hide, conceal’
OCS taiti, 1sg. tajo
Ru. tait’, sg. taju, 38g. tait
Cz. tajiti; Sik. tajit; Pl. taié
SCr. tdjiti ‘hide, conceal’, 1sg. tajim; Sln. tajiti ‘deny, 1sg. tajim; Bulg. taja
‘hide in one’s inner self’
PIE *(s)teh2-
Cogn. Hitt. tai- ‘steal’
nemo
See also: *tatb
*tatb m. jo ‘thief’
CS OCS tate m.(jo)
E Ru. tat’ m.(jo)
S SCr. tat m.(0); Sln. tat m.(0), Gsg. tata, Gsg. tatti
PIE *(s)teh2-ti-o-
Cogn. Olr. tdid m. ‘thief?
One may also compare Skt. tayti- (RV) m. ‘thief?
See also: *tajiti
*tekti v. (c) ‘flow, run’
CS OCS testi, sg. teko
E Ru. tec’ 18g. tekui, 38g. tecét; ORu. teci ‘flow, move, run, 1sg. teku
WwW Cz. téci, sg. teku; Slk. tiect, sg. teciem; Pl. ciec, sg. cieke
S SCr. téci, isg. tecém; Cak. té¢i (Vrg.), 38g. tecé; teé (Orb.), 38g. tecé; Sln. téci,
isg. técem; Bulg. tekd, sg. tecés
BSI. *tek-
B Lith. tekéti, 38g. téka; Latv. tecét, 1sg. teku
PIE *tekw-
Cogn. Skt. takti ‘rush’; Olr. techid ‘flee’
490 *tekb
*tekpb m. 0 ‘course’
CS RuCsS teks ‘course’
E Ru. ték ‘source’
S SIn. ték ‘course’
BSI. *tekos
B Latv. teks m. ‘foot-path’; teka f. ‘foot-path’
PIE *tek”-o-
Cogn. Olr. intech n. ‘road’
See also: *tekti; *tokn
*telkti v. (c) ‘pound’
CS OCS tlésti ‘pound; 18g. tleko
E Ru. toldé’ ‘pound, 1sg. tolku, 38g. tolcét
WwW Cz. tlouci ‘pound, 1sg. tluku; Slk. tlc ‘pound; 1sg. tlciem; Pl. thuc ‘pound? 1sg.
tluke
S SCr. tdi ‘beat, hit, (refl.) fight’ 1sg. tuicém; Cak. ti¢i (Vrg.) ‘beat, hit, (refl.)
fight, 2sg. tices; tic (Orb.) ‘beat, hit, (refl.) fight, 1sg. tucén; SIn. tléci ‘beat,
isg. tolcem; totci ‘beat; isg. tolcem
It is unclear if *telkti is in any way connected with > *tolkd and therefore with Lith.
talka ‘unpaid work, party of workers’ and telkti ‘call together for unpaid work.
*tenetd n. o (b) ‘net, snare’
CS RuCS teneto ‘net, snare’; tonoto ‘net, snare’
E Ru. tenéto ‘snare’; tenet6 (dial.) ‘snare’
W Cz. teneto ‘net, snare’
S Sln. tenét m. ‘net’; tenétva f. ‘net’
B Lith. tifklas m. 2/4 ‘net’; Latv. tikls m. ‘net’
A derivative of *ten- ‘stretch’ cf. Skt. tanoti (< *tn-neu-).
*teplb adj. o (b) ‘warm’
OCS toplo {1}
Ru. téplyj; tépel, f. tepla, n. tepld
Cz. teply; Sik. teply; Pl. cieply; USrb. coply; LSrb. sopty
SCr. tdpao, f. topla, f. topla, n. téplo; Cak. tépd (Vrg.), f. tepla, n. téplo; tépal
(Orb.), f. tépla, n. téplo; Sln. topal, f. topla
ret oO
Cogn. Lat. tepidus ‘lukewarm, warn’
A lo-derivative of *tep- ‘be hot, cf. Skt. tapati ‘burn, be hot’
{1} With e-grade we find teplostijo (Supr.) Isg. ‘warmth.
See also: *topiti
*teti 491
*terti v. ‘rub’
CS SerbCS tréti, 1sg. toro
E Ru. terét’, 18g. tru, 38g. trét
Ww Cz. triti, 1sg. tru; triti (arch.), sg. tru; Slk. triet Pl. trzeé, 18g. tre
S SCr. trti, isg. trém; titi, 1sg. tdrém; Cak. t’ti (Vrg.), 28g. tdres; t?t (Orb.), 18¢.
tdren; Sln. tréti ‘rub, crush; 1sg. trem, 1sg. tarem
BSI. *ter?-/*tir?-
B Lith. tirti ‘investigate’
PIE *terH-
Cogn. Gk. teipw ‘oppress, distress, weaken’; Lat. terere ‘rub’; OHG drden ‘tur’
*tesati v. (b) ‘hew’
CS OCS tesati (Supr.), 1sg. tes9
E Ru. tesat’, 1sg. testi, 38g. téset
W Cz. tesati; Slk. tesat; Pl. ciosaé
S SCr. tésati ‘cut, trim, polish, 1sg. tésém; Cak. tesdt (Orb.) ‘cut, polish, hew,
trim, isg. tésen; SIn. tésati ‘hew, chisel; 1sg. tésem
ise)
Lith. tasyti thew’
PIE —*tetk-
Cogn. Skt. taksati (RV+) 3pl. ‘cut, manufacture’
See also: *tesla; *teslo; *tesb
*tesla; *teslo f. 4; n. 0 ‘adze’
CS RuCS tesla f.
E Ru. tesld f.; tesl6 n.; Ukr. tesl6 n.
Ww Cz. tesla f.; Pl. ciosta f.
S SCr. tésla f. Cak. (Vrg.) tésla f.; Sln. tésla f.; téslo n.; Bulg. tesla f.
PIE —*tetk-d'lo-
Cogn. Olc. pexla f. ‘axe’; dehsala f. ‘axe, adze’
See also: *tesati; *tesb
*tesb m. o ‘timber’
E Ru. tés ‘boards, planks’
W Cz. tes ‘timber’; Pl. cios ‘timber’
Derivative of > *tesati.
*teti v. ‘beat’
CS OCS teti ‘beat, flog, whip; 1sg. tepo
E Ru. tepti, teti (dial.) ‘hew, cut, prod, hit’ (apparently influenced by *teti);
tepsti (dial.) ‘pull, drag’; tépat’ (dial.) ‘hew, cut’
492 *téme
Ww Cz. tepati ‘beat, hammer; 1sg. tepu, 1sg. tepdm; Slk. tepat ‘beat’; USrb. cepac
‘beat’; LSrb. sepas ‘beat’
S SCr. tépsti se ‘loiter, 1sg. tepém se; Sln. tépsti ‘beat, chastise, (se) loiter’ 1sg.
tépem; Bulg. tépam ‘full, walk’
BSI. *tep-
B Lith. tépti ‘smear, grease, soil; 1sg. tepw
Only Balto-Slavic.
*téme n.n (a) ‘sinciput, top of the head’
E Ru. témja, Gsg. témeni
Ww Cz. témé; Slk. tema; Pl. ciemie
S SCr. tjéme, Gsg. tjémena; Cak. time (Vrg.), Gsg. tjimena; Sln. téme, Gsg.
témena; Bulg. téme n.(nt)
A connection with > *teti ‘chop, cut’ < *tmh,-, does not seem implausible. A possible
parallel is OHG skeitila ‘skull’, if cognate with skeidan ‘separate’. The root shape *tém-
is not easy to explain, however. First, the lengthened grade is unexpected in an n-
stem. Second, the acute tone must have been taken over from forms where the
laryngeal regularly yielded an acute. This is not impossible (cf. > *slava), but in this
case it is puzzling.
*ténb f. i ‘shadow
E Ru. ten’ f.(i); Ukr. tin’ £.@)
WwW Cz. tin (Mor. dial.) m.(o); tin (Lach dial.) m.(jo); Slk. tiefi m.(jo); Pl. cien
m.(jo)
S SCr. ténja f.(ja) ‘shadow (image)’
Probably a transformation of *sénv on the basis of > *toma ‘darkness, > *tomvno
‘dark’.
*tésnb adj. o (c) ‘narrow’
OCS tésno ‘narrow’
Ru. tésnyj ‘crowded, narrow, tight’
Cz. tésny ‘narrow’; SIk. tesny ‘narrow’; Pl. ciasny ‘narrow
SCr. tijésan ‘tight, narrow; Cak. tisan ‘tight, narrow, f. tisnd, n. tisno; tiésan
‘tight, narrow, f. téésna, n. t’ésno; Sln. tésan ‘narrow, f. tésna; tesdn ‘narrow, f.
tesna; Bulg. tésan ‘narrow, f. tjdsna
Oem O
Adjective in *-no-. The stem is *tésk-, cf. > *tiskati.
*tésto n. 0 (c) ‘dough’
E Ru. tésto
W Cz. tésto; Slk. cesto; Pl. ciasto; USrb. éésto
*tegti 493
S SCr. tijesto, Gsg. tijesta; Cak. tisto (Vrg., Hvar), Gsg. tista; tiésto, Gsg. tiésta;
SIn. test6; Bulg. testd
Cogn. Gk. otaic (otaic) m. ‘flour of spelt mixed and made into dough, Gsg.
otaitéc; OHG theismo (deismo) m. ‘leaven’; Olr. tdis m. ‘dough’; W toes m.
‘dough’
Since a proto-form *teh,i-s-tom would yield fixed stress on an acute syllable in Balto-
Slavic, we may consider *thzei-s-tom. It is unclear to me why the etymon ended up as
a mobile o-stem, however. Originally oxytone neuter o-stems with a first syllable
closed by an obstruent typically belong to AP (b). I suspect that the suffix *-to is
secondary.
*tedzati; *tegati v. f. ‘pull, extract’
CS OCS tezi (Ps. Sin.) imper. ‘try’; tezo (Supr.) 18g. ‘inquire’
E Ru. tjagat’ ‘pull, extract, elicit, sg. tiagdju
WwW Cz. tdzati se ‘ask, inquire’; Pl. cigga¢ ‘pull
S Sn. tézati ‘pull, torture’ sg. tézam, 18g. teézem
See > *tegti. In view of the reflex of the progressive palatalization *dz, the root
continues Balto-Slavic *ting-.
*tegb; *tega m. o; f. a ‘traction, weight
E Ru. tjdga ‘traction’
WwW Cz. tiha f. ‘weight, burden’; Pl. cigg f. ‘traction, continuity, ciggu; OPI. cigg f.
‘traction, continuity, Gsg. ciegu
S SCr. tég m. ‘weight, traction, seed’; Sln. tég m. ‘traction, pull, burden, grain,
Gsg. téga, Gsg. tegd; Bulg. tjdga f. ‘traction’
Derivative of > *tegti.
*tegnoti v. (b) ‘pull’
E Ru. tjanut’ ‘pull; 1sg. tjanu, 38g. tjanet
Ww Cz. tahnouti ‘pull’; Slk. tiahnout ‘pull’; Pl. ciagngé ‘pull
S Sln. tégniti ‘provide, stretch’, 1sg. te¢gnem
See > *tegti.
*tegti v. ‘pull
CS CS rastesti tear apart, 1sg. rastego
BSI. *ting- (*teng-)
B Lith. tingti ‘become slow; 38g. tingsta; tingéti ‘be lazy’ 3sg. tingi
PIE *t(e)ng-
Cogn. Olc. pyngja ‘burder’
See also: *tedzati; *tegati; *tegn; *tega; *tegnoti; *tezpks; *toga; *togp
494 *teti
*teti v. ‘cut, chop, beat’
E Ru. tjat’ (arch.) ‘beat, sg. tnu; ORu. tjati ‘chop, cut, 1sg. tonu; Ukr. tjdty
‘chop, cut, beat’, isg. tnu
WwW Cz. titi ‘cut’, isg. tnu; Pl. cig¢ ‘cut, 1sg. tne
S Sn. téti ‘chop’ 1sg. tném
BSI. *tinr-
B Lith. tinti ‘whet’
PIE *tmh,-
Cogn. Gk. tétvw ‘cut’
See also: *téme
*teZpkb adj. o ‘heavy’
CS OCS tezoko ‘heavy, difficult, serious’
E Ru. tjaZkij ‘heavy, severe’; Ukr. tjazkyj ‘heavy’
WwW Cz. tézky ‘heavy’; Slk. tazky ‘heavy’; Pl. ciezki ‘heavy’
S SCr. tézak ‘heavy, difficult, serious; f. téska; Cak. téZak (Vrg.) ‘heavy, difficult,
serious’, f. téskd; tezak (Orb.) ‘heavy, difficult, serious, f. téska; Sln. tézak
‘heavy; f. tézka; tezak ‘heavy’; Bulg. tézak ‘heavy, difficult, serious’
BSI. *ting-
B Lith. tingts 4 ‘lazy’
PIE —*tng!-
Cogn. Olc. pungr ‘heavy’
See also: *tegp; *tega; *tegnoti; *tegti; *toga; *togp
*tiskati v. (a) ‘press, squeeze’
CS CS tiskati ‘press, squeeze’
E Ru. tiskat’ ‘press, squeeze’
W Pl. ciskaé ‘hurl’
S SCr. tiskati ‘press, squeeze’; Sln. tiskati ‘press, print, 1sg. tiskam
The stem of this verb must contain the suffix *-sk-. The root must be *teiH- or
*teh,i-, neither of which can easily be linked to non-Slavic forms.
See also: *tésnb
*tékb m. o (c) ‘stream, current, course’
CS OCS tok (Mar.) ‘stream’
E Ru. tok ‘current, course, Gsg. toka; Bel. tik ‘current, course, Gsg. tokd; Ukr.
tik ‘current, course’, Gsg. toka; tik (dial.) ‘current, course’, Gsg. tokd
W Cz. tok ‘current, course’; Slk. tok ‘current, course’; Pl. tok ‘current, course’
S SCr. ték ‘current, course’, Gsg. toka; SIn. tok ‘stream, current, Gsg. téka; Bulg.
tok ‘stream, current’
*tolka 495
BSI. *tokos
B Lith. takas 4 ‘(foot-)path’; Latv. taks ‘(foot-)path’
PIE *tok”-o-
Cogn. Av. taka- m. ‘course’
See also: *tekti; *tekn
*toga f. 4 (b) ‘sadness, melancholy’
CS OCS toga ‘confusion, melancholy, difficulties, misfortune’
E Ru. tuga ‘grief’; tga (dial.) ‘grief’
Ww Cz. touha ‘longing, yearning, desire’; Slk. tuha ‘melancholy’; Pl. tega
‘melancholy’
S SCr. tiga ‘sorrow, sadness, melancholy’; Cak. tagd (Vrg., Novi) ‘sorrow,
sadness, melancholy’; tiga ‘sorrow, sadness’; Sln. téga ‘slowness,
unpleasantness, melancholy’; Bulg. tagd ‘sorrow, sadness, hurt, desire’
See > *tegti.
*tégp adj. o (c) ‘tight, solid, tough’
CS CS togo ‘hard to retain’
E Ru. tugoj ‘tight
WwW Cz. tuhy ‘solid, tough’; Slk. tuhy ‘solid, tough’; Pl. tegi ‘stout’
Ss Sln. tg ‘tight, tough, strong; f. toga
See > *tegti.
*toliti v. ‘calm, soothe’
CS OCS utoliti ‘convince’ 1sg. utoljg
E Ru. utolit’ quench, satisfy, soothe; 1sg. utolju, 38g. utolit
S SCr. utoliti ‘calm down’; SIn. tdliti ‘calm, soothe, quench; 1sg. télim
BSL. *tol?-
B Lith. taldyti (dial.) ‘silence, soothe’
PIE *tolH-
Cf. also Lith. tilti, 1sg. tylu ‘fall silent.
*tolka f. 4 (c) ‘neighbourly help (of farmworkers)’
E Ukr. toloka ‘occasional help by fellow villagers, fallow land, pasture, Asg.
toloku
Ww Pl. tloka ‘neighbourly help (of farmworkers), crowd’; tldéka (dial.)
‘neighbourly help (of farmworkers)’; OPI. tluka ‘neighbourly help (of
farmworkers)’; SInc. thiokd ‘corvée’
S SCr. tlaka ‘corvée’; SIn. tlaka ‘corvée’
BSL. *tolka?
496 *topiti I
B Lith. talka 4 ‘unpaid work, party of workers (called together for help)’; Latv.
talka ‘party of workers’
The proposed connection with Toch. B telki n. ‘sacrifice’ (cf. Adams 1999: 306) is
interesting but highly speculative. See also > *telkti.
*topiti I v. ‘heat’
E Ru. topit’ ‘stoke, heat, melt’ sg. toplju, 3sg. topit
Ww Cz. topiti ‘heat’; Slk. topitmelt’; Pl. topic ‘melt, fuse’
S SCr. topiti ‘melt’, isg. topim; Cak. se topit (Orb.) ‘melt’, 38g. se tdpi; SIn. topiti
‘warm, heat, melt’ 1sg. topim; Bulg. topjd ‘melt’
PIE *top-eie-
Cogn. Skt. tapayati ‘heat, torment’
See also: *tepls
*topiti II v. ‘drow’
CS OCS potopiti ‘drown, destroy’, 1sg. potoplio
E Ru. topit’ ‘sink, drown, 1sg. toplju, 38g. topit
WwW Cz. topiti ‘drown;; Slk. topit“drown’; Pl. topic ‘sink, drown’
S SCr. topiti ‘flood’, isg. topim; Cak. se topit (Orb.) ‘drown’, 38g. se topi; SIn.
topiti ‘sink, immerse’, 1sg. topim; Bulg. topjd ‘dive, dunk
Etymology unclear.
*trava f. 4 (b) ‘grass’
OCS trava (Ps. Sin.) ‘grass, plants’
Ru. trava ‘grass’
Cz. trava ‘grass’; Slk. trava ‘grass’; Pl. trawa ‘grass’
SCr. trava ‘grass, herb, plant, weed Asg. travu; Cak. travd (Vrg.) ‘grass, herb,
plant, weed’, Asg. travii; travd (Orb.) ‘grass, herb, plant, weed’ Asg. travo;
trava (Orlec) ‘grass, Asg. travit; Sln. trava ‘grass’; Bulg. trava ‘grass’
nemo
The lengthened grade is reminscent of Lith. Zolé ‘grass, herb, OPr. soalis (EV), salin
(Ench.) Asg. ‘id., which is an old root noun.
See also: *traviti; *tréva; *trovati; *truti; *tryti
*traviti v. (b)
CS OCS travestiima (Supr.) Dpl. m. ptc. pres. act. ‘devouring’ (for travestiime)
E Ru. travit’ ‘exterminate (by poisoning), (coll.) poison, 1sg. travlju, 38g. travit
WwW Cz. trdviti ‘digest, consume, poison’; Pl. trawi¢ ‘digest, spend (time),
consume’
S SCr. traviti ‘feed with grass’
A derivative of > *trava.
*trodb 497
*tretb num. jo ‘third’
CS OCS tretii
E Ru. trétij
Ww Cz. treti; Slk. treti; Pl. trzeci
S SCr. tréct; Cak. tréci, tréti (Vrg.); tréti (Novi); tréti (Orb.); SIn. trétji; Bulg.
tréti
BSI. *tretios (*tirtios)
B Lith. trécias; Latv. tress
OPr. tirts
PIE *tr-t-io-
Cogn. Skt. trtiya- (RV+); Lat. tertius
The original Balto-Slavic form *tirtios was apparently replaced by *tretios on the
analogy of the cardinal *treies (— *trvje, *tri).
*tréva f. a (b) ‘grass’
CS OCS tréva ‘grass, plants’
S Bulg. trevd ‘grass’
See > *trdava.
*tresti v. (c) ‘shake (tr.)’
OCS tresti, 1sg. treso
Ru. trjastt, 1sg. trjasu, 38g. trjasét
Cz. trasti, 1sg. tresu; OCz. triesti; Slk. triast, sg. trasiem; Pl. trzgs¢, 1sg. trzese
SCr. trésti, sg. trésem; Cak. trésti (Vrg.), 28g. trésés; trésti (Hvar), 1sg. trésén;
triés (Orb.), 38g. triesé; Sln. trésti, sg. trésem; Bulg. tresd
Yet O
Vasmer (s.v. trjasu) suggests that *tres represents a contamination of *tres-, cf. Skt.
trasati ‘shiver, and *trem-, cf. Gk. tpéu, Lat. trem6 ‘id.. This hypothesis is endorsed
by LIV (651).
*trovati v. ‘poison’
Ss SCr. trovati, 1sg. triijeém; Cak. trovati (Vrg.), 28g. trijes; trovdt (Hvar), 18g.
triijen; trovat (Orb.), 38g. trijé; Sn. trovati, sg. trujem
Verb in *-ati based on the stem *trov- < *trouH- (>*truti, *tryti).
*trodp m. 0 ‘tree fungus, tinder, mould’
CS OCS trodo ‘illness’; CS trode ‘tree fungus’
E Ru. trut ‘tinder, amadou’; ORu. trudo ‘tree fungus’
Ww Cz. troud ‘mould’; P|. trgd ‘leprosy, Gsg. tradu
S SCr. trid ‘punk, tinder’; Gsg. triida; SIn. tréd ‘punk, colic’
BSL. *trond-?
498 *trotb
B Lith. trandis f.(i) 2/4 ‘woodworm, moth; Latv. triidi Npl. m.(0) ‘mould’
Etymology unknown.
*trotb m. o ‘drone’
CS
E
WwW
S
BSI.
B
SerbCS trute ‘wasp’
Ru. truten’ m.(jo) ‘drone, parasite’
Slk. trut ‘drone’; Pl. truten ‘drone’; trut ‘drone’; trgt (obs.) ‘drone’; OPI. trant
‘drone’; Slnc. trdéyd ‘drone’
SCr. trit ‘drone’, Gsg. triita; SIn. trét ‘drone, parasite’
*tron-
Lith. trdnas ‘drone’; Latv. trans ‘drone
Etymology unclear. The Balto-Slavic forms are strongly reminiscent of Germanic
forms such as MoE drone, MoHG Drohne, which have a different anlaut.
*trudb m. 0 (b/c) ‘labour, trouble’
CS
E
W
B
PIE
Cogn.
OCS trudo ‘labour, work’
Ru. trud ‘labour, work, difficulty, trouble’, Gsg. truda
Cz. trud ‘difficulty, trouble’; Slk. trud (eccl.) ‘pains, grief’; Pl. trud ‘trouble,
labour, work, pains’; Slnc. trid ‘labour, trouble’, Gsg. tritdu
SCr. triad ‘effort, labour, work, Gsg. truda; Cak. triid (Vrg.) ‘effort, labour,
work, Gsg. triidd; trud (Novi, Hvar) ‘effort, labour, work’ Gsg. tridd; trit
(Orb.) ‘work, labour, effort, fatigue’ Gsg. tridd; Sln. trid ‘effort, difficulty’;
Bulg. trud ‘labour, work, effort’
Lith. triiisas ‘work, effort, pains
*troud-o-?
Olc. praut f. ‘trial of strengh, distress’; MHG dr6z m. ‘distress, burden’
On the whole, the accentual evidence is in favour of AP (b), which, if the root is
*troud-, would be in conflict with Winter’s law.
*tripd m. o (c) ‘trunk, corpse’
nemo
B
OCS trupo ‘corpse’
Ru. trup ‘corpse, carcass’; ORu. trup® ‘tree-trunk, corpse, carnage’
Cz. trup ‘trunk’; Slk. trup ‘trunk’; Pl. trup ‘corpse’
SCr. trip ‘trunk, corpse’, Gsg. triipa; Cak. triip (Vrg.) ‘trunk, corpse’, Gsg.
tripa; Sln. trip ‘trunk, body, corpse, log’; Bulg. trup ‘trunk, body, corpse,
carcass
OPr. trupis ‘log’
Only Balto-Slavic.
*truti v.
PIE
*tucbnb 499
OCS natruti ‘feed’ 1sg. natrovo
ORu. truti ‘consume; 1sg. trovu
Pl. truc ‘poison, disturb, torment; 1sg. truje
*trouH-
See > *tryti for the justification of the laryngeal.
*trbstp f. i (c) ‘reed’
nemo
OCS trosto f.(i); trosto
Ru. trost’ ‘cane’; trest’ (dial.)
Cz. trest (obs.); trst (obs.); OCz. trest; trest; Slk. trst} PI. tres¢
SCr. ffst; Sln. t?st, Gsg. tfsta, Gsg. trsti; tfst, Gsg. trsti; Bulg. trast
*trus-
Lith. triusis f.(i) 4; Latv. trusis m.(jo)
The connection with Gk. Opvov n. is dubious, if only because of the anlaut.
*tryti v. ‘rub’
CS
S
PIE
Cogn.
CS tryti
Bulg. trija
*truH-
Gk. tpbw ‘use up’
See also: *trava; *traviti; *tréva; *trovati; *truti
*trbje; *tri num. ‘three’
nemo
PIE
Cogn.
OCS trije, f./n. tri
Ru. tri
Cz. tri; OCZz. trie, f./n. tr; Slk. tri; Pl. trzy
SCr. tri; Cak. tr? (Vrg., Hvar, Orb.); Sln. trijé, f./n. tri; Bulg. tri
*trejes
Lith. trys 4
*trei-es
Skt. trayas (RV+); Gk. tpeic; Lat. trés
See also: *tretb
*tucpn® adj. o ‘fat, rich’
CS
E
WwW
S
BSI.
OCS tucons (Euch., Ps. Sin.) ‘fat, rich’
Ru. tucnyj ‘fat, rich, succulent
Cz. tucny ‘fat’; Slk. tucny ‘fat’; Pl. tuczny ‘fat’
Sln. tuéan ‘fat; f. tiéna; Bulg. tucen ‘fertile, rich, succulent
*tourkinos
500 *tiks
B Lith. taiikinas ‘fat’
Lith. taiikinas is a classic case of métatonie douce (Derksen 1996: 72). The Balto-
Slavic evidence points to *touHk-, which may be a contamination of *tewH and
*teuk- or an enlargement of the former.
See also: *tiks; *tyti
*tiikp m.o (c) ‘fat’
CS OCS tuko (Ps. Sin. En.)
E Ru. tuk; ORu. tuke
W Cz. tuk; Slk. tuk; Pl. tuk
Ss Cak. tik (Novi, Orb.), Gsg. tiika
BSI. *tourkos
B Lith. taukai Npl. 3; Latv. tauki Npl.
OPr. taukis ‘ard’
PIE *touHk-o-
Cogn. OHG dioh m. ‘thigh’
See also: *tucpn; *tyti
*tiirb m. 0 (c) ‘aurochs’
CS OCS turome (Supr.) Isg. ‘bull’
E Ru. tur, Gsg. tira; Ukr. tur, Gsg. tura
W Cz. tur; Sik. tur; Pl. tur
S SCr. tir, Gsg. tira; Sn. tir; Bulg. tur
BSL. *tauros
B Lith. tadiras 4; Latv. taurs
PIE *theuro- (tauro-)
Cogn. Gk. tatpocg m. ‘bull’; Lat. taurus m. ‘bull
*tvarp f. i (c) ‘creation, creature’
CS OCS tvaro ‘creation, creature’
E Ru. tvar’‘creature} Gsg. tvdri
W Cz. tvd? ‘face, cheek’; Slk. tvdr ‘face, cheek’; Pl. twarz ‘face, cheek’
S SCr. tvaér m.(o) ‘creation, creature’; Sln. tvdr ‘matter’, Gsg. tvari; Bulg. tvar
m.(0) ‘creature’
BSI. *twor(?)-
B Lith. tvora f. ‘fence’
PIE *tudrH-
The length attested in Czech and Slovak is irregular, cf. Cz. tvar, Slk. tvar ‘form. The
lengthened grade originated in a root noun.
*tvprdb 501
See also: *tvoriti; *tvorb; *tvprd; *tvprdp
*tvoriti v. (c) ‘make’
PIE
OCS tvoriti ‘do, make’ 1sg. tvorjo
Ru. tvorit’‘create, do, 1sg. tvorjt, 38g. tvorit
Cz. tvoriti ‘do, make’; Slk. tvoritdo, make’; Pl. tworzyé ‘do, make’
SCr. tvoriti ‘do, make’, 1sg. tvorim; Sln. tvoriti ‘form, make’ 1sg. tvorim; Bulg.
tvorjd ‘create’
*tworr-
Lith. tvérti ‘seize, form’; Latv. tve?t ‘seize, hold’
*tuorH-
See also: *tvarb; *tvorb; *tvbrdb; *tvprdp
*tvérb m. 0 (c) ‘creation, creature’
aay)
PIE
Cogn.
OCS tvoro (Ps. Sin., Euch.) ‘creation, ulcer’
ORu. tvore ‘appearance’
Cz. tvor ‘creation, creature’; Slk. tvor ‘creation, creature’; Pl. twér ‘creation,
creature, Gsg. tworu
Sln. tvér ‘creation, furuncle’
*twor(?)-o
Lith. dptvaras ‘fence’
*tuorH-o-
Gk. oopoc f. ‘urn’
See also: *tvarp; *tvoriti; *tvbrdb; *tvprdp
*tvbrdb adj. o (c) ‘hard, firm, solid’
OCS tvrodo ‘firm, solid’
Ru. tvérdyj ‘hard, solid’; tvérd ‘hard, solid’ f. tverdd, f. tvérdo
Cz. tvrdy ‘hard, solid’; Slk. tvrdy ‘hard, solid’; Pl. twardy ‘hard, solid’
SCr. tvéd ‘hard, firm’ f. tvfda; Cak. tv?d (Vrg.) ‘hard, firm; f. tvrdd, n. tvido;
trd (Orb.) ‘hard, firm; f. trda, f. trda, n. tfdo; Sln. t?d ‘hard? f. t’da; tvfd ‘hard,
f. tv’da; Bulg. tvdrd ‘firm, solid, hard’
Lith. tvirtas 3 ‘strong, firm, solid’; Latv. tvi?ts ‘strong, firm, solid’
The Slavic and East Baltic suffixes do not match.
See also: *tvarp; *tvoriti; *tvorb; *tvprdb
*tvprdb f. i ‘citadel, firmament’
CS
E
OCS tvredb ‘base, citadel, firmament’
Ru. tverd’ ‘firmament (nebesnaja t.), earth (zemnaja t.); ORu. tvordo
‘firmament, darkness’
Bulg. tvdrd (arch.) ‘citadel, earth, sky, firmament’
502 *tb
See > *tvordo.
*tb prn. ‘this, that’
CS OCS fo, f. ta, n. to
E Ru. tot, f. ta, n. to; ORu. to, f. ta, n. to
W Cz. ten, f. ta, n. to; Slk. ten, f. ta, n. to; Pl. ten, f. ta, n. to; USrb. ton, f. ta, n. to
S SCr. taj, f. ta, n. t6; Cak. td, ta (Orb), f. td, n. £6, n. td; Sln. td, f. ta, n. t6
BSI. *tos
B Lith. tds, f. ta, n. tai; Latv. tas, f. ta
OPr. stas art./prn. ‘the, this, that; sta(i) f., n. sta
PIE *so
Cogn. Skt. sd, f. sa, n. tdd
The PIE demonstrative pronoun *so, f. *seh2, n. tod was remodelled to Balto-Slavic
*tos, *ta?, *tod.
*tprgati v. (a) ‘tear
E Ru. rastorgat’ ‘cancel, annul’; Ukr. torhaty ‘tear, pull
Ww Cz. trhati ‘tear, pull’; Slk. trhat’tear, pull’; Pl. targac ‘tear, pull’
S SCr. t?gati ‘tear, pluck’; Cak. t?gati (Vrg.) ‘pick grapes’, 28g. tras; trgat (Orb.)
‘pick, (harvest) grapes, 1sg. t’gan; Sln. tfgati ‘tear, pull, 1sg. trgam; Bulg.
targam ‘tear, pull’
This verb may be cognate with Lat. tergé ‘wipe’ but in that case the meaning has been
totally obscured by the resemblance to *dorgati.
See also: *tprzati
*tbScb adj. jo (b) ‘empty’
OCS teste ‘empty’
OCz. tsti ‘empty’; Pl. czczy ‘empty’; OPI. tszczy ‘empty’
SCr. tast ‘empty, vain, conceited’; Cak. tasé (Vrgada) ‘empty’ f. tas¢d, n. tasco;
Sln. tas¢ ‘empty, f. tasca; tas¢ ‘empty’
BSI. *tusk(t)ios
B Lith. tuscias ‘empty’; Latv. tukss ‘empty, poor’
PIE *tus-sk-io-
Cogn. Skt. tucchyd- (RV) ‘empty, vain’
{1} AP (b) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 136).
*ty prn. ‘you
CS OCS ty
E Ru. ty
W Cz. ty; SIk. ty; PL. ty
*tyti 503
S SCr. ti; Cak. ti; ti (Hvar); ti (Orb.); Sln. ti Bulg. ti
BSL. *tue
B Lith. tu; Latv. tu
OPr. tou
PIE *tuH
Cogn. Lat. ti
*tylp m. o (a) ‘back of the neck’
CS SerbCS tylo m. ‘neck’
E Ru. tyl m. ‘back’
Ww Cz. tyl m. ‘back of the neck, nape’; Slk. tylo n. ‘back of the neck, nape’; Pl. ty?
m. ‘back’
S SIn. tit m. ‘back of the neck, nape, rear part, Gsg. tila; Bulg. til m. ‘back of the
neck, nape’
B Lith. télas 3 ‘many’
OPr. tilan adv. ‘much’
PIE *tuH-l-
Cogn. Skt. tiila- (AV+) n. ‘tuft of grass or reeds, panicle of a flower or plant’; Gk.
tbAn f. ‘bulge, lump, hump’
It is very likely that we must reconstruct a neuter *tu?lum, cf. Slk. tylo. The Baltic
examples, which are semantically remote, derive from the same root *tuH- ‘swell,
become fat, strong’ (cf. > *tyti). The etymological relationship with the Sanskrit and
Greek forms is admittedly more uncertain.
*tysoti; *tyseti num. f i (a) ‘thousand’
OCS tysosti f.(1); tysesti f.()
Ru. tysjaéa f.(ja)
Cz. tisic m.(jo); Slk. tisic m.(jo); Pl. tysigc m.(jo)
SCr. tisuca (dial.) f.(ja); Sln. tiséca f.(ja)
BSI. *tursonti-
B Lith. tikstantis m.(jo) 1; tukstantis (dial.) f.(i) 4 Latv. tikstuétis m.(jo);
tukstudtis m.(jo)
OPr. tiisimtons Apl.
PIE *tuH-s-ont-; *tuH-s-ent-
Cogn. Go. pausundi f.
For the root, see > *tyti. The exact formation is unclear.
nemo
*tyti v. ‘become fat’
CS RuCS tyti
Ww Cz. tyti; Sik. tyt
504 *toléti
S SCr. titi
PIE *tuH-
Cogn. Skt. taviti ‘be strong’
See also: *tucpn; *takp
*tbléti v. ‘decay, smoulder’
CS OCS toléti ‘decay, 1sg. toléjo
E Ru. tlet’ ‘rot, decay, smoulder’, 1sg. tléju
WwW Cz. tliti ‘decay, rot, mould’; Slk. tliet'“smoulder’; Pl. tle¢ ‘smoulder’, 1sg. tleje
S SIn. léti ‘smoulder; 18g. tlim; Bulg. tléja ‘smoulder’
BSL *til(?)-
B Latv. tilt? “become soft, become retted’
>
The connection with *utoliti ‘quench, satisfy, relieve’ and Lith. tyléti ‘be silent, soothe
is uncertain.
*tblo; *tbla n. o; f. 4 (b) ‘ground’
OCS na toléxo (Supr.) Lpl. n. ‘on the ground’
Ru. tlo (obs.) n. ‘foundation, bottom’; ORu. tolo n. ‘foundation, bottom’
Cz. tlo (dial.) f. ‘ceiling’; tla (dial.) f. ‘ceiling’; Pl. tfo n. ‘ground, background’
SCr. #6 n. ‘ground, earth, soil, Gsg. tla, Npl. tld; tlé Npl. f. ‘soil, earth; Cak.
tloh (Vrg.) m. ‘ground, earth, soil, Gsg. tlohd; tla (Novi) Npl. n. ‘ground,
earth, soil, Gpl. tal; tlé (Orb.) n. ‘ground, terrain, Gsg. tla, Npl. tla (usually
plural, except the Gsg. tla); SIn. tld Npl. n. ‘ground, earth, Gpl. tat
BSI. *til?-
B Lith. tilés Npl. £.(€ “bottom of a barge, flooring’
PIE *tlH-o-
Cf. also Lith. tiltas, Latv. tilts ‘bridge’.
nemo
*tpma f. 4 ‘darkness’
CS OCS tema
E Ru. t’ma
WwW Cz. tma; Slk. tma; Pl. éma; USrb. éma
S SCr. tama ‘darkness, dusk, fog’; Sln. tama; tma; Bulg. tama
BSI. *timat
B Latv. tima
Cogn. Skt. tamas- n.
Substantive derived from the root *tom- < *tmH-.
See also: *tbmbnb
*tprzati 505
*tpmpnp adj. o (b/c) ‘dark’
BSI.
B
OCS tomone
Ru. témnyj; témen, f. temnd, n. temnd
Cz. temny; Slk. temny; Pl. ciemny; USrb. cémny
SCr. téman, f. tamna, n. témno; taman, f. tamna, n. tamno; Cak. taman
(Vrg.), f. tamnd, n. tamno; Sln. taman, f. tamna; Bulg. tamen
*time-/* tomr-
Lith. tamsus 3; Latv. tumSs; tims? (E. Latv.)
Adjective in *-onv. The root is *tom- < *tmH-.
See also: *tbma
*thnpkp adj. o (¢) ‘thir’
CS
E
Ww
PIE
Cogn.
OCS tonoéaje ‘thinner’ Nsg. n.
Ru. tonkij ‘thin, slender, fine’; tonok ‘thin, slender, fine’ f. tanka, n. tonko
Cz. tenky ‘thin, slender, fine’; Slk. tenky ‘thin, slender, fine’; Pl. cienki ‘thin,
slender, fine’
SCr. tdnak ‘thin, slender, fine’ f£. tanka, f. tanka; Cak. tanak (Vrg.) ‘thin,
slender, fine’, f. tanka, n. tanko; tanak (Orb.) ‘thin, slender, fine} f. tanka, n.
tanko; Sln. tanak ‘thin, meagre, exact’ f. tanka; tanki ‘thin, meagre, exact’ f.
tanka; Bulg. tandk ‘thin, slender, fine’
*tin?-u-/* ten?-u-
Lith. tévas (Zem.) 3 ‘thin, fine’; Latv. tiévs ‘thin, fine’
*tnhy-u-
Skt. tanu- (Br+) ‘thin, slender’; Gk. tavadc ‘outstretched’; Lat. tenuis ‘fine,
thin’; Olr. tanae ‘thin, slender’
Adjective in *-oke, cf. OCS istong (Ps. Sin.) ‘I beat [them] fine’
*tbrnb m. 0 (b) ‘thorn’
E
WwW
S
PIE
Cogn.
OCS trone (Ps. Sin.)
Ru. térn ‘blackthorn, sloe’; téren (dial.) ‘blackthorn, sloe, Gsg. térna; Ukr.
terén, Gsg. ternu
Cz. trn; Slk. tri; Pl. ciern m.(jo); OPI. tarn m.(0); cirri m.(jo)
SCr. tin, Gsg. t?na; Cak. thi (Vrg.), Gsg. trrid; ttn (Orb.), Gsg. tina; Kajk.
térn (Bednja), Gsg. ternd; Sln. trn ‘thorn, thornbush, quill, hook’; Bulg. tran
‘thorn, thistle’
*tr-no-m
Skt. t/na- n. ‘grass, blade of grass’; Go. paurus m. ‘thorn’ Olc. born m. ‘thor’
*tprzati v. ‘tear, pull
CS
OCS trozati (Supr.) ‘pull, tear’, 1sg. tréZo, 1sg. trozajo
506 u
E Ru. terzdt’ ‘tear apart, torment; 1sg. terzdju
S SCr. t?zati ‘pull, jerk’; Cak. t?zat ‘jerk, snatch, tug’, 2sg. t?zas; Sln. trzati ‘tear,
pull out, pluck; 1sg. t?zam; Bulg. tdrzam ‘tear, pull out, pluck’
See > *torgati.
*U
*u prep./pref. ‘from, by, at, (pref.) away’
CS OCS u ‘from, at’; u- ‘away’
E Ru. u ‘by, at’; u- ‘away’
Ww PL. u ‘by, at’; u- ‘away’
S SCr. u ‘by, at’; u- ‘away’; Sln. u- ‘away’; Bulg. u ‘by, at’; u- ‘away’
BSI. *au
B Lith. au- ‘away’; Latv. au- ‘away’
OPr. aumasnan Asg. ‘ablution’; aulaut ‘die’
PIE *hoeu
Cogn. Skt. dva (RV+) prvrb./prep. ‘off, away, down’; Lat. au- pref. ‘away’; OIr. 6
(ua) prep. ‘from’
ubog® adj. 0 ‘poor’ ESSJa XXIV 104-105
CS OCS ubogo ‘poor, wretched’
E Ru. ubégij ‘poverty-stricken, wretched’
Ww Cz. ubohy ‘poor, wretched’; Slk. ubohy ‘poor, wretched’; Pl. ubogi ‘poor’
S SCr. ubog ‘poor’; SIn. ubég ‘poor’
Compound of > *u and > *bége.
*uditi v. (c) ‘teach’
OCS uciti, sg. uco
Ru. ucit’, sg. uct, 38g. ucit {1}
Cz. uciti; Sk. ucits Pl. uczyé
SCr. wciti, 1sg. ucim; Cak. uciti (Vrg.), 28g. uci8; SIn. uciti, sg. ucim; Bulg. vica
BSI. *ourk-
B Lith. jaukinti ‘tame, domesticate’; Latv. jaticét ‘accustom’
OPr. iaukint ‘exercize’
PIE *h,ouk-eie-
Cogn. Skt. ucyati ‘be accustomed to’ (*h,uk-); Go. biuhts adj. ‘accustomed to
(*hieuk-)
The main problem with this etymology is the Balto-Slavic evidence for an acute.
Kortlandt (1977b: 38) claims that initial *u yielded PSI. acute *vy- under the stress
emo
>
*ujb 507
and *vo- pretonically. The East Baltic reflexes under the stress are Lith. i and -
surprisingly - Latv. a. Since we have >*vyknoti (a), it is possible to assume that the
zero grade *uf- provided the basis for full grades *ou?k- (<< *ouk- < *h,ouk-) and
*jourk- (<< *jouk- < *h,euk-). We must keep in mind, however, that Winter’s law has
significantly reduced the evidence for the development proposed by Kortlandt. Note
that the j- of the Baltic forms must be secondary.
{1} AP (c) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 140).
See also: *vyknoti
*udariti v. ‘strike, hit’
CS OCS udariti, sg. udarjo
E Ru. udarit’, isg. uddrju
S SCr. udariti, sg. udarim; Sln. udariti, sg. uddrim; Bulg. uddrja
Prefixed verb with lengthened grade of the root. See > *derti.
*uditi v.
E Ru. udit’ (Dal’) ‘ripen, fill (with)
PIE *HouHd'-
Cogn. Skt. ddhar- n. ‘udder’; OE adder n. ‘udder’
See also: *vyme
*iixo n. 0 (Cc) ‘ear’
CS OCS uxo n.(s/o), Gsg. usese, Gsg. uxa, Ndu. usi
E Ru. tixo, Npl. wisi
W Cz. ucho; Slk. ucho; Pl. ucho
S SCr. tiho, Npl. f. ui; tivo, Npl. f. isi; Cak. itho (Vrg., Hvar), Gsg. tha, Npl. m.
usi; tiho (Novi), Npl. asi; iho (Orb.), Gsg. ahd, Npl. f. a3i; Sln. uhé n.(s), Gsg.
usésa; Bulg. uxd, Npl. ust
BSI. *aus-
B Lith. ausis f.(i) 4; Latv. duss f.(i)
OPr. dusins Apl.
PIE *hoeus-
Cogn. Lat. auris f.; Go. auso f.; Olr. du n.
*ujp m. jo ‘uncle on mother’s side’
E Ru. uj, Gsg. ja; vuj (dial.)
Ww Cz. ujec; Slk. ujec; Pl. wuj
S SCr. iijak; itjac, Gsg. tijca; Cak. iijac (Vrg.), Gsg. tijca; SIn. iijac, Gsg. iijca
BSI. *aur(i)o-
B Lith. avynas m.1
OPr. awis ‘uncle’
508
PIE
Cogn.
*tlica
*h,euh2-i-o-
Hitt. hubha- c. ‘grandfather’; Lat. avus m. ‘grandfather’; Go. awo f.
‘grandmother’; Arm. haw ‘grandfather’; OI. ave m. ‘grandsor
*ulica f. ja (a) ‘street’
PIE
Cogn.
Ru. ulica ‘street’; ORu. ulica ‘square, street, passage’
Cz. ulice ‘street’; Slk. ulica ‘street’; Pl. ulica ‘street’
SCr. iilica ‘yard, street’; Cak. tilica (Orb.) ‘street’; SIn. silica ‘alley, street’; Bulg.
ulica ‘street
*aul-
OPr. aulis ‘shin’
*hpeul-
Gk. abddc m. ‘pipe, flute’; abAwv m. ‘hollow, channel, strait’
Derivative based on the stem *ul- < *hzeul- (> *ulvjv).
See also: *ulbjp
*ulbjp m. io ‘(bee)hive’
Cogn.
RuCs ulii m.(io)
Ru. ulej, Gsg. ul ja
Cz. ul; Sik. ul; Pl. ul
Cak. ailj (Orb.), Gsg. aja; SIn. ailj ‘hollow tree, (bee)hive’; Bulg. dilej ‘pipe,
opening’
*aulios
Lith. auljs m.(io) ‘(bee)hive’; Latv. aiilis m.(io) ‘(bee)hive’
OPr. aulis ‘shin’
Gk. abAdc m. ‘pipe, flute’; Gk. abAwv m. ‘hollow, channel, strait’; Nw. aul
(dial.) m. ‘hollow stalk of angelica’
See also: *ulica
*ump m. 0 (b) ‘mind’
PIE
OCS ume
Ru. um
Cz. um (lit.) ‘mind, skill’; Slk. um; Pl. um
SCr. aim, Gsg. uma; Sln. um ‘mind, wrath’; wm ‘mind, wrath, Gsg. uma; Bulg.
um
*aum(en)-
Lith. aumué m.(n) 3b
*hoeu-m-
A derivative of the root *h2eu, which underlies such forms as Skt. dvis ‘evidently’ <
*hzouis and Gk. ato8avouat ‘perceive’ < *heuis-d'-.
*ustiti 509
See also: *aviti; *avé; *avpn’b
*unbjb adj. jo ‘better’
CS OCS uni ‘better’ n. unje; unéi ‘better, n. unéje; RuCS unje Nsg. n. ‘better’
Etymology obscure. Semantically, the connection with Skt. vanoti ‘defeat, conquer’ is
not unattractive, but we would have to assume Schwebeablaut. If the adjective
contains an n-suffix, the root *h,euH- of Skt. dvati ‘help, protect’ is a candidate (cf.
Meillet Et. II: 435),
*fislo(?) n. o (b) ‘woven fabric on a loom’
E Ru. uslé (Kostrom.) ‘woven fabric on a loom {1}
The most plausible etymology for this obscure form involves a connection with Lith.
dusti (sg. dudZiu) ‘weave’. Vasmer (s.v.) reconstructs the suffix as *-slo, but I find *-tlo
more attractive. In this case, the correspondence between AP (b) in Slavic and an
acute root in Baltic would not pose a problem because the glottal stop originating
from Winter’s law would be lost in pretonic position (see Derksen 1996: 105-111).
{a} As far as I know, this form has only been recorded by Dal’, who adds a question mark. The
word is illustrated by the sentence Cxomb Bemmxo ycno? ‘Muoro am Hatxasa?’ See also Eckert
1970.
*tista Npl. n. o (b) ‘mouth’
CS OCS usta
E Ru. usta (obs., poet.)
W Cz. usta; Slk. usta; Pl. usta
S SCr. tista; Cak. tistd; fista; Sln. vista; Bulg. ustd Npl. n. ‘mouth, opening’; usta
f. ‘mouth, opening’
BSI. *oust- (*aust-?)
B Lith. tiostas m. 1 ‘port, harbour, (dial., arch.) mouth of a river’ {1}; Latv. uésta
f. ‘port, harbour, mouth of a river’ {1}
OPr. austo (EV) ‘mouth’; dustin (Ench.) Asg. ‘mouth’
PIE *Hous-t- (hoseus-t-?)
Cogn. Skt. dstha- (RV+) m. ‘(upper) lip’
The vocalism of the East Baltic forms may have been adopted from *h3o0h;-(e/o)s-
‘mouth; cf. Lat. éstium ‘mouth of a river (EIEC 387, Derksen 2002: 40-41).
See also: *naustiti;*ustiti; *ustbje; *ustpna; *uzda
*ustiti v.
CS OCS ustiti (Supr.) ‘incite, persuade’
S SIn. ustiti ‘say, talk, agitate’ 18g. stim
BSI. *oust- (*aust-?)
B Lith. duscioti ‘gossip, talk nonsense’; Latv. aiisat ‘chatter, talk nonsense’
510 *ustbje
Derivative of > *ista.
*ustbje n. io ‘mouth, estuary’
E Ru. ust’e n.(io) ‘mouth, estuary, orifice’; ORu. ustve n.(io) ‘mouth, estuary’
WwW Cz. usti n.(io) ‘estuary’; Slk. uistie n.(io) ‘estuary’; Pl. ujscie n.(io) ‘estuary’
S SIn. iistje n.(io) ‘estuary’; Bulg. uistie n.(io) ‘estuary, opening’
Derivative of > *iista.
*ustpna f. a ‘lip’
CS OCS ustona f. ‘lip, mouth’ (usually dual or plural)
E Ru. ustnd (dial.) Npl. n. ‘lip’
S SIn. astna f. ‘lip’; Bulg. astna f. ‘lip’
Derivative of > *ista.
*uspnoti v. ‘fall asleep
CS OCS usonoti, 1sg. usong
E Ru. usnut?
Ww Cz. usnouti; Slk. usnut; Pl. usngé
See > *u and > *sopati.
*iltro n. o (a) ‘morning, dawn’ ESSJa VIII 200-202
CS OCS utro ‘morning, dawn; jutro ‘morning, dawn’; utro adv. ‘in the morning,
tomorrow;; jutro ‘in the morning, tomorrow; utré adv. ‘tomorrow; jutré
(Mar.) adv. ‘tomorrow’; zautra adv. ‘in the morning’ {1}
E Ru. uitro ‘morning’; zdvtra adv. ‘tomorrow; ORu. utro ‘morning, dawn’;
zautra adv. ‘tomorrow’
WwW Cz. jitro ‘morning’; jutro (dial.) adv. ‘tomorrow’; zitra adv. ‘tomorrow; SIk.
zajtra adv. ‘tomorrow’; Pl. jutro ‘morning’; jutro adv. ‘tomorrow {2}
S SCr. jiitro ‘morning’; Cak. jiitro (Vrg., Novi, Orb.) ‘morning’; siltra adv.
‘tomorrow’; sjittra adv. ‘tomorrow’; siitra (Vrg., Hvar) adv. ‘tomorrow’; jiitre
(Orb.) adv. ‘tomorrow’; Sln. jutro ‘morning, East’; jatri adv. ‘tomorrow’; jutre
adv. ‘tomorrow zdjtra adv. ‘tomorrow morning’; zdjtre adv. ‘tomorrow
morning, tomorrow; zajtro adv. ‘tomorrow morning, tomorrow zdutra
adv. ‘early in the morning’; Bulg. vitro ‘morning’; titre adv. ‘tomorrow
BSI. *aus(t)ro
B Lith. ausra f. 2/4 ‘dawn’; austra (dial.) f. 4 ‘dawn’; Latv. dustra f. ‘dawn’;
atistra f.‘dawn’
PIE *heus-rom
Cogn. Gk. adptov adv. ‘tomorrow’; Lat. auster m. ‘south wind’; Olc. austr m. ‘East’
The traces of s in this etymon are too many to be ignored. It must be admitted,
however, that the loss of s in PSL. *justro is irregular. According to Nieminen (1956),
the s was lost as a result of dissimilation in syntagms such as *za ustra and *so ustra.
*vabiti 511
The main problem of the etymology *hzeus-ro- is not the absence of s but the PSI.
acute intonation of the root. I suspect that we are dealing with an instance of
contamination here, but for the time being a proper candidate seems to be lacking.
Here Kortlandt’s theory that *(H)u- yielded *u?- comes to mind. The zero grade rom
which the acute would have spread is not attested, however.
{1} In the Psalterium Sinaiticum there is a single occurrence of zaustra ‘in the morning. In
view of Bulg. zdstra, Mcd. dzdstra, this is unlikely to be a writing error. {2} In Old Polish we
find such forms as justrzejszy ‘tomorrows, justrzenka ‘dawn.
*uvedati v. ‘fade, wither’
CS
E
WwW
OCS neuvedajostiime (Supr.) Isg. m. pte. pres. act. ‘unfading’
Ru. uvjadat’ ‘fade, wither’
Cz. uvadati ‘fade, wither’
See > *svednoti.
*uvesti v.
CS
OCS uvesti (Supr.) ‘tie (to, around), crown, 1sg. uvezo
See > *vezati.
*tizda f. a (b) ‘bridle’
CS
E
WwW
S
OCS uzda (Ps. Sin., Supr.)
Ru. uzda
Cz. uzda; OCz. uzda; Slk. uzda; Pl. uzda
SCr. wzda; uzda (Cak.); Cak. iizda (Orb,) ‘bit (of a bridle)’; SIn. tizda
Derivative of > *ista. The suffix *-da may contain *-dh,- ‘put.
ty G >
uZasb m. 0 amazement, horror
CS
E
WwW
S
OCS uZaso ‘ecstasy, horror’
Ru. “Zas ‘horror’
Cz. tiZas ‘amazement, horror’; Slk. #Zas ‘amazement, horror’
Bulg. uZas ‘dismay, dread, horror’
See > *Zasiti.
*V
*vabiti v. ‘lure
CS
E
WwW
OCS vabimo (Supr.) Nsg. n. ptc. pres. pass. ‘being lured’
Ru. vabit’ ‘lure, decoy’
Cz. vabiti lure’; Slk. vabit’ lure’; Pl. wabi¢ ‘lure’; SInc. vabjic ‘lure, invite’, 1sg.
vaubjg
512 *vaditi
S SCr. vabiti lure, attract’ 1sg. vabim; Sn. vdbiti ‘lure, invite’ sg. vabim
Cogn. Go. wopjan ‘call out’; OHG wuoffen ‘bewail’; wuofen ‘whine’; OE wépan
‘weep’
The West and South Slavic evidence points to AP (b) and therefore to lengthened
grade of the root, in which case we may reconstruct *u6b- (with loss of *? after a long
vowel in BSI. *u6?b- from Winter's law?). If the East Slavic accentuation is old,
however, the root may have been *ueh,b- or *uehsb-.
*vaditi v.
CS OCS vaditi (Zogr., Mar., Supr.) ‘accuse; 1sg. vazdo, 28g. vadisi
E Ru. vddit’ (arch., dial.) ‘slander, lure, spend time, deceive’; vddit’ (Novg.)
‘lure, spend time, deceive’
WwW Cz. vaditi ‘hamper, (v. se) quarrel’; Slk. vadif ‘hamper’; Pl. wadzié (obs.)
‘annoy, hamper’; SInc. vazic ‘hamper’
Ss Sln. vdditi ‘report (someone), charge, (v. se) quarrel; sg. vadim
B Lith. vadinti ‘call’
Cogn. Skt. vadati ‘speak, talk’; Hitt. watarnahh- ‘order, instruct’
If we derive *vaditi from *h,uedhy (cf. Skt. vadi ‘speak, talk’), the *a can be attributed
to Winter’s law. This would rule out a connection with Lith. vadinti ‘call’; which is
best derived from *ued"- ‘lead, cf. Latv. vadindt ‘lead, accompany, urge, lure’, vedindt
‘urge, lure’ (cf. Trautmann 1923a: 337, Buga RR II: 642). It seems to me that Ru. vddit’
(Novg.) ‘lure, spend (time), deceive’ cannot be separated from vodit’ ‘lead’ (Baltic
influence?) and therefore does not belong to our etymon *vaditi.
*variti v. (c (b?)) ‘boil, cook’
CS OCS variti (Supr.) ‘cook
E Ru. varit’, sg. varju, 38g. varit {1}
WwW Cz. variti; Slk. varit; Pl. warzyé
Ss SCr. variti, 18g. varim; Cak. variti (Vrg.), 28g. varis; vorit (Hvar), 1sg. vrin;
SIn. variti, 1sg. varim; Bulg. varja
BSI. *wor-ei/i-
B Latv. varit
Causative with lengthened grade of the root *uerh,-, cf. Hitt. u(a)rdni ‘burns (intr.).
{1} AP (c) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 139).
See also: *vars; *virb; *vpréti
*varb m. 0 (c)
CS OCS varo ‘heat’
E Ru. var ‘pitch, (dial.) boiling water, heat’
W Cz. var ‘boiling’; Slk. var ‘boiling’; Pl. war ‘boiling water, heat’
S SCr. var ‘heat’; SIn. var ‘solder’
*vedrb 513
B Lith. varus 4 ‘simmering’
PIE *uorH-o-
See > *variti.
*vasb prn. ‘you (pl.)’
OCS vaso GALpl.
Ru. vas GALpl.
Cz. vas GALpL; Pl. was GALpl.
SCr. vas GApl.; vas GApl. encl.; Cak. vds (Vrg.) GAplL.; vas (Orb.) GApl.; vas
GApl. encl.
B OPr. wans Apl.
The form *vaso goes back to *uds plus the Gpl. ending *-om.
nemo
See also: *vy
*vécerb m. 0 (c) ‘evening’
CS OCS vecero
E Ru. vécer, Gsg. vécera; Bel. vécar, Gsg. vécera; Ukr. vécir, Gsg. vécera
Ww Cz. vecer; Slk. vecer; Pl. wiecz6r; USrb. wjecor
S SCr. vécé, Gsg. vécera; Cak. vécér (Vrg.) f.(i), Gsg. véderi; vécer (Hvar) f.(i),
Gsg. véceri; Sln. vecér; Bulg. vécer
BSI. *wekeros
B Lith. vakaras; Latv. vakars
PIE *uekspero-
Cogn. Gk. gomepoc m.; Lat. vesper m.; MW ucher m.; Arm. giser
See also: *vpéera
*vedro n. 0 ‘nice weather’
CS OCS vedro (Zogr., Mar.) ‘nice weather’
E Ru. védro (obs., coll.) ‘nice weather’
Ww Cz. vedro ‘sweltering heat’
PIE *ued'rom
Cogn. Olc. vedr n. ‘weather’; OHG wetar n.
See also: *vedrp
*vedrb adj. o ‘clear’
CS CS vedro ‘clear’
S SCr. védar ‘clear, serene, cheerful’; Cak. védar (Vrg.) ‘clear, serene, cheerful; f.
vedra, f. védra, n. védro; SIn. védar ‘clear (sky), without rain, f. védra, vedr6
n.; Bulg. védar ‘clear, fresh’
See > *vedro.
514
*veléti
*veléti v. (c) ‘want, order’
PIE
Cogn.
OCS veléti ‘want, order’, 1sg. veljg
Ru. velét’ ‘want, order; 1sg. velju, 38g. velit
Cz. veleti ‘command, order’
SCr. vélim 1sg. ‘say’; vélju (S. dial.) 18g. ‘say’; Cak. veli (Vrg.) 38g. ‘says’; SIn.
veléti ‘want, order, say, 1sg. velim; Bulg. vélja ‘say’
*wel(?)-
Lith. velti (OLith.) ‘allow; 1sg. velmi
*uelh,-
Lat. velle ‘want’; Go. wiljan ‘want
See also: *dovpléti; *velikn;*velpk; *velb; *velpmi; *voliti; *vola
*velikn adj. o ‘big, great’
nemo
OCS veliko ‘big, great, strong
Ru. velikij ‘great, big’
Cz. veliky ‘great, big’; Slk. veliky ‘great, big
SCr. véliki ‘big, strong, intense, great’ f. vélika, n. véliko; Cak. vélik (Vrg.)
‘big, strong, intense, great’ f. velikd, n. veliké (the definite form véliki is more
common); Sln. vélik ‘big, great’, f. velika; véliki ‘big, strong’ f. vélika; Bulg.
velik ‘great, big’
The root *vel- of various Slavic adjectives meaning ‘big, great’ is *uelh,-, cf. Lat. valed
‘be strong, well’.
See also: *velpks; *velb; *velbmi
*velkti v. ‘drag’
E
WwW
S
B
OCS viesti, isg. vléko
Ru. vol6é (coll.), sg. voloku, 38g. volocét; vlec’, sg. vleku, 38g. vlecét; ORu.
voloci, 1sg. voloku
Cz. vléci, isg. vleku; Slk. vliect, sg. vleciem; Pl. wlec, 1sg. wloke
SCr. vidi, sg. viicem; Cak. viici (Vrg.), 28g. vices; viié (Orb.), 18g. viicen; Sln.
vléci, sg. vlécem; Bulg. vlekd, sg. vlecés
*welk-/* wilk-
Lith. vilkti, 3pres. velka, 3pret. vilko; Latv. vilkt, sg. vélku
In LIV (289-290), the root is reconstructed as *h,uelk-, where the laryngeal is based
on Gk. abdAag ‘furrow; @\Ka (Hom.) Asg. ‘id? The etymological relationship with the
Greek forms is not without problems, however, cf. the existence of a variant dAok.
The only other suggested cognates outside Balto-Slavic are a limited number of
forms from Avestan (see LIV: l.c.). I conclude that the Indo-European background of
our Balto-Slavic root is far from solid.
See also: *obolks; *volka; *vélkp
*vergti 515
*velb adj. jo ‘big, great’
RuCS velii ‘big’
Ru. velij (obs.) ‘big’
OCz. veli ‘big’
SCr. véljt ‘great, big, large’ f. vélja, n. véljo; Cak. véli (Novi) ‘great, big, large’ f.
veld, n. veld; véli (Orb.) ‘great, big, large} f. véla, n. vélo; SIn. vél(i) ‘big, great,
f. véla; Mcd. vélij ‘big’
See > *veliko.
nemo
*velbk» adj. o ‘big, great’
W Cz. velky; Slk. velky; Pl. wielki
See > *veliko.
*velpmi adv. ‘very’
CS OCS velomi
E Ru. vel’mi (obs.)
W Cz. velmi; Slk. velmi
Originally an Ipl. in *-miHs. (> *velv).
*veprb m jo ‘(wild) boar
OCS vepro (Ps. Sin.) ‘boar’
Ru. vepr’ ‘wild boar, Gsg. véprja
Cz. vepr ‘pig’; Pl. wieprz ‘pig
SCr. vépar m.(0) ‘boar’, Gsg. vépra; Sln. vépar m.(0) ‘boar’
Oem O
BSI. *weprios
B Latv. vepris m.(io) ‘castrated boar’
Cogn. Lat. aper m. ‘wild boar’; OHG ebur m. ‘wild boar OE eofor m. ‘wild boar’
It can hardly be doubted that this etymon has Italic and Germanic cognates, but the
reconstruction of the anlaut presents difficulties.
*vergti v. ‘throw
CS OCS vrésti ‘throw, 1sg. vrogo
WwW OCz. vrei ‘throw, 1sg. vrhu
S SCr. vidi ‘put, throw’, isg. vigném; Cak. veé (Vrg.) ‘put, throw, 28g. veFzZes;
vréc, vié (Orb.) ‘put, throw, 1sg. v?zém; vréé (Orlec) ‘throw away; 1sg. vérZen;
Sln. vréci ‘throw, 1sg. viZem
PIE *uerg”-
Cogn. Go. wairpan ‘throw
LIV (689) suggests that in Germanic *w - k” > *w - p, cf. *wulfa-.
See also: *vprgnoti
516 *verme
*verme n.n ‘time’
CS OCS vréme
E Ru. vrémja (a Church Slavicism); ORu. veremja; Bel. véreme; Ukr. véremje
S SCr. vrijéme, Gsg. vrémena; Cak. vrime (Vrg., Novi, Hvar), Gsg. vrimena;
vriéme (Orb.), Gsg. vrémena; Sln. vréme ‘weather, cause, Gsg. vreména;
vréme ‘weather, cause’; Bulg. vréme
PIE *uert-men-
Cogn. Skt. vartman- n. ‘track, course’
See also: *verteno; *vorta; *vortiti; *vprsta; *vprstva; *vprtéti
*verteno n. o (b) ‘spindle’
CS CS vréteno (Parim.) ‘spindle’
E Ru. veretend ‘spindle, axle’
WwW Cz. vreteno ‘spindle’; Slk. vreteno ‘spindle’; Pl. wrzeciono ‘spindle’; USrb.
wrjeceno ‘spindle’
S SCr. vreténo ‘spindle’; Cak. vretend (Orb.) ‘spool, spindle’; Sln. vreténo
‘spindle’; Bulg. vreténo ‘spindle’
PIE *uert-en-om
Cogn. Skt. vartana- n. ‘rotation, rolling’
See also: *verme; *vorta; *vortiti; *vprsta; *vprstva; *vprtéti
*verslo n. 0 (b?)
E Ukr. veréslo ‘gourd stalk’
Ww Cz. poviislo ‘binder’
S SCr. vrijéslo ‘kettle hook’
PIE *uergh-s-lom
Cogn. OS wurgil m. ‘snare’
See also: *otbverzti; *povorzb; *pavorzb
*vérs; *vérskb m. 0 (c) ‘heather’
E Ru. véresk; véres
WwW Cz. vres; Slk. vres; Pl. wrzos; USrb. wrjds, Gsg. wrjosa; wrés (dial.)
S SCr. vrijes; Sln. vrés
BSI. *wertz-l*wirtz-
B Lith. virZis m.(io); Latv. vitzis m.(io); virsis m.(io)
Etymology uncertain. The variants with *s may originate from forms with a suffix
*-(s)k-, cf. also Latv. virksne ‘potato-stalks.
*veslo n. 0 (b) ‘oar’
CS OCS vesla (Supr.) Npl. ‘oars’
E Ru. vesl6 ‘oar’
*vetbxb 517
W Cz. veslo ‘oar’; Slk. veslo ‘oar’; Pl. wiosto ‘oar’
S SCr. véslo ‘oar’; Cak. veslé ‘oar’, Npl. vésld; vesl6 (Novi) ‘oar’, Npl. vésla; Sln.
véslo ‘oar’; Bulg. vesl6 ‘oar’
An alternative for a reconstruction *ueg'-s-lom would be *ueg'-tlom.
See also: *voziti; *v6zb
*vesna f. 4 ‘spring’
OCS vesng (Ps. Sin.) Asg.
Ru. vesnd, Asg. vesnui {1}
Cz. vesna; Pl. wiosna
SCr. vésna; SIn. vésna
BSI. *wes-n/(e)r-
B Lith. vadsara ‘summer’; Latv. vasara ‘summer’
PIE *ues-r/n-
Cogn. Skt. vasantd- (RV+) m. ‘spring’; Skt. vasar- (RV) adv. ‘in the early morning’;
Gk. gap n. ‘spring’; Lat. uér n. ‘spring
{1} AP (c) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 138).
emO
*vesti v. (c) ‘lead, conduct’
CS OCS vesti, isg. vedo
E Ru. vesti, sg. vedu, 38g. vedét
W Cz. vésti lead, conduct; isg. vedu; Slk. viest; Pl. wiesé
S SIn. vésti, sg. védem
BSI. *wed-
B Lith. vésti lead} 3sg. véda
PIE *uedh-
Cogn. Ol. fedid ‘go, bring’
See also: *voditi
*vetbxb adj. o ‘old, ancient’
CS OCS vetexe ‘old, ancient’
E Ru. vétxij ‘old, ancient, decrepit’; vetx ‘old, ancient, decrepit’ f. vetxa, n. vétxo
W Cz. vetchy ‘feeble, decrepit’
S Bulg. vétxi ‘old’; vext ‘old’
BSI. *wetusos
B Lith. vétusas (obs.) ‘old, archaic’
Cogn. Lat. vetus ‘old’
In view of Lat. vetus, Gsg. veteris, the Balto-Slavic adjective is a thematized form
*uet-us-o- (Beekes 1985: 59-61).
518 *vezti
*vezti v. (c) ‘cart, lead, convey’
CS OCS vesti (Supr.) ‘cart, lead, convey; 1sg. vezo
E Ru. vezti ‘cart, convey, 1sg. vezi, 38g. vezét
WwW Cz. vézti ‘lead, convey; 1sg. vezu; Slk. viezt' ‘lead, convey; 18g. veziem; Pl.
wiezé ‘lead, convey, 1sg. wioze
S SCr. vésti ‘lead, convey; 1sg. vezém
BSI. *ved-
B Lith. véZti ‘lead, convey’
PIE — *ueg-
Cogn. Skt. vdhati ‘carry, drive, lead’; Lat. vehere ‘drive, lead’; Olc. vega ‘move,
swing, lift’
See also: *vesl6; *voziti; *vOzb
*védéti v. ‘know
CS OCS védeti, 1sg. vémp, 18g. védé, 38g. vésto
E Ru. védat’ ‘manage, (obs.) know’
W Cz. védeéti; Sik. vedet; Pl. wiedzie¢, isg. wiem
S Sln. védeti, sg. vem
BSI. *woitd-
OPr. waist
PIE *uoid- (pf.)
Cogn. Skt. véda 38g. pf.; Gk. oi5a 38g. pf.; Go. wait 3sg. pf.
See also: *vidéti; *vidb
*védro n. o (b) ‘bucket’
OCS védro (Euch., Supr.) ‘barrel’
Ru. vedr6
Cz. védro; Slk. vedro; Pl. wiadro
SCr. vjédro; vijédro (Montenegro); Cak. vidro (Vrg.); Sln. védro; Bulg. vedré
BSI. *werd(e)ro
B Lith. védaras m. 3* ‘sausage, (dial.) belly, intestines’; Latv. védars m. ‘belly’
OPr. weders (EV) ‘belly, stomach’
PIE *ued-rom
Cogn. Skt. uddra- n. ‘belly, womb’; Gk. bSepoc m. m. ‘dropsy’; Gk. 65epoc" yaothp
(Hes.) m.; Lat. uterus m. ‘lower abdomen, belly, womb’ (with unclear -t-)
OemO
There are basically two etymologies for this noun. According to, among others,
Meillet (Et. II: 407-408) and Vasmer (s.v. vedré), *védro derives from the root of
*uod-r/n- ‘water’ (> *voda), cf. Gk. bdpia ‘water-pot, pitcher, vessel’. The other option
is to connect the word for ‘bucket’ with forms meaning ‘womb, belly. The former
etymology offers a much better explanation for the full grade of the Balto-Slavic
*véno 519
forms. In both cases the long vowel of the root can be attributed to Winter’s law,
which at first sight is incompatible with AP (b). In my framework, however, it is
possible to assume that in Proto-Slavic the reflex of the laryngeal was lost in pretonic
position (the sequence -dr- prevented the Balto-Slavic retraction of the stress from
final open syllables). The remaining problem is the fact that the evidence points
almost exclusively to a short root vowel, as words of the aforementioned type as a
rule appear to have escaped the pretonic shortening that took place before Dybo’s
law.
*véja f. ja ‘branch’
CS OCS véja ‘branch’
S Sn. véja ‘branch, twig, foliage’
PIE *uoHi-ehy
Cogn. Skt. vaya- f. ‘branch, twig’
Skt. vaya- f. ‘branch, twig’ points to *uoiH-eh2, while for Slavic a root *uoHi- would
be preferable (> *viti).
*véjati v. (a) ‘blow (of wind), winnow’
CS OCS véjati (Supr.) ‘blow (of wind); 1sg. véjo, 38g. véjeto
E Ru. véjat’ ‘winnow, blow (of wind); 1sg. véju, 38g. véet
WwW Cz. vati ‘blow (of wind); 1sg. véji; OCz. vati ‘blow (of wind); 1sg. véju; vieti
‘blow (of wind); 1sg. véju; Slk. viat ‘blow (of wind)’; Pl. wiac ‘blow (of wind)’
S SCr. vijati ‘winnow, fall heavily (snow), 1sg. vijém’; Cak. vijati (Vrg,) ‘rise
(steam), winnow, 2sg. vijes; véjat (Orb.) ‘sieve, winnow, 38g. viéje; Sln. véti
‘blow (of wind), winnow, 1sg. véjem; véjati ‘winnow, blow (of wind), 1sg.
véjam, 1sg. véjem; Bulg. véja ‘blow (of wind), blow away, winnow’
PIE *hyueh,-
Cogn. Skt. vati ‘blow (of wind)’; Gk. ¬ (Hes.) 38g. pres. ‘id’; OHG waen ‘id’
See also: *vétrb
*véko n. 0 (a) ‘lid, eyelid’
CS OCS vékoma (Ps. Sin.) Ddu. ‘eyelids’
E Ru. véko ‘eyelid, (dial.) cover of a bast basket or punnet’
W Cz. viko ‘lid’; OCz. vieko ‘lid’; Slk. veko ‘lid’; Pl. wieko ‘lid’
S SIn. véka f. ‘lid, eyelid’; véko n. ‘eyelid’
BSI. *vorko; *vé?ko
B Lith. vokas m. 1/3 ‘eyelid, envelope’; Latv. vaks m. ‘lid, eyelid’
Etymology unclear.
*véno n. 0 (c?) ‘bride-price’
E Ru. véno ‘bride-price’; ORu. véno ‘bride-price’
520 *véra
WwW Cz. véno ‘bride-price’; Slk. veno ‘bride-price’; Pl. wiano ‘bride-price’; USrb.
wéno ‘dowry’
S SCr. vijéno (arch., dial.) ‘wedding, bride-price’ {1}
PIE *h,ued-no-m
Cogn. Gk. gedva Npl. n. ‘bride-price, wedding-gifts’; OE weotuma m. ‘bride-price’
{1} According to Hamp (1968, 1970b), the SCr. form adopted the accentuation of vijénac
‘wreath, which came to mean ‘wedding.
*véra f. a (a) ‘faith, belief”
CS OCS véra
E Ru. véra
WwW Cz. vira; Slk. viera; Pl. wiara
S SCr. vjéra; Cak. vira (Vrg.); véra (Orb.); SIn. véra; Bulg. vjdra
PIE *ueh;-1-ehz
Cogn. Lat. vérus adj. ‘true’; OHG wara f. ‘treaty, loyalty, protection’
*vétjati v. ‘say’
CS OCS véstati ‘say’ 1sg. véstajo
E Ru. vescat’ ‘broadcast, (obs.) prophesy, (coll.) pontificate, lay down the line’,
isg. vescdju (A Church Slavicism)
WwW OCz. vécéch (vecéch, vecech) 1sg. aor. ‘said’, vécé (vecé, vece) 38g. aor. ‘said’
S SCr. vijécati ‘deliberate’ sg. vijecam; Bulg. vestdja ‘proclaim, prophesy’
BSI. *woitiar-
OPr. waitiat ‘say’
To my knowledge, the root is only Balto-Slavic.
See also: *obétjati; *ot(»)vétjati
*vétrb m. 0 (a) ‘wind’
CS OCS vétro
E Ru. véter
W Cz. vitr; Slk. vietor; Pl. wiatr; Slnc. vjatér; USrb. wétr
Ss SCr. vjétar, Gsg. vjétra; Cak. vitar (Vrg.), Gsg. vitra; vétar (Novi); vétar
(Orb.); SIn. vétar, Gsg. vétra; Bulg. vjatar
BSI. *uertr-
B Lith. vétra f. ‘storm’; véjas m. ‘wind’; Latv. vétra f. ‘storm’
See > *véjati.
*vednoti v. (a) ‘fade, wither’
E Ru. vjdnut?
WwW Cz. vadnouti; Slk. vadniut: Pl. wiedngé
*vidb 521
Ss SCr. vénuti; Cak. vénuti (Vrg.), 28g. vénes; vénut (Hvar), 1sg. vénen; SIn.
véniti
See > *svednoti.
*vézati v. (b) ‘tie’
OCS vezati ‘tie, join; 18g. veZo, 18g. vezajo
Ru. vjazat’ ‘tie, bind, knit’ 18g. vjazu, 38g. vjdzet
Cz. vdzati ‘tie, bind’; Slk. viazat'tie, bind’; Pl. wigzac ‘tie, bind’
SCr. vézati ‘tie, connect, bind? 1sg. vézém; Cak. vézdti ‘tie, connect, bind’, 2g.
vézes; vézdt (Hvar) ‘tie, connect, bind’ 1sg. vézen; viezdt (Orb.) ‘tie, connect,
bind; 1sg. viéZen; Sln. vézati ‘tie, bind’, 1sg. vézem; Bulg. véza ‘stitch’
PIE —*hymg"-
Cogn. Hitt. hamank ‘tie, betroth’ (*h,m-(0)n-g'-); Gk. dyyxw ‘squeeze, strangle’; Lat.
angere ‘strangle, choke’
nemo
The origin of the initial *v remains unclear.
See also: *gziti; *Ozl; *ozpk; *uvesti
*vidéti v. (a) ‘see’
CS OCS videti, sg. vizdo, 38g. vidito
E Ru. videt’, isg. vizu, 38g. vidit
WwW Cz. vidéti; Sik. videt; Pl. widziec
S SCr. vidjeti, 1sg. vidim; Cak. viti (Vrg.), 28g. vidis; vidit (Novi), 28g. vidi8;
vidit (Hvar), 1sg. vidin; videt (Orb.), 1sg. vidin; Sln. videti, sg. vidim; Bulg.
vidja
BSI. *weird-
B Lith. veizdéti (Zem.) ‘look, look for’
PIE *ueid-
Cogn. Gk. eidov 1sg. aor. ‘saw’; Lat. vidére ‘see’; Go. witan ‘observe’
See also: *védéti; *vidb
*vidb m. 0 (c) ‘sight, view, appearance’
CS OCS vido ‘sight, view, appearance’
E Ru. vid ‘appearance, species, sort’
Ww Cz. vid ‘appearance’; Slk. vid ‘appearance’
S SCr. vid ‘sight, appearance’ Gsg. vida; Cak. vid ‘sight, appearance’ Gsg. vida;
SIn. vid ‘sight, appearance’; Bulg. vid ‘sight, appearance’
BSI. *weitdos
B Lith. véidas 1/3 ‘face’; Latv. veids ‘form, external appearance’
PIE *ueid-o-
Cogn. Skt. védas- n. ‘knowledge, insight’; Gk. eiSoc n. ‘appearance’
522 *vixbr'b
See > *vidéti.
*vixbrb m. 0 ‘whirlwind’
E Ru. vixr’ m.(jo) ‘whirlwind’; vixdr m.(0) ‘forelock’; vixor (dial.) m.(o)
‘whirlwind’; vixér (dial.) m.(0) ‘whirlwind’; ORu. vixore m.(jo) ‘whirlwind’
WwW Cz. vichr m.(0) ‘stormwind’; Slk. vichor m.(o) ‘stormwind’; Pl. wicher m.(0)
‘whirlwind, storm’; USrb. wichor m.(o) ‘storm’; LSrb. wichor m.(o) ‘storm’;
wichar (arch.) m.(0) ‘storm’
S SCr. vihar m.(o) ‘whirlwind’; SIn. vihar m.(0) ‘storm, lock of hair, Gsg. vihra;
vihdr m.(jo) ‘storm, Gsg. vihdrja; vihra f.(a) ‘storm’; Bulg. vixdr m.(0)
‘stormwind’
BSI. *werisur/los
B Lith. viesulas m.(o) 3* ‘whirlwind’; viesula f. 1 ‘whirlwind’; Latv. viésulis
m.(io) ‘whirlwind’; viésuls m.(0) ‘whirlwind’
PIE *uehyi-s-
Cogn. Lat. viére ‘wind, bend’
The root is *ueh,i- ‘twist’ (> *viti). Here we find *ueh,i-s-.
*virb m. o ‘whirlpool’
E Ru. vir ‘whirlpool, deep spot in a river or a lake’
Ww Cz. vir ‘whirlpool’; Slk. vir ‘whirlpool’; Pl. wir ‘whirlpool’
S SCr. vir ‘whirlpool, deep spot in a river’, Gsg. vira; SIn. vir ‘source, whirlpool’;
Bulg. vir ‘deep spot in a river, pond’
B Lith. vyris m.(io) ‘whirlpool’; vyrius m.(ju) ‘whirlpool’
See also: *variti; *varb; *vpréti
*viti v. ‘twist, wind’
CS OCS viti, 1sg. vojo
E Ru. vit’, sg. v'ju, 38g. vet
WwW Cz. viti; Slk. vit} Pl. wié
S SCr. viti, 1sg. vijém, 18g. vijem; Sln. viti, 1sg. vijem; Bulg. vija
BSI. *wi-
B Lith. vyti; Latv. vit
PIE *uhyi-
Cogn. Lat. viére ‘wind, bend’
For the position of the laryngal, see Schrijver 1991: 245.
See also: *véja; *vitb
*vitb f. i
E Ru. vit’ ‘something that has been plaited’
*voditi 523
WwW SInc. vjic ‘pole of willow wood for tying up a thatched roof’
S SCr. pavit ‘vine’; Sln. vit ‘screw, turn’
BSI. *writis
B Lith. vytis f£.(i) 4 ‘twig’
PIE *uHi-ti-
Cogn. Av. vaéti- ‘willow
See also: *véja; *viti
*voda f. 4 (c) ‘water’
CS OCS voda
E Ru. voda, Asg. vodu
W Cz. voda; Slk. voda; Pl. woda
S SCr. voda, Asg. vidu; Cak. voda (Vrg., Novi, Hvar), Asg. védu; vodd (Orb.),
Asg. védo; Sln. véda; Bulg. voda
BSI. *wondor, Gsg. *undnes
B Lith. vandu6é m.(n) 3°; Latv. tidens m.
OPr. wundan; unds
The origin of *voda is the heteroclitic noun *uod-r/n- ‘water. The fact that the
etymon was not affected by Winter’s law calls for an explanation. Kortlandt (1979:
60-61, cf. 1988: 388-389) claims that the vocalism of *voda continues the Gsg.
*(v)undnes of a Balto-Slavic noun *vondor, with a nasal infix originating from a
suffix, as in Lat. unda (cf. Thurneysen 1883). The sequence *ndn blocked Winter’s law
(cf. the regular acute in Lith. vandué). The vocalism *vod- arose in Proto-Slavic when
*un was lowered before a tautosyllabic stop, which development was followed by the
dissimilatory loss of the *n (cf. > *ognv).
Cogn. Skt. uddn- (RV+) n.; Hitt. uatar n., Gsg. uetenas; Gk. béwp n.; Lat. unda f.
‘wave’; Go. wato n.; OS watar n.; Olc. vatn n.
See also: *vydra
*voditi v. (b) ‘lead, conduct’
CS OCS voditi, sg. vozdo
E Ru. vodit’, 1sg. vozt, 38g. vodit
WwW Cz. voditi; Slk. voditi; Pl. wodzié
S SCr. voditi, sg. vodim; Cak. voditi (Vrg.), sg. vodim; SIn. véditi, 18g. v6dim;
Bulg. vodja
BSI. *vod-ei/i-
B Lith. vadyti ‘lead’; Latv. vadit ‘lead’
PIE *uodh-
Cogn. Or. fedid ‘go, bring’
See > *vesti.
524
*vojb; *voinb
*vojp; *voinb m. jo; m. o ‘soldier’
CS
E
WwW
S
OCS voi; voine
Ru. vdino ‘soldier, warrior’; ORu. voins, Npl. voi
Cz. vojin; vojak; Slk. vojin; vojak; Pl. wojak
SCr. vojnik; Sln. vojnik; Bulg. vojnik
For the etymology of the root, see > *povinoti. The formation of *vojo is *uoih,-o-.
*vojpna f. a ‘war’
E
W
S
Ru. vojnd
Cz. vojna; Slk. vojna; Pl. wojna
SCr. véjna (obs.); SIn. vdjna ‘war, army’; Bulg. vojnd
See the previous lemma.
*voldéti; *voldati v. ‘rule’
PIE
Cogn.
CS vladéti ‘rule’
Ru. vladét’ ‘own, control, wield’; volodét’ (dial.) ‘own, control, wield’
Slk. vlddat’‘be able’; Pl. wladac¢ ‘rule, reign’; OP]. wlodaé rule, reign’
SCr. viddati ‘rule’, isg. vladam; Cak. vlddati (Vrg.) ‘rule’ 1sg. vlddam; vlddati
(Vrg.) ‘rule? 2sg. vlddas; Sln. viddati ‘lead, direct, rule, own’, 1sg. vlddam;
lddati ‘lead, direct, rule, own, 1sg. ladam
*woltd-
Lith. valdyti ‘rule, govern, wield’, 3pres. valdo, 3pret. valdé; Latv. valdit ‘rule,
govern, wield’
*uolH-d*-
Go. waldan ‘rule’; OHG waltan ‘rule’
Apparently, the (present-)suffix *-d* became part of the root. The basic root is
usually reconstructed with a laryngeal (cf. LIV: 676), which is apparently present in
Lith. véldéti ‘rule’ cf. Olv. follnaithir ‘rule’. The Baltic forms with o-grade, e.g. Latv.
valdit and Latv. valsts f.(i) ‘state, realm, point to a circumflex syllabe, however.
See also: *volsti; *volstb
*volga f. 4 (a) ‘moisture, liquid food’
CS
E
BSI.
OCS vlaga ‘moisture’
Ru. voldga (dial.) ‘moisture, liquid food, additional ingredients, side-dish,
butter, bacon, fat’; vdloga (dial.) ‘moisture, liquid food, additional
ingredients, side-dish, butter, bacon, fat’; ORu. vologa ‘liquid food or
additions to it, butter, fat’
Cz. vidha ‘moisture’; Slk. viaha ‘moisture’; USrb. wloha ‘humidity’
SCr. vidga ‘moisture, dampness’; Cak. viiga (Vrg., Orb.) ‘moisture,
dampness’; Sln. vidga ‘moisture, rain, soup’; Bulg. vidga ‘moisture’
*wol?ga?
*volka 525
B Lith. valga (E. Lith.) f. ‘food, victuals’; pavalga f. ‘food, victuals, additional
ingredient’; Latv. pavalga f. ‘additional ingredient, side-dish’; pavalgs m.
‘additional ingredient, side-dish’
OPr. welgen (EV) [‘snuppe’] ‘cold’
PIE *uolg-ehz
Cogn. OHG wolchan n. ‘cloud’
The semantic aspects of this etymology were discussed by Eckert (1982-1983).
See also: *volZiti; *vplgpkp
*voliti v. ‘wish, choose’
CS OCS voliti ‘want, wish’ 1sg. voljo
WwW Cz. voliti ‘choose’; Slk. volit'‘choose’
S SIn. véliti ‘choose, wish, bequeath, prefer’ 1sg. vélim
PIE *uel(H)-
See also: *dovoléti; *veléti; *vola
*vola f. ja (b) ‘will, wish’
CS OCS volja
E Ru. vélja ‘will, wish, freedon’
W Cz. ville; Slk. vola; Pl. wola; OPI. wold; USrb. wola; LSrb. wola
S SCr. vélja; Cak. vdla (Vrg., Novi) ‘wish, desire’; volja (Orb.); SIn. vélja; Bulg.
volja
BSI. *wolei?; *wolj-
PIE *uol(H)-(e)ihi
Cogn. OHG wala f. ‘choice’
According to Kortlandt (1997c: 162), we may be dealing with a proterodynamic ih,-
stem.
See also: *dovpléti; *veléti; *voliti
*volka f. 4 (b)
E Ru. vol6ka (dial.) ‘part of a field, measure of an area’; Ukr. voloka ‘part of a
field, measure of an area
W Pl. widka (dial.) ‘pasture’
S Cak. vlakd (Novi) Iumber road? Asg. vlakii; Sln. vidka ‘tugging, harrowing’
BSI. *wolka?
B Lith. valka (dial.) 2 ‘draught’; Latv. valka? ‘draught
See > *vélko
526
*volkno
*volkno n. o (b) ‘fibre’
E
Ww
S
PIE
Cogn.
Ru. volokné
Cz. vldkno; Slk. vidkno; Pl. widkno
SCr. vldkno; Sin. vlakno; Bulg. vlakné
*uolk-nom
OE wloh m. ‘fibre, fringe’
An instance of depalatalization before a resonant, cf. > *vélso.
*vélkp m. 0 (c)
E
PIE
Cogn.
Ru. vdlok ‘portage’, Gsg. véloka; Ukr. voloka f. ‘part of a field, measure of an
area’
Cz. vlak m. ‘drag-net’; vlaka (Mor. dial.) f. ‘drag-net’; Slk. vlak ‘drag-net’; Pl.
wiok ‘seine, sweep-net’; widk ‘seine, sweep-net’
SCr. vldk ‘portage’; Sln. vldk ‘tug, drag-net’; Bulg. vlak ‘train’
*wolkos
Lith. valka (dial.) f. 2 ‘draught’; Latv. valka? f. ‘draught’
*(h2)uolk-o-
Gk. 6AKéc m. ‘windlass’
See also: *velkti; *volka
*volsti v. ‘rule’
CS
WwW
OCS viasti ‘rule’ 1sg. vlado
Cz. vldsti (obs.) ‘rule’
See > *voldeéti, *voldati
*vélstb f. i ‘rule
BSI.
B
OCS vlasto ‘power, sovereignty, rule’
Ru. vélost’ ‘volost (smallest administrative unit in Tsarist Russia)’; vlast’
‘power, authority’
Cz. vlast ‘homeland’; Slk. vlast ‘homeland’; Pl. wlos¢ ‘farmstead, village’
SCr. vidst ‘rule’; SIn. ldst ‘property’; vidst ‘property’; Bulg. vlast ‘power,
authority’
*wolstis
Latv. valsts f.(i) ‘state, realm’
A deverbative in *-ti (> *voldéti, * voldati, *volsti).
*vélsb m. 0 (c) ‘hair’
CS
E
WwW
OCS vlaso
Ru. volos, Gsg. volosa; Bel. vélas, Gsg. volasa; Ukr. volos, Gsg. vélosa
Cz. vlas; Pl. wlos; USrb. wilds, Gsg. wtosa
*vorgb 527
S SCr. vids, Gsg. vidsa; Cak. vlds (Vrg.), Gsg. vldsa; vlés (Novi, Orb.), Gsg.
visa; Kajk. ldos (Bednja), Gsg. Idosa; SIn. lds, Gsg. ldsa, Gsg. lasii; las
PIE *uolk-o-
Cogn. Skt. vdlsa- (RV, AV+) m. ‘sprout, twig’; LAv. varasa- m. ‘hair (on the head)’
See also: *volkno
*volZiti v. ‘wet, moisten’
E Ru. volozit’ (dial.) ‘wet, become wet, pour’
WwW Cz. viaziti ‘wet, moister”
Ss SIn. vldZiti ‘wet, moisten, isg. vldzim
BSI. *wol?g-ei/i-
B Lith. vdlgyti ‘eat’; Latv. valgit ‘eat in a hurry, gobble’ (according to ME, a
borrowing from Lithuanian)
PIE *uolg-
Within Slavic, Ru. voloznicat’ (dial.) ‘eat something filling, tasty, live in luxury’ is
semantically close to the Baltic forms.
See also: *volga; *vplgpkp
*vona; *vonp f. ja; f. i (b) ‘smell’
OCS vonja ‘smell’
Ru. von’ ‘stench’; ORu. vonja ‘fragrance, smell’
Cz. vune ‘fragrance, smell’; Slk. vote ‘smell’; Pl. won ‘smell’; USrb. won ‘smell’
SCr. vonj ‘smell, odour, stench’ Gsg. vonja; vonja ‘smell, odour, stench’; Cak.
vén (Vrg., Hvar) ‘smell, odour, Gsg. vona; vén (Novi) ‘smell, odour, Gsg.
vona; v"6nj (Orb.) ‘smell, Gsg. vonja; SIn. vonj ‘smell, Gsg. vénja; vénja
‘smell’; Bulg. vonjd ‘stench’
nemo
This etymon may be a jd-stem derived from the root *h,enh,- ‘breathe’ cf. Gk. dvepioc
‘wind; Lat. animus ‘spirit, soul’
*vérgb m.o (c) ‘foe’
CS OCS vrago ‘foe’
Ru. vorog (folk poet.) ‘foe, fiend’
Cz. vrah ‘foe’; Slk. vrah ‘murderer’; Pl. wrdg ‘foe, Gsg. wroga; USrb. wroh
‘murderer’, Gsg. wroha
S SCr. vrag ‘devil, Gsg. vraga; Cak. vrag (Vrgda) ‘devil, Gsg. vraga; vrah (Orb.)
‘devil} Gsg. vrdga; Sln. vrag ‘devil’; Bulg. vrag‘enemy’
=o
BSI. *worrgos
B Lith. vargas 2/4 ‘hardship, misery’; Latv. vargs? (dial.) ‘misery’; vargs ‘pining,
miserable’
OPr. wargan Asg. ‘misery, suffering, danger’; wargs adj. ‘evil’
PIE *(hi)uorg-o-
528 *vorna
Cogn. Go. wrikan ‘persecute’
The reconstruction of an initial laryngeal hinges on Gk. eipyw ‘shut in, shut out,
which may or may not be cognate (cf. Derksen 1996: 73-74). I now believe that the
Baltic o-stem substantive mentioned above was an end-stressed neuter at the time
when the East Baltic retraction of the stress from word-final *-a operated, causing
metatony. The Slavic form, which obviously was not neuter, cannot be regarded as a
barytone masculine o-stem that became mobile as a result of Illi¢-Svitye’s law
because the root was originally acute (this is a correction to o.c.: 74). It is therefore an
original mobile noun that underwent Meillet’s law. The acute originates from
Winter’s law.
*vorna f. a (a) ‘crow’
CS RuCs vrana
E Ru. voréna
W Cz. vrdna; Slk. vrana; Pl. wrona; USrb. wréna
S SCr. vrana; Cak. vrana (Vrg., Novi, Orb.); Sln. vrdna; Bulg. vrana
BSI. *wortnat
B Lith. varna; Latv. varna
OPr. warne
This is a perennial example of Balto-Slavic métatonie rude resulting from vrddhi (e.g.
Pedersen 1933: 55). Kortlandt (1985b: 121) draws a comparison with Gk. Kdpag :
kop@vn and Lat. corvus : cornix (both ‘raver’ : ‘crow’) and assumes that in Balto-
Slavic the root *kor- ‘burn’ was replaced with the synonymous *wor-. The metatony is
attributed to the fact that the suffix of *wor-?n-a? ‘crow contained a laryngeal, while
the word for ‘raven’ originally had a suffix *-wos. This ingenious explanation has met
with scepticism because of its ad hoc character. I would argue, however, that a unique
case of Balto-Slavic metatony calls for a unique explanation.
See also: *vérn» I; *vérn> II
*vérnb I m. 0 (c) ‘raven’
CS OCS vrano
E Ru. véron
S SCr. vran; Cak. vrdn (Vrg.) ‘a kind of dark-coloured fish’; SIn. vran
BSI. *worwos
B Lith. varnas
OPr. warnis (EV)
PIE *uor-uo-
See also: *vOrna; *vérn>» II
*vérn> II (c) ‘black
CS RuCS vrano (Hval., Rumj.); vranyi
*voskb 529
E Ru. vorondj; ORu. voronyi
S Sln. vrdn, f. vrdna; Bulg. vran
BSL *worwos
See > *vorna.
*vorta Npl. n. 0 (b/c) ‘door, gate’
CS OCS vrata Npl. n. ‘gate, door’
E Ru. vorota Npl. n. ‘gate’; vorota Npl. (coll.) n. ‘gate’
Ww Cz. vrata Npl. n. ‘gate’; vrata (dial.) Npl. n. ‘gate’; Slk. vrdta Npl. n. ‘gate’; Pl.
wrota Npl. n. ‘gate’; USrb. wrota Npl. n. ‘gate’
S SCr. vrdta Npl. n. ‘door, gate’; Cak. vratd Npl. (Vrg.) n. ‘door, gate’; vrata
(Orb.) Npl. n. ‘door, gate’; SIn. vrata Npl. n. ‘door, gate’; Bulg. vrata f. ‘door,
gate’
BSI. *wortar
B Lith. vatai Npl. m. ‘gate’; Latv. varti Npl. m. ‘gate’
OPr. warto (EV) ‘gate’
See also: *verme; *verteno; *vortiti; *vprsta; *vprstva; *vprtéti
*vortiti v. (b) ‘turn, return’
CS OCS vratiti se ‘return, turn, 1sg. vrasto se
E Ru. vorotit’ ‘bring back, turn aside’, 1sg. vorocu, 38g. vorotit
W Cz. vrdtiti ‘return, send back’; Slk. vrdtif ‘return, send back’; Pl. wrécié
‘retur’
S SCr. vratiti ‘return’, isg. vratim; Cak. vrdtiti (Vrg.) ‘return’, 28¢. vratis
BSI. *wort-ei/i-
B Lith. vartyti ‘turn, turn over’; Latv. vartit ‘turn, turn over’
OPr. wartint ‘tur’
PIE *uort-eie-
Cogn. Skt. vartdyati ‘turns’
See also: *verme; *verteno; *vorta; *vprsta; *vbrstva; *vprteti
*voskb m. 0 (b?/c) ‘wax’
CS OCS vosko (Ps. Sin., Supr.)
E Ru. vosk, Gsg. voska; Ukr. visk, Gsg. vosku
W Cz. vosk; Slk. vosk; Pl. wosk
S SCr. visak, Gsg. voska; Cak. (v)dsak (Vrg., Orb.), Gsg. (v)dska; SIn. vésak,
Gsg. véska; vésk; Bulg. vosak
BSI. *wosko
B Lith. vaskas 4; Latv. vasks
PIE *uoks-ko-m?
530 *voziti
Cogn. Olc. vax n.; OHG wahs n.; OE weax n.; Fi. vaha; Est. vaha
*voziti v. (b) ‘cart, lead, convey’
CS CS voziti se (Christ.) ‘sail’, 1sg. voZo se
E Ru. vozit’ ‘cart, convey, 18g. voZui, 38g. vozit
WwW Cz. voziti lead, convey’; Slk. vozit’‘lead, convey’; Pl. wozi¢ ‘lead, convey’
S SCr. voziti ‘lead, convey’, 1sg. vzim; Cak. voziti (Vrg.) ‘lead, convey’, 28¢.
vozis; Sin. véziti ‘cart, drive’ 1sg. vdzim; Bulg. vdzja ‘cart, drive’
BSI. *voz-
B Lith. vaziti ‘lead, convey’
PIE *uogh-eie-
Cogn. Gk. oxéopat ‘drive, ride’
See also: *veslo; *vezti; *v6zb
*v6zb m. 0 (c) ‘cart’
CS OCS vozy (Supr.) Apl.
E Ru. voz, Gsg. v6za; Bel. voz, Gsg. véza; Ukr. viz, Gsg. véza
Ww Cz. viz; Slk. voz; Pl. w6z, Gsg. wozu; USrb. wéz, Gsg. woza
S SCr. v6z, Gsg. vdza; Cak. (v)"6z (Orb.) ‘waggon, cart’, Gsg. vdza; SIn. v6z
PIE *uog"-o-
Cogn. Gk. dxo¢ m.
See also: *vesl6; *vezti; *voziti
*vp(n) prep., pref. ‘in(to)
CS OCS va(n) “in(to)’
E Ru. v(o) ‘in(to)’; vn- ‘in(to)’
Ww Cz. v prep. ‘in(to); v(n)- ‘in(to)’; Slk. v(o) ‘in(to)’; Pl. w(e) ‘in(to)’; wn-
‘in(to)’
Ss SCr. u ‘in(to)’; va- ‘in(to)’; Sln. v ‘in(to)’; Bulg. v ‘in(to)’
BSI. *in
B Lith. j‘in(toy’
PIE *hin
There are basically two views on the origin of *vo(n). It is either regarded as zero
grade or as an o-grade of PIE *h,en ‘in. In the latter case, the development to *vo(n)
must have occurred in word-final position. I prefer the hypothesis that *va(n) is to be
identified with Lith. j < *h,y. The unexpected reflex of *un may be explained in the
same way as in the case of > *soto.
*vpnuks m. o (a) ‘grandchild, grandson’
E Ru. vnik, Gsg. vnitka; unuk (dial.); ORu. vonuko; Bel. untuk; Ukr. ontik
WwW Cz. vnuk; Slk. vnuk; Pl. wnuk; OPI. wnek
*vpnbZti 531
S SCr. unuk, Gsg. unuka; Cak. untik (Vrg., Hvar), Gsg. uniika; Sin. vnik; vnuk,
Gsg. vntika; Bulg. vnuk ‘grandchild, grandson, descendant’; unuk (coll.)
‘grandchild, grandson, descendant’
B Lith. anukas m. 2; uniikas (dial.) m. 2 (the Lithuanian forms are borrowings
from East Slavic)
The root *von- may continue the zero grade of *h2en- in Lith. anyta ‘mother-in-law,
Lat. anus ‘old woman, etc.
*vpnoziti v. ‘thrust’
CS OCS vonozise (Supr.) 3pl. aor. ‘thrust’
PIE *h nog"-eie-
See also: *n0Zp; *vpnbziti; *vpnbznoti; *vEnbzti
*vpnb adv. ‘outside, away’
OCS von adv./prep. ‘outside, away, out of’
Ru. von adv. ‘away, off’; vne prep. ‘outside, out of’
Cz. ven adv. ‘away, out’
SCr. van adv./prep. ‘out, out of, except, besides’; vin adv./prep. ‘out, out of,
except, besides’; Cak. van (Novi, Orb.) adv./prep. ‘out, except, besides’; SIn.
van adv. ‘out, away’; vané adv. ‘outside, on the outside’; vné prep./adv. ‘outside
(of )’; Bulg. van adv. ‘out, outside’
PIE *unH-o-m?
Cogn. Skt. vdna- (RV+) n. ‘tree, wood, forest’; LAv. vand- f. ‘tree’
nemo
With respect to the semantic aspects of the etymology, Vasmer (s.v. von) mentions
Lith. laukan ‘outside, away’ which is a petrified illative of latikas ‘field’. This is not a
perfect parallel, however. Nevertheless, I consider this etymology the best solution.
*vbnpziti v. ‘plunge, thrust’
E Ru. vonzit’ ‘plunge, thrust, sg. vonZu, 38g. vonzit
See > *vonvzti.
*vpnbznoti v. ‘drive into’
CS OCS voneznoti (Supr.) ‘drive into’
See > *vonvzti.
*vpnpzti v.
CS OCS vonozi (Zogr., Mar. Ass.) imper. ‘put up’; vonoze 38g. aor. (Ps. Sin.)
‘pierced’ (the SJS classifies these forms under “vonisti vel vonvzoti”)
PIE —*hyng-
See also: *nOZp; *vbnoziti; *vpnbziti ; *vpnbznoti
532 *vppiti
*vppiti v. ‘cry out’
CS OCS vopiti ‘call, cry out’ 18g. vopijo, 28g. vopijesi
E Ru. vopit’ ‘cry out, wail; 1sg. voplju, 38g. vopit
WwW Cz. upéti ‘wail, howl’; OCz. upiti ‘wail, howl
S SCr. vapiti ‘cry out, summon, 1sg. vapijém; upiti ‘cry out, summon, 1sg.
upijém; Cak. vapiti (Vrg.) ‘summon, 28g. vapis; Sln. vpiti ‘cry out, call’ 1sg.
vpijem
BSI. *up-
B Latv. upét howl’; apudt ‘howl
Cogn. Av. ufyeimi ‘call out’
Verb in *-iti from the zero grade *vop- < *up-.
See also: *vypp
*vpsuje adv. ‘in vain’
CS OCS vosuje ‘in vain’
E Ru. vsiie ‘in vain’
Compound of > *va and > *sujo.
*vbSp f. i (c) ‘louse’
E Ru. vos’, Gsg. vsi; ORu. vaso
W Cz. ves; Slk. vos; Pl. wesz; USrb. wos
S SCr. vas, Gsg. vasi; is, Gsg. Usi; Sn. us, Gsg. usi; GS
B Lith. utélé f.(€) 3; utis (Zem.) f.(i) 43 Latv. uts f.(i)
It is unclear if and how Slavic *vos» and Baltic *ut- are related. The forms may have
been distorted for reasons of taboo. It cannot be excluded that OHG lis f. ‘louse’ also
belongs here.
*vptorbjb num. o ‘second, secondary’
CS OCS votoro {1}
E Ru. vtordj {2}; Ukr. vtory;
WwW Pl. wtory (arch.)
S Sln. vt6ri ‘second’
PIE *(hi)ui-tor-o-
Cogn. Skt. vitardm (RV) adv. ‘again, further’; YAv. vitaram adv. ‘further’
The PIE form may have had initial *h;- < *d- as a result of dissimilation before a
following dental. It is not very likely that the PIE form was *n-toro-, with an
unparallelled zero grade of the root reflected in Lith. afitras ‘second, etc.
{1} The variant votor- only occurs in the Codex Suprasliensis, where we have votoréémb Lsg. m.
against 12 occurrences of votor-. In the Codex Assemanianus, there are two occurrences of
votoricejo ‘for the second time’ {2} AP (a) - votdrejv - in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 133).
*vptorpniks; *vptorpks m. o “Tuesday”
CS OCS votoroniko {1}
E Ru. vtornik
WwW Cz. utery; Slk. utorok; Pl. wtorek
S SIn. vtérak, Gsg. vtérka; Bulg. vtornik
Derivatives of > *vatorojo.
{1} The variant votor- only occurs in the Codex Suprasliensis, where we have vetoréémp Lsg. m.
against 12 occurrences of votor-.
*vbz prep., pref. ‘in return for, (pref.) up, back’
CS OCS voz ‘instead of, in return for’; voz- ‘up, back
E Ru. vz(o)-, voz- “up, back’
Ww Cz. vz(e)- ‘up’; SIk. vz(o)- ‘up’; Pl. wz(e) ‘up’
BSI. *uz
B Lith. uzZ ‘at, within, instead of, in return for’; Latv. uz ‘on, to’
Etymology disputed. A proto-form *ups, cf. Olc. upp ‘up, might work for Slavic
(regular loss of the labial stop and generalization of the sandhi-variant with *z), but I
fail to see how it could account for the Baltic facts.
*vy prn. ‘you (pl.)’
CS OCS vy
E Ru. vy
WwW Cz. vy; Sk. vy; Pl. wy
S SCr. vi; Cak. vi (Vrg.); vé (Hvar); vi; Sln. vi
BSI. *jur(s)
B Lith. jus; Latv. jiis
OPr. ious
PIE *iuH
Cogn. Skt. yaydm
The anlaut of the pronoun was apparently remodelled after the oblique cases. This
must have occurred before the delabialization of ti, which was an allophone of /u/
after a preceding *j.
See also: *vasb
*vy- pref. ‘out’
CS OCS vy-
E Ru. vy-
Ww Cz. vy-; Slk. vy-; Pl. wy-
PIE *(H)ud
Cogn. Skt. ud (RV+) prvrb. ‘up, away, out of’; Go. ut prep. ‘from, out of’; Olc. uit
prep. ‘from, out of’
534 *vydra
The *y results from Winter’s law.
*vydra f. 4 (a) ‘otter’
E Ru. vydra
WwW Cz. vydra; Sik. vydra; Pl. wydra
S SCr. vidra; SIn. vidra; Bulg. vidra
BSL. *nedrat
B Lith. adra
OPr. wudro
PIE *ud-r-ehy
Cogn. Av. udra- m. ‘otter’; Gk. bSpoc m. ‘watersnake’; bSpa f. “watersnake’; OHG
ottar m. ‘otter
See also: *voda
*vygbnb; *vygpna m jo; f ja ‘forge’
Ww Cz. vyhen f.(i/ja) ‘forge, hearth, blazing heat’; Slk. vyhria f.(ja) ‘forge, hearth’;
USrb. wuhen m.(jo) ‘chimney, stove-pipe’
Ss SCr. viganj m.(jo) ‘forge’; Sln. viganj m.(jo) ‘forge, hearth, sledge-hammer’
The root *vyg- reflects *un?g < *hing”-. Here Winter’s law was not blocked by a
cluster *ngn, nor was the root affected by lowering (> ogno, *dglv). There is no
reason to assume that the initial *v is the preposotion ‘in, cf. *vydra.
*vyknoti v. (a) ‘get used to, accustom oneself’
CS OCS vyknoti ‘get used to, accustom oneself? 1sg. vykno
WwW Cz. vyknouti ‘get used to, accustom oneself’ (usually preceded by another
prefix, e.g. privyknouti ‘make smb. get used to, accustom’); USrb. wuknyé
‘learn’
S SCr. viknuti ‘get used to”
BSI. *untk-
B Lith. junkti ‘get used to’; Latv. jukt ‘get used to’
Cogn. Skt. ucyati ‘be accustomed to’; Go. biihts adj. ‘accustomed to’
See > *uciti. Here, too, the j- of the Baltic forms must have been adopted from forms
with e-grade. In this case the acute of both the Lithuanian and the Latvian verb may
be assumed to have originated in the sta-present, but we have already seen that the
problem of the intonation seems to be more general in this root.
*vyme n. n (a) ‘udder’
E Ru. vymja, Gsg. vymeni; ORu. vymja, Gsg. vymene
Ww Cz. vymé (obs.); vymeno (obs., dial.) n.(o); vemeno n.(0); Slk. vema; vemeno
n.(0); Pl. wymie
+
VySb 535
Ss SCr. vime, Gsg. vimena; Cak. vime (Vrg., Hvar), Gsg. vimena; SIn. vime, Gsg.
vimena; Bulg. vime
PIE *H(0)uHd"-r/n-
Cogn. Skt. idhar- n., Gsg. idhnas-; Gk. ob8ap n.; OE iider n.
The Slavic form apparently replaced the suffix *-en- by *-men-. The root has zero
grade, cf. Lith. pa-idré ‘underbelly of a sow.
See also: *uditi
*vypp fi
CS CS vyplo ‘seagull’
E Ru. vyp’‘bittern’
BSI. *urp-
B Latv. tipis m.(io) ‘eagle owl’ (there are many attestations of the accentual
variants upis? and tpis’)
Cogn. Olc. uifr m. ‘owl; OHG avo m. ‘eagle owl’
The long root variant *i#p- may be of onomatopoetic origin.
See also: *vppiti
*vysok adj. o ‘high, tall’
OCS vysoke
Ru. vys6kij; vysok, f. vysokd, n. vysoké
Cz. vysoky; Slk. vysoky ; Pl. wysoki
SCr. visok, f. visoka, n. visdko; Cak. visdk (Vrg.), f. visokd, n. visokd; visdk
(Orb.), f. visdka, n. visdko; Sln. visok; Bulg. visok
nemo
Cogn. Gk. dbynAdc ‘high’; Olr. asal ‘high, lofty’
For the suffix *-oke, cf. > *globoke, *daléko. The suffix is absent in the comparative,
e.g. Ru. vyse, SCr. visé, Sln. vise, where we also find the original acute tone. The root is
usually reconstructed as *ips-, cf. Gk. bynAdc ‘high’ Kortlandt (1977b) has argued
that in Balto-Slavic initial *u yielded acute “long” *u (Lith. a, PSL. *vy) under the
stress and short *u in pretonic position. The acute variant is supposed to have
originated from a Balto-Slavic prothetic laryngeal. The Slavic situation regarding
initial *u undeniably resembles the situation regarding initial *i, where I have
claimed (2003) that stressed *i- yielded *(j)i under the stress, but *jo in unstressed
position. In my opinion, it is likely that the reflex *vy- originated in stressed position,
cf. vysb and the comparative vyse.
*vysp f. i height’
E Ru. vys’ f.(i) ‘height, (usu. pl.) summit’
S SCr. vis m.(o) ‘height, summit’
See > vysoko.
536
*vpcera
*vpéera adv. ‘yesterday’
OCS vocera
Ru. véera
Cz. véera; Slk. véera; Pl. wezoraj
SCr. jucé; juucer(a); Cak. ucér(a), jucér (Vrg.); Céra (Novi); cér(a) (Orb,); Sin.
vcéra; veéraj; Bulg. vcéra
See > *vécero.
*vpdova f. 4 (b) ‘widow’
CS
PIE
Cogn.
OCS vedova; vedovica (variants with » are rare in both vedova (a : 12) and
its more frequent synonym vedovica (3 : 35)).
Ru. vdovd, Asg. vdovu
Cz. vdova; Slk. vdova; Pl. wdowa
SCr. udovica; Cak. udovica (Vrg., Orb.); SIn. vd6va; Bulg. vdovica
*wideuH
OPr. widdewit
*h,uid"h,-(e)uhz-
Skt. vidhava- (RV+) f. Gk. Heo m. ‘unmarried youth’; Lat. uidua f.; Olr.
fedb f£. Go. widuwo f.
According to Kortlandt (1997: 161), this etymon continues a hysterodynamic uh,-
stem (see also Beekes 1992: 184). In his view, the e-grade of the Asg. must have spread
to the Nsg. at an early stage of Balto-Slavic, i.e. before the development *eu > *ou
before a vowel, because otherwise the medial front vowel of OPr. widdewii is hard to
explain. For the initial laryngeal, cf. also Lubotsky 1994, where it is argued that the
adjective on which the word for ‘widow is based ultimately goes back to *dui-d'h,-u.
*vplgbks adj. 0 ‘moist’
nemo
PIE
Cogn.
RuCS volgoko
Ru. vélgkij (dial.); Ukr. vohkyj
Cz. vlhky; Slk. vihky; Pl. wilgi (from *volgo)
SIn. vélgak, f. véthka; vothak, f. vothka; volgik, f. vothka
*wil?g-
Lith. vilgsnas (Zem.) 3; Latv. vilgans
*ulg-
OHG welc ‘moist, mild, withered’
See also: *volga; *volziti
*vblkb m. 0 (c) ‘wolf’
CS
E
OCS vloke
Ru. volk, Gsg. volka
*vpréti 537
W Cz. vik; Slk. vik; Pl. wilk
S SCr. vik, Gsg. viika; Cak. vik (Vrg., Hvar), Gsg. viika; (v)ik (Orb.), Gsg.
(v)itka; Sin. vétk, Gsg. vétka, Gsg. votkd; Bulg. valk
BSI. *wilkos
B Lith. vilkas 4; Latv. vilks
OPr. wilkis
PIE *ulk”-o-s
Cogn. Skt. vfka-; Gk. AbKoc; Go. wulfs
The oxytone accentuation of the Balto-Slavic form hinges on the absence of
Lithuanian forms belonging to AP (2), the Slavic evidence being inconclusive due to
the generalization of accentual mobility in masculine o-stems. The evidence from
other branches of Indo-European points to an original barytone.
*vblna f. 4 (a) ‘wool’
OCS viona
Ru. vdlna (dial.); volnd (dial.); Ukr. vovna
Cz. vina; Slk. vina; Pl. wetna
SCr. viina; Cak. (v)iina (Vrg., Orb.); SIn. véina; Bulg. valna
BSI. *wil?na?
B Lith. vilna 1; Latv. vilna
OPr. wilna ‘skirt’
PIE *Hulh;-nehz
Cogn. Skt. arnda-; Lat. lana; Go. wulla
Oem O
*vplna f. 4 (c) ‘wave’
CS OCS viona
E Ru. volnd, Asg. volnu {1}
WwW Cz. vina; Pl. weina
S Bulg. valna
BSL. *wiltn-
B Lith. vilnis £.(i) 4; vilnia (E. Lith., DP) f.(i) 2; Latv. vilna (E. Latv.) f.(i) 4
PIE *ulH-n-
Cogn. Skt. armi- m.
{1} In Old Russian usually AP (c), occasionally (b) (Zaliznjak 1985: 138).
*vpreéti v. ‘boil’
OCS voreste (Supr.) Npl. f. ptc. pres. act. ‘boiling’
Ru. vret’ (dial.) ‘sweat profusely, 1sg. vréju
Cz. vriti ‘boil’; Slk. vriet ‘boil’; Pl. wrzeé ‘boil’
SCr. vréti ‘boil, 1sg. vrim; Sln. vréti ‘boil, gurgle; 1sg. vrém; Bulg. vrja ‘boil,
seethe’, 28g. vris
nemo
538 *vprgnoti
BSI. *wirr-
B Lith. virti ‘boil; 38g. vérda; Latv. virt ‘boil; 38g. verd
PIE *urH-
Cogn. Hitt. urdni ‘burns’
See also: *variti; *varb; *virb
*vprgnoti v. throw
E Ru. otvérgnut’ reject, turn down’; ORu. vorgnuti ‘throw
WwW Cz. vrhnouti ‘throw’; Slk. vrhnut ‘throw
See > *vergti.
*vbrxb m. u (b) ‘top, upper part’
CS OCS vroxe m.(u) ‘top’
E Ru. verx, Gsg. vérxa, Lsg. verxu {1}; Bel. verx, Gsg. vérxu; verx (dial.), Gsg.
verxu; Ukr. verx, Gsg. verxu
Cz. vrch; vich (dial.); Slk. vrch; Pl. wierzch; Slnc. vjéry
SCr. v7h, Gsg. viha; Cak. vrh (Vrg., Novi), Gsg. vrha; vith (Orb, ‘top, tip,
point (of a plant, a needle, etc.), mountain, Gsg. vrhd; Sln. vfh, Gsg. v7ha,
Gsg. vrhd; Bulg. vrdx ‘top, tip’
BSI. *wirsu(s)
a
B Lith. virsus m.(u) 4 ‘top, addition, victory, cover’; vifsus m.(u) 2 ‘id’; Latv.
virsus m.(u) ‘upper part, top’
PIE *urs-u-
Cogn. Skt. varsman- m. ‘height top’
{1} AP (b) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 134).
*vprsta; *vprstva f. a ‘row, line, age, kind’
CS OCS vrosta (Euch., Supr.) ‘age, generation’
E Ru. versta ‘verst’; ORu. vorsta ‘age, pair, person of the same age, verst’
W Cz. vrstva ‘layer’; Slk. vrstva ‘layer’; Pl. wrstwa ‘row, layer’
S SCr. vfsta ‘kind, species’; Cak. vrstd (Vrg.) ‘kind, species’; vista (Orb.) ‘kind,
species’; Sln. vista ‘row, line, sort, age’; vrsta ‘row, line, sort, age’; vfst f.(i)
‘row, sort, age, Gsg. vrsti
B Lith. va7stas m. ‘turn of the plough’
OPr. ainawarst adv. ‘once’
PIE *urt-
A cognate outside Balto-Slavic is Lat. versus m. ‘furrow, row, line} which reflects *urt-
to-.
See also: *verme; *verteno; *vorta; *vortiti; *vprtéti
*VbSb 539
*vbréa f. ja (a) ‘fishing-basket, fishing-trap made of osiers’
E
W
S
B
PIE
Cogn.
Ru. vérsa
Cz. vrse; Pl. wiersza
SCr. vf§a; Cak. vPSa (Vrg.); Sln. via
Lith. varZas m. 1/3; Latv. va?za f.
*urg-
OHG werc n. ‘work’; OHG wirken ‘manufacture by sowing, stitching or
weaving’
The fact that Slavic has *s may be explained by assuming a suffix starting with *s.
This is obviously not an ideal solution.
See also: *vérsb; *vérskb
*vprtéti v. (c) ‘turn’
PIE
Cogn.
OCS vrotite se (Supr.) 38g.
Ru. vertét’, sg. vercu, 38g. vértit {1}
Cz. vrtéti; Slk. vrtet Pl. wierci¢
SCr. vrtieti, 1sg. vitim; Cak. vrtiti (Vrg.), 28g. vrtis; vrtét (Orb), 28g. vrtis; SIn.
vrtéti, sg. vrtim; Bulg. vartja
*wirt-
Lith. vifsti ‘fall, collapse, turn into’
OPr. wirst 38g. ‘becomes’
*urt-
Skt. vartate ‘turn, roll’ (with e-grade)
{1} AP (c) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 139).
See also: *verme; *verteno; *vorta; *vortiti; *vprsta; *vprstva
*vpsb f. i ‘village’
Oem O
PIE
Cogn.
OCS voso
Ru. ves’ (obs.), Gsg. vési {1}
Cz. ves; Slk. ves; Pl. wies; Slnc. vjies; USrb. wjes, Gsg. wsy
Sn. vas, Gsg. vasi
*wis-
Lith. viéSpats m.(i) ‘lord’
OPr. waispattin (EV) Asg. ‘housewife’
*uik-
Skt. vis- (RV+) f. ‘settlement, community, tribe’; Gk. oikoc m. ‘house’; Lat.
vicus m. ‘neighbourhood, street, village’; Go. weihs n. ‘village’
The evidence points to an Indo-European root noun, cf. also Gk. oixade ‘homeward’
{1} In Old Russian both AP (b) and (c) are attested (Zaliznjak 1985: 136, 138).
540
*vpSb
*vpSb prn. ‘all’
PIE
Cogn.
OCS voso, f. vosja, n. vose
Ru. ves’, f. vsja, n. vsé; ORu. vxu (Novg.) Asg. f., vxe (Novg.) Npl. m.
OCz. ves, f. vsé, n. vse; OPI. wszy, f. wsza, n. wsze
SCr. sav, f. svd, n. své; Cak. svds (Vrg.), f. svd, n. své; vas (Hvar), f. svd, n. sve;
s(v)d (Orb.) ‘all, the whole’ f. sv, n. svd; SIn. vas, f. vsa, n. vse
*wisos
Lith. visas; Latv. viss
OPr. wissa-
*uiso-
Skt. visu- ‘in all directions’ (only in compounds)
The origin of this etymon may be a Lpl. *wisu. In Lithuanian, the 5 < *s may have
been replaced with s when the variant -su of the Lpl. was generalized (F. Kortlandt,
p.c.). Slavic generalized the ending -xo < *-su in the Lpl., which is why the pronoun
has *S < *x as a result of the progressive palatalization. In North Russian, we still find
forms with x (cf. Vermeer 2000: passim).
*Z
*za prep. ‘behind, beyond, after, for’
E
W
WwW
B
Ru. za ‘behind, beyond, after, for’
Cz. za ‘behind, after, for, by, during’; Slk. za ‘behind, after, for, by, during’; Pl.
za ‘behind, after, for, by, during’
SCr. za ‘behind, after, for, to, during’; SIn. za ‘behind, after, for, to, during’;
Bulg. za ‘at, for, to”
Lith. azu (E. Lith.) ‘behind, after, for, beyond’; az (E. Lith.) ‘behind, after, for,
beyond’; Latv. diz ‘behind, beyond’; az (dz, az) (E. Lith.) ‘behind, after, for,
beyond’
I have no explanation for the a- of the East Baltic forms. The element common to
Baltic and Slavic may be reconstructed as BSI. *Zo?.
*zabordlo n. o
PIE
Ru. zaborélo ‘rampart’; zabrdlo ‘beaver, visor, upper part of a rampart’; ORu.
zaborolo ‘wooden city-wall’; zabralo ‘fortification’; Bel. zabralo ‘beaver, visor,
upper part of a rampart’
SCr. zabralo ‘rampart, bulwark’; Bulg. zabrdlo ‘fortification’
*bhorH-d'lom
*zeléenb 541
Compound of *za- and a derivative in *-dlo < *d'lom (> *borti). Cz. zabradli, Slk.
zdbradlie ‘railing, balustrade, derives from *borati ‘take’ The East Slavic forms
containing -ra- are obviously of Church Slavic origin.
See also: *borna II; *b6rnp; *borti
*zara f. ja ‘dawn, aurora’
CS OCS zarja (Supr.) ‘dawn, shine, ray’
E Ru. zarja ‘dawn, sunset, reveille, retreat, Asg. zarju, Asg. zorju, Npl. zéri (the
spelling a for unstressed 0 is purely orthographical).
WwW Cz. zave ‘shine’; OPI. zarza ‘dawn, daybreak’
S SIn. zarja ‘redness of the sky’
See > *zord. The root seems to have lengthened grade, but perhaps this is due to
influence of > *Zaro.
*zaverti v. ‘close, enclose’
CS OCS zavori 3sg. aor. ‘closed’
E Ru. zaverét’ (dial.) ‘mend, patch, wrap, roll up; 1sg. zavru, 38g. zavrét
W Cz. zav7iti ‘close, lock, incarcerate’; Slk. zavriet ‘close, lock’; Pl. zawrzeé
‘contain, enclose, (dial.) close’
S SCr. zavrijeti ‘hide’ 1sg. zivrém; Cak. zavriti (Vrg.) ‘hide’, 28g. zdvres; SIn.
zavréti ‘detain, obstruct; 1sg. zavréem
BSL *werr-
B Lith. vérti ‘pierce, string’; Latv. vért ‘open, close’
Cogn. Skt. apivynoti ‘close, cover’
Compound of > *za and *verti < *uerH-. See > *otoverti.
See also: *obora; *otbverti; *otpvoriti; *proverti
*zeléen’ adj. 0 (b) ‘green’
CS OCS zeleno (Zogr., Mar., Supr.)
E Ru. zelényj
W Cz. zeleny; Slk. zeleny; Pl. zielony
S SCr. zélen, f. zeléna, zeléno; Cak. zelén (Vrg.), f. zelend, zelend; zélen (Hvar),
f. zelend, zéleno; zélen, f. zélena, zéleno; Sin. zeleén, f. zeléna; Bulg. zelén
BSI. *Zelf-
B Lith. Zalias 4 ‘green’; Zelvas 4 ‘greenish’; Zélvas (dial.) 3 ‘greenish’
PIE —*"elhs-
Cogn. Skt. hari- ‘fallow, yellowish, greenish; Gk. yAwpdc ‘pale green, greenish
yellow’; Lat. helvus ‘yellowish’; OHG gelo ‘yellow’
See also: *zelpje; *zdlto; *zplén; *Zplth
542
*zelbje
*zelpje n. io ‘greens, herbs’
nemo
OCS zelije n.(io) ‘vegetables, greens, herbs’
Ru. zél’e n.(io) ‘potion, poison’
Cz. zeli n.(io) ‘cabbage’; Pl. ziele n.(jo) ‘herb, weed’
SCr. zélje n.(jo) ‘greens, sorrel, dock’; Cak. zélé n.(jo) ‘mangel (type of beet);
Gsg. zé]d; SIn. zélje n.(jo) ‘cabbage’
Derivative containing *zel- < *ghelhs-.
See also: *zelens; *zdlto; *zplép; *Zpltb
*zemla f. ja (b/c) ‘earth, land’
PIE
Cogn.
OCS zemlja
Ru. zemlja, Asg. zémlju {1}; Ukr. zemlja, Asg. zémlju
Cz. zemé; zem f.(i/ja); Slk. zem f.(i/ja); Pl. ziemia
SCr. zémlja, Asg. zémlju; Cak. zem]d (Vrg.), Asg. zémlu; zemlja (Novi), Asg.
zémlju; zemlja (Orb.) ‘earth, soil, ground, country, Asg. zémlju; Kajk. zamljo
(Bednja), Asg. zamljui; Sln. zémlja; Bulg. zemja
*Zem-
Lith. Zémé 2; Latv. zeme
OPr. semmé
*dhgh-em-
Skt. ksdm- (RV+) f. ‘earth’; Gk. yOwv f. ‘earth’; Hitt. tekan m. ‘earth, Gsg.
taknas
The Balto-Slavic forms are based on the Asg. stem of the PIE hysterodynamic
m-stem. Illi¢-Svityé (1963: $41) suggests that in the larger part of the Slavic territory
the original AP (b) was ousted under the influence of an i-stem *zemp, cf. Kortlandt
1975b: 410, where it is argued that the Freising Fragments also offer evidence for AP
(b).
{1} In Old Russian, both AP (b) and (c) are attested (Zaliznjak 1985: 138).
*zénica f. ja ‘pupil (of the eye)’
CS
E
WwW
S
OCS zénica
Ru. zenica
Pl. Zrenica
SCr. zjénica; SIn. zenica; Bulg. zenica
The Polish form was influence by the verb ‘see’ (> *zoréti I). The etymon has been
connected with > *zévati.
+aX s ¢ >
zevati v. yawn
CS
E
WwW
RuCS zévati
Ru. zevdt’ ‘yawn, (dial.) shout, cry, 1sg. zevdju
Cz. zivati; Slk. zivat; Pl. ziewac
*28tb 543
S SCr. zijévati, sg. zijevam; Cak. zihati (Vrg.), 28g. zises; ziehat (Orb.), 18g.
zésen; Sln. zévati ‘yawn, cry, 1sg. zévam
B Lith. Zidvauti; Latv. Zavat?
Cogn. OHG giwén
See > *zijati, *zvjati.
See also: *zinoti
*zebnoti I v. ‘suffer from cold’
E Ru. zjdbnut’
WwW Cz. zabnouti; Slk. ziabnut; P|. zigbnaé
Derivative in *-noti. See > *zeti.
*zebnoti II v. ‘germinate’
CS OCS prozebnoti ‘germinate’
E ORu. zjabnuti ‘germinate’
B Lith. Zémbéti ‘germinate, sprout’
Cogn. Lat. gemma f. ‘bud, precious stone’
Possibly from *gemb- (Schrijver 1991: 434), but note that from an Indo-European
point of view the root structure is impossible.
*zeti v.
CS OCS zebomi (Supr.) Npl. m. pte. pres. pass. ‘being pulled out’
WwW Cz. zdbsti ‘suffer from cold, freeze’
S SCr. zépsti ‘freeze’, sg. zébem; Cak. zésti ‘freeze’, 28g. zebés; ziés ‘freeze, be
very cold; 3sg. ziebé; Sln. zébsti ‘freeze’, 38g. zébe
BSI. *Zemb-
B Lith. Zembti ‘cut slantwise, sharpen’
PIE *gembh-
Cogn. Skt. jambhate ‘snatch’; Skt. jambhayati ‘crush’
The semantic development is made plausible by expressions such as “frostbite”.
See also: *zebnoti; *zobb
*zétb m. i (a) ‘son-in-law
CS OCS zeto m.(i) ‘bridegroom’
E Ru. zjat’? m.(i) ‘son-in-law, brother-in-law (sister’s husband or husband’s
sister’s husband)’
WwW Cz. zet m.(jo) ‘son-in-law’; OCz. zét m.(i) ‘son-in-law’; Slk. zat’ m.(jo) “son-
in-law’; Pl. zieé m.(jo) ‘son-in-law’
S SCr. zét ‘son-in-law, brother-in-law (sister’s husband), Gsg. zéta; Cak. zét
(Vrg., Hvar) ‘son-in-law, brother-in-law (sister’s husband), Gsg. zéta; Sln.
544 *zidb; *zbdb
zet ‘son-in-law, Gsg. zéta; Bulg. zet ‘son-in-law, brother-in-law (sister’s
husband)’
BSL. *zénttis; *Zén?tos
B Lith. Zéntas 1 ‘son-in-law’
Since Latv. znu6ts ‘son-in-law, sister’s husband, wife’s brother’ seems to reflect *¢nehs-
to-, we might consider a reconstruction *genhs-ti-.
*7id b; *zbdb m. 0; f. i ‘wall’
CS OCS zodeé (Ps. Sin.) Lsg. m.
W Cz. zed’ f.(i) ‘stone wall, Gsg. zdi
S SCr. zid m., Gsg. zida; Cak. zid (Vrg.) m., Gsg. zida; zit (Orb.) m., Gsg. zida;
SIn. zid m., Gsg. zida, Gsg. zidii; Bulg. zid m. ‘stone wall’
BSI. *Zeid-
OPr. seydis
The root may be a metathesized variant of *d*eig*- ‘knead clay, coat with loam.
See also: *déza; *zpdati
*zijati; *zpjati v. ‘open (one’s mouth), gape, be wide oper”
CS OCS zijati (Supr.) ‘open (one’s mouth); 1sg. zéjg, 18g. zijajo
E Ru. zijdt’ ‘yawn, gape’, 18g. zijdju, 1sg. zijajo
Ww Cz. zeti ‘gape, be wide open, 3pl. zeji; zati ‘gape, be wide open; 3pl. zeji; OCz.
zieti ‘gape’ 18g. zeju; Pl. ziac ‘exhale’, 1sg. zieje
S SCr. zijati ‘yawn, shout’ 1sg. zijam; zjdti ‘yawn, shout’ 1sg. zjam; Cak. zijati
(Vrg.) ‘gape, yawn, cry, shout; 18g. zijan; SIn. zijdti ‘yawn, gawk, shout, 1sg.
zijdm, 18g. zijem; zijati ‘yawn, gawk, shout, 1sg. zijam; Bulg. zéja ‘be wide
open, yawn, 2sg. zéjes
BSI. *Ziar-
B Lith. Zidti ‘open (one’s mouth)’
PIE *shh, i-ehy-
Cogn. Lat. hid ‘yawn, be wide oper’
The present has e- grade.
See also: *zévati; *zinoti
*zima f. 4 (c) ‘winter
OCS zima
Ru. zimd, Asg. zimu
Cz. zima; Slk. zima; Pl. zima
SCr. zima, Asg. zimu; Cak. zimd (Vrg., Novi), Asg. zimu; zimd (Orb.), Asg.
zimo; Sln. zima ‘winter, cold’; Bulg. zima
BSL. *Zeimar
nemo
*znamenbje 545
B Lith. Ziemd 4; Latv. ziema
PIE *ghei-m-ehz
Cogn. Skt. hima- (RV+) f LAv. ziid m., Gsg. zim6; Gk. yeu m.; Lat. hiems f.
Originally a hysterodynamic m-stem.
*zinoti v. (a) ‘open (one’s mouth), gape’
OCS zinoti (Supr.) ‘open (one’s mouth); 1sg. zing
Ru. razinut ‘open wide (one’s mouth), gape’
OCz. poziniti ‘swallow up’
SCr. zinuti ‘open (one’s mouth), yawn’ 18g. ziném; Cak. zinuti (Vrg.) ‘open
(one’s mouth), yawn, 2sg. zines; zinuti (Hvar) ‘open (one’s mouth), yawn,
1sg. zinen; Sln. ziniti ‘open (one’s mouth); 1sg. zinem; Bulg. zina ‘open one’s
mouth; yawn’
Os tO
Cogn. Olc. gina ‘yap, yawn’; Olc. gine ‘be wide open’; OHG ginén ‘be wide open;
Olc. gina ‘yawn’
See > *zijati, *zvjati. 1am not convinced that the nasal present reconstructed by LIV
(173, cf. the Germanic forms mentioned above) applies to *zinoti.
*zmpja f. ia ‘snake’
CS OCS zmija ‘serpent’
E Ru. zmejd ‘snake’, Npl. zméi
Ww Cz. zmije ‘adder’; Slk. zmija ‘adder’; Pl. zmija ‘(venomous) snake, adder’
S SCr. zmija ‘snake’; Cak. zmijd (Vrg.) ‘snake’; zmija (Novi, Orb.) ‘snake’; Bulg.
zmija ‘adder, Npl. zmii
A derivative of the zero grade of the word for ‘earth, *d’g"-m-.
*zmbjb m. io ‘snake, dragor’
CS OCS zmii ‘serpent, dragon, Gsg. zmija
E Ru. zmej ‘dragon, (obs., coll.) snake, Gsg. zméja; zmij (arch.) ‘serpent,
dragon, Gsg. zmija
S SCr. zmdaj ‘dragon, tapeworm’; Sln. zmdj ‘dragon’; Bulg. zmej ‘dragon,
tapeworm, (arch.) snake’
See the previous lemma.
*znamenpje n. io ‘sign’
CS OCS znamenie n.(io) ‘sig’
WwW Cz. znameni n.(io) ‘sign’; SIk. znamenie n.(io) ‘sign’
S SCr. zndménje n.(jo) ‘sign, symbol, omen’; Cak. znamiénje (Orb.) n.(jo)
‘traces, trail’; Sln. zndmenje n.(jo) ‘sign
A derivative based on the stem of > *zname.
See also: *znati
546 *zname
*zname n. n (a) ‘sig’
CS CS zname ‘sign’
E Ru. zndmja ‘banner, standard’
W
S
OCz. znamé ‘sign’; Pl. znamie ‘sign’
SCr. zndmén n.(o) ‘sign, symbol, omen’; Bulg. zndme ‘flag, banner’
PIE *gnehs-men-
Cogn. Gk. yv@ua n. ‘sign, sympton’
See also: *znamenpje; *znati
*znati v. (a) ‘know
CS OCS znati, 1sg. znajo
E Ru. znat’, 1sg. znaju
W Cz. zndti; Sik. znat; Pl. znacé
Ss SCr. znati, 18g. zndm; Cak. znati (Vrg.), 28g. znds; znat (Hvar), 1sg. znén;
zndt (Orb.), 1sg. zndn; Sln. zndti, sg. zndm; Bulg. znam, 2sg. zndes; zndja,
sg. zndes
BSI. *in-/*Zin-
B Lith. Zindti ‘know’; Latv. zindt ‘know’
OPr. posinnat ‘confess’
PIE *gnehs-
Cogn. Skt. jandti ‘know’; Gk. ytyvwoxw ‘perceive, realize’; Go. kunnan ‘know
See also: *znamenpje; *zname
*zn6jb m. jo ‘heat’
CS OCS znoi ‘heat’
E Ru. znoj ‘intense heat, sultriness, Gsg. zndja
WwW Cz. znoj (poet., arch.) ‘sweat, heat’; Pl. zndj ‘toil, sweat, (obs.) heat, Gsg.
znoju
S SCr. zndj ‘sweat, Gsg. zndja; Sln. zngj ‘heat, sweat’; zndj ‘heat, sweat’; Bulg.
znoj ‘heat’
See > *znvjati.
*znpjati v. ‘smoulder, burr’
E Ru. znijat’ (Dal’: Tver; Psk.) ‘smoulder, burn (without flames)’; znéjat’ (Dal’:
Arx.) ‘smoulder, burn (without flames)’; znét’ (Arx.) ‘shine, flame, become
red’
WwW Cz. zhat (dial.) ‘shine, burn’; znéf (dial.) ‘shine, burr’
The question is if this root is to be identified with the root of > *gniti ‘rot’ and >
gndjp ‘pus, manure’. Semantically the connection does not seem implausible to me,
while the variation gn- : zn- may originally have been conditioned by the following
vowel.
*z6lto 547
See also: *zn6jb
*zobati v. ‘peck’
CS
E
WwW
S
BSI.
B
OCS ozoba (Ps. Sin.) 38g. aor. ‘devoured’; izoba (Supr.) 38g. aor. ‘ate’
Ru. zobat’ (dial.) ‘peck, swallow, eat greedily, devour’; ORu. zobati ‘eat’
Cz. zobati ‘peck’; dzobaé (Lach dial.) ‘peck’; Slk. zobat ‘peck’; Pl. dziobacé
‘peck’ (originally an East Polish form); OPI. zobac ‘peck’
SCr. zobati ‘peck, (Vuk) eat grains’ 1sg. zdbljém; Cak. zobdti (Vrg.) ‘peck,
asg. zdbles; zobat (Orb.) ‘peck, eat, nibble (grapes, berries, etc.), sg. zdbljen;
SIn. zdbati ‘peck, eat (berries, cherries, etc.), eat grains, sg. zdbljem; Bulg.
zobam ‘eat berries one by one’
*Zob-
Lith. zébti ‘eat dry substances, gobble, crave for, covet’
It is doubtful if there are cognates outside Balto-Slavic.
See also: *zObn; *zObb
*z6bp; *z6bp f. i; m. 0 (c)
E
W
S
Ru. zob m. ‘crop, goitre, Gsg. zdba; zob’ (N. dial.) f.(i) ‘food, grub’
Cz. zob m. ‘birdseed’; Pl. dzidb m. ‘beak, bill; Gsg. dzioba (since the 18th
century for nos).
SCr. z6b f.(i) ‘oats, Gsg. zdbi; Cak. z6b (Vrg.) f.(i) ‘oats, Gsg. zdbi; Sln. z6b
f.(i) ‘(solid) fodder, grain, Gsg. zobi; Bulg. zob f.(i) ‘fodder (grain)’
See the previous lemma.
See also: *zobati
*zdlto n. 0 (c) ‘gold’
em O
B
PIE
Cogn.
OCS zlato
Ru. zdloto
Cz. zlato; Slk. zlato; Pl. zloto; USrb. ztoto
SCr. zldto; Cak. zldto (Vrg.); zldto (Novi, Orb.); zldto (Hvar); SIn. zlaté; Bulg.
zlato
Latv. zélts m.
*gholhs-to-
Skt. hiranya- (RV+) n. ‘precious metal, gold’; Go. gulp n.
Like the Latvian and Germanic words for ‘gold’ the Slavic etymon is a to-derivative.
Slavic has an o-grade *golh3-, however, wheras Latvian andGermanic have e-grade
and zero grade, respectively.
See also: *zelen; *zelbje; *zplé; *Zpltb
548 *zordb
*zordb m. 0 (a) ‘hay-stack’
E Ru. zoréd ‘hay-stack, enclosure for a hay-stack’; zardéd ‘hay-stack, enclosure
for a hay-stack’
BSI. *Zorrdos
B Lith. Zardas 1 ‘rack for drying flax’; Latv. zards ‘rack for drying flax’
OPr. sardis ‘fence’
Despite the semantic proximity, I do not agree with the prevailing view that *zordo is
cognate with > *gérdz, which has a circumflex root (cf. Lith. ga7das) and probably
initial *g".
See also: *ozordb
*zoriti v. ‘ripen (tr.)’
CS OCS sezori (Supr.) 3sg. aor. ‘ripened (tr.)’
E Ru. zorit’ (dial.) ‘make (berries) ripen by spreading (them) on a mat’
WwW OCz. szoriti ‘ripen (tr.)’
S SCr. Cak. zorit (Orb.) ‘ripen’ 38g. zori; Sln. zoriti ‘ripen (tr.), 18g. zorim
PIE *gorhy-eie-
Cogn. — Skt. jdrati ‘make old, let smth. reach an old age’; Gk. yfjpac n. ‘old age’
See also: *zpréti II; *zbrno
*zora f. ja (0) ‘dawn, aurora’
CS OCS zorje (Ps. Sin., Supr.) Npl. ‘dawn’
E Ru. zarjd ‘dawn, sunset, reveille, retreat, Asg. zarju, Asg. zorju, Npl. z6ri;
zorja (arch., poet.) ‘dawn, sunset, reveille, retreat, Asg. zorju, Asg. zorju; Ukr.
zorja ‘star’
W Cz. zora ‘dawn, aurora’; zofe (arch., eccl.) ‘dawn, aurora} Slk. zora ‘dawn,
aurora’; Pl. zorza ‘dawn, daybreak’; OPI. zorza ‘dawn, daybreak’
S SCr. zora ‘aurora, Asg. zoru; Cak. zord (Vrg.) ‘aurora, Asg. zoru; zord (Orb.)
‘aurora, Asg. zoro, Asg. zord; SIn. zérja ‘aurora, redness of the sky’; zérja
‘aurora, redness of the sky’; zéra ‘aurora; zéra ‘aurora’ zor m.(o) ‘shine,
daybreak, East, Gsg. zora; zér m.(o) ‘shine, daybreak, East’; Bulg. zord
‘aurora, daybreak’
BSL *Zorit
B Lith. Zara ‘dawn, sunset, hot coal’; Lith. Zarija ‘hot coal’
OPr. sari ‘glow
Derivative of the root of > *zoréti I ‘see. The original meaning of the root may have
been ‘shine’
See also: *zorks; *zpréti I
*z6rkp m. o (c) ‘sunbeam, look, appearance’
CS OCS zrako ‘look, appearance, countenance’
*7vérb 549
tH
Ru. z6orok (dial.) ‘look, glance, appearance’
W Cz. zrak ‘face’; Slk. zrak ‘face’
SCr. zrak ‘sunbeam, air’; Cak. zdrak (Vrg,) ‘air’, zdraka; zrak (Orb, ‘air’
zrdika; Sin. zrak ‘beam, air’; Bulg. zrak ‘light, vision’
Nn
See the previous etymon.
See also: *zara; *zpréti I
*zobrb m. 0 ‘wisent’
E Ru. zubr ‘wisent, Gsg. zubra
WwW Cz. zubr ‘wisent’; Slk. zubor ‘wisent’; Pl. zubr ‘wisent; OPI. zgbr m.(0)
‘wisent’; zgbrz m.(jo) ‘wisent’; zubr m.(0) ‘wisent’ {1}
B Lith. stumbras 2 ‘wisent, aurochs’; Latv. surmbrs ‘aurochs’; stumbr(i)s
© > ~ « >
aurochs’; siibrs ‘aurochs
OPr. wissambs’ (EV) ‘aurochs’ {2}
A connection with the root *gomb"- of PSI. *zobo, Latv. ztiobs ‘tooth’ cannot be ruled
out, but it is possible that we are dealing with a migratory term, cf. Osset. dombaj
‘bison.
{1} Variants with a nasal are also attested in placenames, e.g. Zebrzyce. {2} The meanings of
wissambs’ ‘Ewer’ and tauris “Wesant’ are seemingly reversed (cf. Young 1998). Young (0.c.)
connects the element wis- with OPr. wissene ‘wild rosemary and OHG wisa ‘meadow.
*z6bb m. 0 (c) ‘tooth
CS OCS zobo
E Ru. zub, Gsg. zuiba; Ukr. zub, Gsg. zubu
WwW Cz. zub; Sik. zub; Pl. zgb, Gsg. zebu
S SCr. ziib, Gsg. ziiba; Cak. zib (Vrg., Novi, Hvar), Gsg. ziiba; z6p (Orb.),
Gsg. z“6ba; Sln. z6b, Gsg. zéba, Gsg. zobii; Bulg. zab
BSI. *Zombos
B Lith. Zambas ‘sharp edge’; Latv. ztobs ‘tooth’
PIE *gomb'-o-
Cogn. Skt. jambha- m. ‘tooth; Gk. yougoc m. ‘pin, nail’; Olc. kambr m. ‘comb,
jagged edge’
See also: *zebnoti; *zeti
*zvérp m. i (c) ‘wild animal’
CS OCS zvére m.(i)
E Ru. zver’ m.(jo)
WwW Cz. zvéF f.(i); Slk. zver m.(0); zver f.(i) ‘game’; Pl. zwierz m.(jo) ‘wild animals
(coll.), big animal’
S SCr. zvijer £.(i); Cak. zvir (Vrg.) £.70), Gsg. zviri; Sln. zvér £.(i), Gsg. zveri;
Bulg. zvjar m.(0)
550 *zvegti
BSI. *Zwerris
B Lith. Zvéris m.(i) 3; Latv. zvérs m.(0)
OPr. swirins Apl.
PIE *ghyehyr-
Cogn. Gk. Or/p m. ‘wild animal’; Lat. ferus adj. ‘wild’
The problem connected with the reconstruction presented above is the fact that
Hirt’s law apparently did not operate. Kortlandt (1975a: 54) assumes lengthened
grade for this etymon, suggesting that the Baltic acute may be an instance of
metatony resulting from a retraction of the stress in a form corresponding to Gk.
Onpiov. I find that hard to believe, in particular because the Latvian form has a
broken tone, which in Kortlandt’s theory is the reflex of an unstressed acute. Perhaps
one might combine the reconstruction of a lengthened grade as well as a laryngeal
and assume loss of the laryngeal in a monosylabic form.*g’uéh;r. The forms with an
acute root may reflect the ful grade of other case-forms.
*zvegti Vv.
CS OCS zvegoma (Supr.) Gsg. pte. pres. pass. ‘being told’
E Ru. zvjaé (dial.) ‘bark continually, scold? 18g. zvjagu, 38g. zvjazét
BSI. *Zwentg-
B Lith. Zvéngti ‘neigh, 3pres. Zvéngia.
Only Balto-Slavic. The root may be an enlargement of the root found in > *zvénv.
*zv6nb m. o. (c) ‘sound’
CS OCS zvone (Supr.) ‘noise’
E Ru. zvon ‘(ringing) sound
W Cz. zvon ‘bell’; Slk. zvon ‘bell’; Pl. dzwon ‘sound’; OPI. zwon ‘sound’
Ss SIn. zv6n ‘bell, sound; Gsg. zvéna, Gsg. zvond
Pokorny (IEW: 491) recontructs the root as *g*yon-, cf. Alb. zé m. ‘sound, Arm jain
‘id. The hypothesis that Slavic *zvéno continues PIE *suonhz- (e.g. Meilet 1934: 30),
cf. Lat. sonus ‘sound’. must be considered a serious alternative, however. The anlaut
may have been influenced by > *zovati.
See also: *zvpnéti
*zvpneéti v. ‘ring, clank
CS OCS zvoneti
E Ru. zvenét’, 1sg. zvenju, 38g. zvenit
WwW Cz. zniti; OCz. zvnieti; Slk. zniet
S SIn. zvenéti, sg. zvenim
See > *zvéno.
*zpdati 551
*zblp adj. 0 ‘bad, evil, wicked’
CS OCS zolo
E Ru. zloj ‘bad, evil, wicked’; zol ‘angry; f. zla, n. zlo
W Cz. zly; Slk. zly; Pl. zty
S SCr. zdo, f. zld, n. z1d; SIn. zat, f. zla; zal; Bulg. zal
BSI. *Zult-
B Lith. atZiilus (Zem.) 1, atziiliis (Zem.) 3 ‘rude’
The Lithuanian forms may be cognate with pazvilti ‘bend, stoop. The vocalism Zil-
could be a lengthened zero grade of an acute root *Zul?-, cf. jZulnus alongside jzvilus
and jZvilnas ‘slanted, diagonal. The root has been connected with Skt. hvdrate ‘go
crookedly’.
*zply f. ‘sister-in-law (husband’s sister)’
CS CS zlova (Mikl.) f.(a)
E Ru. zolévka f.(a); zdlva (dial.) f.(a) ‘sister-in-law (husband’s sister),
daughter-in-law’; zoldva (dial.) f.(a); zoldv’ (dial.) £7); zdlovica (dial.);
zolovica (dial.)
WwW OCz. zelva f.(a) ‘sister-in-law (husband’s sister), daughter-in-law; Slk.
zolvica; OPI. ztew f.(i) ‘sister-in-law (husband’s sister), daughter-in-law’;
zetlw f.(i) ‘sister-in-law (husband’s sister), daughter-in-law’ {1}
S SCr. zdova f.(a); zdva (Vojv.) f.(a); SIn. zdtva f.(a); zdva f.(a); zélva £.(a);
Bulg. zdlva £.(a)
PIE —*lhy-u-
Cogn. Gk. ydAwe ‘husband’s sister’ f.; Lat. glds f. ‘sister-in-law
For the PIE origin of this etymon, see Beekes 1976: 13-16, Schrijver 1991: 131.
{1} The material presented in the Sfownik staropolski seems to point to a paradigm ztew, Gsg.
zelwi < *zolovp, Gsg. zolovi. In that case the vocalism of zetw must be analogical.
*zpvati v. (c) ‘call’
OCS zovati, 1sg. zove
Ru. zovat’, sg. zovu, 38g. zovéet
Cz. zvdti ‘call, invite’; Slk. zvaf’‘call, invite’; Pl. zwaé
SCr. zvdti, sg. zovém; Cak. zvati (Vrg.), 28g. zovés; zvat (Orb.), 18g. zoven;
Sn. zvdti, sg. ziverm
PIE *ghuH-e-/*gtouH-e-
Cogn. Skt. hdvate ‘invoke’
emo
*7pdati v. ‘build’
CS OCS zodati ‘build? 1sg. zizdo
E ORu. zodati ‘build’ 1sg. zizu
552 *zpléb
S SCr. zidati ‘build’ 1sg. zidam; Cak. zidat (Orb.) ‘build, lay bricks’ 1g. zidan;
Sn. zidati ‘build a wall; 1sg. zidam; Bulg. zidam ‘lay bricks’
BSL. *Z(e)id-
PIE —-*ghidh-
A metathesized variant of *d'eig'- ‘knead clay, coat with loam.
See also: *déza; *zidb; *zpdb
*zplén f. i ‘bile’
CS OCS zloco f.(i); zlvce (Zogr., Supr.) f.(i)
E Ru. Zéle’ f.(i), Gsg. Zélci
W Cz. Zlué £.(i); Slk. 2lé f.(a); Pl. Z6té £.7i)
S SCr. Zi £.(i), Gsg. Zui; Cak. Zé (Vrg.) f.(i), Gsg. Zuici; Zé (Hvar) f.(i), Gsg.
Zuci; Zé (Orb.) f.(i)/m.(jo), Gsg. Zici, Gsg. Ztica; SIn. Z6té f.(i), Gsg. Zolci;
Z6té m.(jo); Bulg. zlaé f.(i)
BSI. *zulr-
B Lith. tulzZis f.(i) 4 (with metathesis); Latv. Zul(k)ts £.(i); zulkts (dial) £.(i)
PIE —*$"Ihs-
Cogn. Gk. xoAn f. ‘bile’; Lat. fel n. ‘bile, gall-bladder’
The forms with Z- may have arisen under the influence of *Zoltz ‘yellow, but it should
be noted that z- < *g- is in fact what we would expect before a syllabic */. The East
Baltic forms rather seem to agree with Old Church Slavic, though the situation has
been obscured by various developments.
See also: *zelen; *zelpje; *zdlto; *Zpltp
*7zpréti I v. ‘see, look at?
CS OCS zoréti ‘see, look at’, 18g. zorjo
E Ru. zret’ (obs.) ‘behold, gaze’, 1sg. zrju, 38g. zrit
Ww Cz. zriti ‘see’; Slk. zrietsee’; OPI. Zrzec ‘see’
S SCr. zréti (obs.) ‘watch, isg. zrém; Sln. zréti ‘look (at), 1sg. zrém; Bulg. zra
‘look (at)’
B Lith. Zéréti ‘shine, sparkle’
The reconstruction of the root is uncertain. One might posit *¢r(H)-.
See also: *zara; *zora; *z6rkb
*zpréti IT v. ripe’
OCS zorélo (Supr.) ‘ripe’; CS zoréti
Ru. zret’, sg. zréju
Cz. zrati; Slk. zriet: Pl. Zrzeé
SCr. zréti; Sln. zréti, sg. zréjem, 1sg. zrém; Bulg. zréja
SEO)
*Zalb 553
PIE —*érhp-
Cogn. Skt. jdrati ‘make old, let smth. reach an old age’; Gk. ypaic f. ‘old woman’
See also: *zoriti; *zbrno
*zbrno Nn. o (a) ‘grain’
OCS zrono
Ru. zerno
Cz. zrno; Slk. zrno; Pl. ziarno
SCr. z?no, Gsg. z?na; Cak. z?no (Vrg.), Gsg. z?na; zarno (Hvar), Gsg. zarna;
zino (Vrg.) ‘grain, kernel, bead, Gsg. zrna, Npl. zina; Sln. zfno “(single)
grain, tree-fruit’; Bulg. zdrno ‘(single) grain, bean, berry’; zdrné ‘(single)
grain, bean, berry’
BSI. *Zirtn-
B Lith. Zirnis m.(io) ‘pea; Latv. zi7nis m.(io) ‘pea
OPr. syrne‘graiv
PIE *$rho-no-
Cogn. Lat. granum n.; Go. kaurn n.; Olr. gran n.
nemo
See also: *zoriti; *zpréti II
*Zaba f. a (a) ‘frog, toad’
OCS Zaba (Ps. Sin.) ‘frog’; Zéba (Ps. Sin.) ‘frog’
Ru. Zdba ‘toad, quinsy’
Cz. Zaba ‘frog’; Slk. Zaba ‘frog’; Pl. zaba ‘frog’
SCr. Zdba ‘frog’; Cak. Zaba (Vrg.) ‘frog, turtle’; Zaba (Orb.) ‘frog’; SIn. Zaba
‘frog’; Bulg. Zaba ‘frog, (krastava Z.) toad’
B OPr. gabawo (EV) ‘toad’
Cogn. Lat. biif6é m. ‘toad’; OS quappa f. ‘eel-pout’; MoDu. kwab f. ‘lobe’
eto
The Slavic form seems to reflect *g”eb-eh2, but the presumed cognates do not fit this
reconstruction. I suspect a substratum origin.
*Zalp f. i ‘grief, regret, pity’
CS OCS Zalv (Zogr.) ‘tomb’
E Ru. Zal’‘pity’
WwW Cz. Zal ‘grief, pain’; Slk. Zial’ ‘grief’; Pl. Zal ‘grief’; Slnc. Zdul m.(o) ‘grief,
regret, Gsg. Zdulu
S SCr. Zdio je + Dat adv. ‘feel sorry, be angry, suspect’; Cak. je Zal + Dat (Orb.)
adv. ‘feel sorry, care, mind’; je Zal + Dat (Orlec) adv. ‘feel sorry’; Sln. Zat
‘grief, pain, Gsg. Zali; Bulg. Zal ‘grief, pity’
554 *tarb
BSI. *gel-
B Lith. géla f. 4 ‘acute pain’
PIE —-*g"@1H-
Cogn. OHG quala f. ‘violent death’; OS quala f. ‘pain, torture’
The evidence points to an original root noun (cf. Kortlandt 1985b: 117).
See also: *Zeléti I; *Zela; *Zedlo; *Zplna
*zarb m. 0 (b/c) ‘glow, heat’
E Ru. Zar ‘heat’ Gsg. Zdra, Gsg. Zdru, Lsg. (0) Zare, (v) Zaru
W Cz. Zar ‘heat’; Slk. Ziar ‘heat’; Pl. zar ‘glow
S SCr. Zar ‘live coals, ardour, zeal’; Cak. Zar (Orb.) ‘live coals’; Sln. Zér ‘glow,
heat’; Bulg. Zar f.(i) ‘glow’; Zar m.(0) ‘fire, passion’
According to Kortlandt (19754: 72); we must reconstruct a root noun *gwher-, for
which the coexistence of *Zare and *Zard, cf. Ru. Zara, SCr. Zdra, may count as an
argument.
See also: *goréti; *gorbjp; *gorpks; *gore; *gré(ja)ti; *gprnidlo; *gprn; *gprno; *Zeravb
*Zasiti v. ‘frighten’
CS CS Zasiti ‘frighten’
It is uncertain if *Zasiti is cognate with > *gasiti ‘extinguish, in which case the root
would reflect *gӎs-. Semantically the etymology is not convincing. The connection
with Go. usgaisjan ‘frighten, on the other hand, is obviously convincing as far as
semantics is concerned, but the vocalism does not match.
See also: *uZasb
*Ze ptcl.
CS OCS Ze emphatic particle
E Ru. Ze conj. ‘but, and, after all’; Ze emphatic particle
Ww Cz. Ze ‘that, since, because’ conj.; Ze emphatic particle; Pl. Ze conj. ‘that, since,
because’; Ze emphatic particle
PIE — *g)he
Cogn. Skt. ha (RV+) emphatic ptcl.
*Zegti v. (c) ‘burn’
CS OCS Zesti, 1sg. Zego, (Supr.) Zogo
E Ru. Zec’, sg. Zgu, 38g. ZZét
W Cz. Zéci, isg. Zehu; Pl. Zec, 18g. Zge
Ss SCr. Zéci, 1sg. ZézZém
BSI. *deg-
B Lith. dégti ‘burn, light’, 3pres. déga, 3pret. dégé; dégti ‘burn’, 3pres. defiga,
3pret. dégé; Latv. degt ‘burn, light’
*Zelézo 555
PIE *dhegwh-
Cogn. Skt. déhati ‘burn’; Av. daZaiti ‘burn’; Lat. foved ‘warm, cherish’
Most probably from *d*egv'- > *geg- as a result of assimilation.
*zeldn; *Zeldica m. o; f. ja ‘glazed frost, sleet’
CS CS Zlédica f.(ja) ‘sleet’
E Ru. 6Zeled’ (dial.) f.(i) ‘glazed frost, crust of ice over snow’; oZeléd’ (dial.) f.(i)
‘glazed frost, crust of ice over snow’; oZeled’ (Tersk.) f.(i) ‘crust of ice on
trees’; oZelédica f.(ja) ‘glazed frost’; oZelédica (S. dial.) f.(ja) ‘black ice, thin
crust of ice over snow; Ukr. dZeled’ f.(i) ‘glazed frost’; ozeléda f.(a) ‘glazed
frost’; oZelédica f.(ja) ‘glazed frost’
Ww Pl. ztéd (obs.) m.(0) ‘sleet’; ztddz (obs.) f.(i) ‘glazed frost, sleet’; Slnc. zléuz
f.(i) ‘icicle, Gsg. zlto0za; Plb. zlad m.(o) ‘hail’
Ss SIn. Z/éd m.(0) ‘glazed frost, sleet’; Zledica f.(a) ‘glazed frost’
PIE *ghelhyd-
Cogn. Gk. xdAaCa f. ‘hail’; MoP Zala f. ‘hail, hoarfrost’
*zeléti I v. ‘regret’
CS RuCs Zeléti ‘regret, grieve’
WwW Cz. Zeleti ‘regret’
See > *Zalv. The verb has an e-grade *g”elH-.
*Zeléti II; *Zelati v. (a) ‘wish, want’
CS OCS Zeléti ‘wish, want; 1sg. Zeléjo; Zelati ‘wish, want; 1sg. Zelajo
E Ru. Zeldt’ ‘wish, want’
S SCr. Zéljeti ‘wish, want, desire, 1sg. Zélim; Cak. Zeliti (Vrg.) ‘wish, want,
my ov
desire’, 28g. Zelis; Zelit (Hvar) ‘wish, want, desire’ 1sg. Zelin; Cak. Zelét (Orb.)
‘wish, want, desire} 1sg. Zelin; Sln. Zeléti ‘wish, want, sg. Zelim; Bulg. Zeldja
‘wish, want’
PIE * gwhel-
Cogn. Gk. 0é\w ‘wish, want’
AP (a) applies to the present in *-ajg. The Serbo-Croatian and Slovene i-presents are
mobile.
See also: *Zela II
*Zelézo n. 0 (a) ‘iron’
CS OCS Zelézo
E Ru. Zelézo; zelézo (dial.); zjalézo (dial.); Bel. zelézo; zalézo; Ukr. zalizo; Zelizo
W Cz. Zelezo; Slk. Zelezo; Pl. zelazo
S SCr. Zéljezo; Cak. Zelézo (Orb.); SIn. Zelézo; Bulg. Zeljazo
BSI. *gelez-; *geléz-
556 *gela I
B Lith. gelezis f.(i) 3; gelzis (Zem.) f.(i); Latv. dzélzs f.(i); dzelezs (E. Latv.) f.(i)
OPr. gelso
*tela I f. ja ‘grief?
CS OCS Zela (Supr.)
E ORu. Zela
See > *Zalb.
*Zela II f. ja ‘wish, desire’
CS RuCS Zela ‘wish’
S SCr. Zélja ‘wish, desire’, Asg. Zélju; Cak. Zelja (Vrg., Novi) ‘wish, desire’; Zélja,
Zeljd (Orb.) ‘wish, desire’ Asg. Zéljo; Sln. Zélja ‘wish, desire’
PIE *gwhel-iehs
See also: *Zeléti II; *Zelati
*zelodbk» m. o ‘stomach’
RuCsS Zeludoke
Ru. Zeludok
Cz. Zaludek; zaloudek (arch., dial.); Slk. Zaludek; Pl. zotgdek
SCr. Zéludac; Cak. Zeliidec (Orlec); SIn. Zelédac, Gsg. Zelédca; Zel6dak, Gsg.
zelédka
In view of Gk. yoAddec Npl. f. ‘intestines, *Zelod- reflects *g*el-ond-. The Greek form
must reflect *g'ol-nd-.
nemo
*Z8lodb m. jo (c) ‘acorn’
CS RuCsS Zeludv m.(jo)
E Ru. Zélud’ m.(jo)
Ww Cz. Zalud m.(0); Slk. Zalud’ m.(jo); Pl. zolgdz f.(i), Gsg. Zoledzi
S SCr. Zéliid m.(0); Zéljud m.(0); Cak. Zeliid (Vrg.) m.(0), Gsg. Zelitda; Zeliid
(Novi) m.(0); Zelét (Orb.) m.(0), Npl. Zelddi; SIn. Zélod m.(0), Gsg. Zelgda;
Bulg. Zéldd m.(o) ‘acorn, beech-nut’
BSI. *gel-/*gil-
B Lith. gilé f.(é) 2; gylé (dial.) f.(é) 4; Latv. zile £.(é); zile f.(@); dzile f.(é) (forms
preserving the original anlaut dz- are very rare)
OPr. gile ‘acorn, oak’
PIE *gw(e \lhy-
Cogn. Gk. BdAavoc m; Lat. glans f.
Kortlandt (1985b: 120) reconstructs *g”elh-s, Gsg. *g"lh2-os.
*telsti v. ‘repay, pay for’
CS OCS Zlésti (Supr.), sg. Zlédo; Zlasti (Supr.), 1sg. Zlado
E
Cogn.
*Zelza 557
ORu. Zelesti, sg. Zeledu
Go. fragildan ‘repay’; OHG geltan ‘pay, repay, sacrifice’; OSw. gjalla ‘pay,
repay (the Germanic evidence points to a suffix *-t-)
Probably a borrowing from Germanic.
*tely I f. a ‘tumour, fistula
E
BSI.
B
Ru. Zelvdk m.(0) ‘tumour’; Zolv’ (Dal’) f.(i) ‘tumour’; Zélvi, Zelvi (dial.) Npl.
m.(i) ‘abscesses, lumps, bumps’; Zélvi (dial.) Npl. m.(i) ‘swollen glands on
the neck’
Cz. Zluva (Kott) f.(a) ‘soft tumour (in horses)’; Zuva (dial.) f.(a) ‘swelling on
the udder of a cow’?; Pl. Zdtwi (dial.) Npl. m.(i) ‘abscess on the ear’; Zdtwie
(dial.) Npl. m.(i) ‘boils on the legs of a cow’
Cak. Zélva (Cres) f.(a) ‘tumour’; Cak. Z6tva (Vis) f.(a) ‘scrofula’; SIn. Zétva
f.(a) ‘fistula’
*gelur-
Latv. dzelva f. ‘(slight) swelling on the skin’
Possibly etymologically identical with *Zely II.
See also: *Zelza
*Zely II f. a ‘tortoise’
CS
E
WwW
S
PIE
Cogn.
RuCS Zely f.(G), Gsg. Zelove
Ru. Zolv’ f.(i); ORu. Zely £.(0), Gsg. Zelove
Cz. Zelva f.(a); Pl. z6tw m.(jo), Gsg. zolwia
SCr. Zélva f.(a); Sln. Zétva f.(a)
*ghel(H )-uH-
Gk. xéAdc £5 Gk. yeA@vn f.
*zelza f. 4 (b?) ‘gland’
CS
E
CS Zléza ‘gland’
Ru. Zelezd ‘gland, Npl. Zélezy; zélezo n.(o) ‘tumour (neck, throat, groin)’;
zélezy (dial.) Npl. f.(a) ‘glands’; zolozd (dial.) ‘gland, tumour on the neck;
zoléza ‘gland’; Bel. zaléza ‘gland’; Ukr. zdloza ‘gland’
Cz. Zlaza ‘gland’; OCz. Zléza ‘gland’; Zldza ‘gland’; Slk. Zlaza ‘gland’; Pl. zotzy
Npl. ‘scrofula, strangles (adenitis equorum)’; USrb. Zatza ‘gland, (pl.),
glandular disease’; LSrb. zatza ‘gland, (pl.), glandular disease’; Zatza ‘gland,
(pl.), glandular disease’
SCr. Zlijézda ‘gland’; SIn. Zléza ‘gland’; Bulg. Zlezd ‘gland’
*gelz-
Lith. gélezuonys Npl. m. ‘submaxillary gland, strangles (adenitis equorum)
*ghelgh-ehy
Arm. geljk ‘ ‘glands’
558 *gena
The Polish and Sorbian forms seem to reflect a zero grade.
*zena f. 4 (b) ‘woman, wife’
OCS Zena ‘woman, wife’
Ru. Zend ‘wife, (poet., obs.) woman’
Cz. Zena ‘woman, wife’; Slk. Zena ‘woman, wife’; Pl. zona ‘wife’
SCr. Zéna ‘woman, wife, Asg. Zénu; Cak. Zend (Vrg., Novi, Hvar) “woman,
wife, Asg. Zenti; Zend (Orb.) ‘wife, Asg. Zend; SIn. Zéna ‘woman, wife’; Bulg.
Zend ‘womai’
BSI. *génar
OPr. genno Vsg. ‘woman’
PIE *gven-ehy
Cogn. Skt. jani- (RV+) f. ‘woman, wife’; Go. gino f. ‘woman’; Olr. ben f.‘woman’
nemo
*zeravpb adj. o ‘burning, scorching’
RuCS Zeravo
ORu. Zeravo
Cz. Zeravy (lit.); Zeravy (lit.); feravy; Sk. Zeravy
SCr. Zérav f.(i2) ‘live coal’; Zérava (u Grblju) m. ‘live coal’; Zéravica f.(ja)
‘live coal’; Cak. Zerdva, Zeviira (Vrg.) m. ‘live coal’; Sln. Zerdvica f.(ja)
‘heartburn’
nemo
Derivative in *-avo. The root is *g”*er-.
See also: *goréti; *gorpjp; *gorpks; *gore; *gré(ja)ti; *gprnidlo; *gprny; *gprno; *Zarb
*Zeravb m. jo ‘crane’
E Ru. Zuravl’; Zuravél’ (dial.); Zdrav (dial.); ORu. Zeravlo; Bel. Zuravél’; Zorat
m.(0); Ukr. Zuravel’
W OCz. Zerav; Zerdb; Slk. Zeriav; Pl. zuraw
S SCr. Zérav m.(0); Sn. Zerjav m.(o), Gsg. Zerjdva; Bulg. Zérav m.(0)
BSI. *ger?(0)u-
B Lith. gérvé f.(é) 1; Latv. dzérve f.(é)
OPr. gerwe
PIE *gerh2-du
Cogn. Gk. yépavog m.; Lat. grits f£.; OHG kranuh m.
Kortlandt (1985b: 120) reconstructs *gerh2-6u, Gsg. *grhz-u-os. The Balto-Slavic *g
(instead of *Z) must have originated in the zero grade.
*zerbpjp m. io ‘lot, fate’
CS OCS Zrébii m.(io) ‘lot’
E Ru. Zrébij m.(jo) ‘lot, fate’
W Cz. héeb m.(0) ‘nail’; OCz. héebi m.(jo) ‘nail’
*zezlb; *Zpzlb; *Zezld 559
S SCr. Zdrijeb m.(o0) ‘nail’; Sln. Zréb m.(0) ‘nail’; Bulg. Zrébie n.(io) ‘nail’
B OPr. girbin Asg. ‘number’
PIE *gerbh-
Cogn. Gk. ypd@w ‘carve, write’; OE ceorfan ‘carve, cut, strike down’
*zerdlo n. o (b) ‘mouth, gorge’
E Ru. Zerelé (dial.) ‘mouth, orifice’; ORu. Zerelo ‘throat, mouth, orifice’
W Cz. Zfidlo ‘source’; Slk. Zriedlo ‘source’; Pl. Zrddto ‘source’
S SCr. Zdrijélo ‘ravine, gorge’; Sln. Zrélo ‘gorge, abyss, hole’; Bulg. Zreld ‘gorge,
source’
BSI. *ger?tld
B Lith. gerklé £.(€) 3 ‘throat, larynx’
The e-grade of the Balto-Slavic form, which formally derives from *g”erhs-tlom must
be an innovation.
See also: *gbrdlo; *Zérti
*Zerti v. (c) ‘devour, eat (of animals)’
CS OCS poZréti (Ps. Sin., Hil., Supr.) ‘swallow, devour’; 1sg. pozorog
E Ru. Zrat’ ‘eat (of animals), gobble’, 1sg. Zru, 3sg. Zrét; ORu. Zorati ‘eat (of
animals), gobble; isg. Zoru
WwW OCz. Zrieti‘eat (of animals), gobble’ sg. Zru; Pl. rec ‘eat greedily, 1sg. zre
S SIn. Zréti ‘eat (of animals), gobble; isg. Zrém
BSI. *gerv-
B Lith. gérti ‘drink’; Latv. dze?t ‘drink
PIE *owerhs-
Cogn. Skt. girdti ‘devour’; Gk. BiBpwoKw ‘eat, digest’; Lat. vordre ‘devour, eat
greedily’
See also: *gbrdlo; *zerdlo
*zez\p; *Zpz1b; *Zez10 m. 0; m. 0; n. o (b) ‘stick, staff”
CS OCS Zozlo m. ‘stick, staff, sceptre’; Zezlo m. ‘stick, staff, sceptre’
E Ru. Zezl m. ‘stick, staff, crozier’, Gsg. Zezld {1}; Zezél’ (dial.) f.(i) ‘short stick to
which draught dogs are tied’
Ww Cz. Zezlo n. ‘sceptre’; OCz. Zezl m. ‘sceptre’; Zezlo n. ‘sceptre’
S SCr. Zézlo n. ‘sceptre’; ZéZelj (Vuk) m.(jo) ‘ein Anbindstock fiir die
Schafhunde’; SIn. Zézlo n. ‘sceptre’; Bulg. Zézdl m. ‘staff, sceptre’
Cogn. OHG kegil m. ‘nail, peg’
The connection with OHG kegil ‘nail, peg, etc., which would point to *geg'-I- is
uncertain. The variant with *» results from raising of *e in a pretonic syllable in a
palatal environment, which occurred prior to Dybo’s law (Kortlandt 1984-1985). The
560 *7éedati
noun was oxytone due to the fact that it had escaped Ebeling’s law, which states that
the stress was not retracted from open final sylables to a syllable closed by an
obstruent (Derksen forthe. a).
{1} In Old Russian, both (a) and (b) are attested (Zaliznjak 1985: 134, 137).
*76dati v. (b) ‘wish, desire’
CS OCS Zedati ‘wish, long for, desire’ 1sg. Zezdo
E Ru. Zaddt’ (dial.) ‘thirst for; 18g. Zaddju
Ww Cz. Zadati ‘ask, demand’; Slk. Ziadat’‘ask, demand’; Pl. zgda¢ ‘demand’; USrb.
Zadaé ‘wish, desire, demand’; LSrb. Zedas ‘demand’
BSI. *gend-
B Lith. pasigésti ‘miss’ 3pres. pasigefida.
The nasal of the Slavic root must have originated from a nasal present, cf. Lith.
-gerida. The PIE root is *g#ed"-, cf. Gk. BéooaoBat ‘pray for’; noBéw ‘desire’.
See also: *Zédja; *Zedpn'b
*zédja f. ja (b) ‘wish, desire’
CS OCS Zazda (Euch., Supr.) ‘thirst, desire’
E ORu. ZaZa ‘thirst, drought’
WwW OCz. zdda ‘wish, desire, request’, Lsg. Ziedé; OP. zadza ‘wish, desire, request,
avarice’
S SCr. Zéda ‘thirst’; Cak. Zéda (Vrg.) ‘thirst’; Zéja (Novi) ‘thirst’; Z‘éja (Orb.)
‘thirst’; Sln. Zéja ‘thirst
A ja-derivative of > *zédati.
See also: *Zedpnb
*Zédlo n. 0 (a?) ‘sting’
CS OCS Zelo ‘sting’
E Ru. Zdlo ‘sting, point (of a needle, etc.)’
Ww Pl. zgdto ‘sting’
S SIn. Zélo ‘prickle, sting’
B Lith. géla f. 4 ‘acute pain’
Apparently with dissimilation of the first / to n. In Indo-European terms, the proto-
form is *g”IH-d*lom.
See also: *Zalp; *Zeléti I; *Zela; *Zplna
*zedpnb adj. o ‘avid, greedy’
E Ru. Zddnyj ‘greedy, avaricious’; Zdden ‘greedy, avaricious, f. Zadnd, n. Zddno
W Cz. Zddny (obs.) ‘avid’; Pl. zgdny ‘eager, anxious’
*Zica 561
S SCr. Zédan ‘thirsty’, f. Zédna, n. Zédno; Cak. Zédan (Vrg.) ‘thirsty’, f. Zédnd, n.
zédno; Sln. Zédan ‘thirsty’; Bulg. Zdden ‘thirsty’; Zaden ‘thirsty’; Zéden (dial.)
‘thirsty’
See > *zedati.
*Zeti I v. (b) ‘press, squeeze’
CS SerbCS Zeti, 1sg. Zomo
E Ru. Zat’, 1sg. Zmu, 38g. Zmét
S SCr. Zéti, sg. Zmém
PIE *g(e)m-
Cogn. Gk. yévto (II.) 38g. aor. med. ‘grasped’; Nw. kumla ‘knead, squeeze’
The primary meaning of Latv. gumt ‘seize’ seems to be ‘bend, stoop. I wonder if this
verb belongs here (pace LIV: 186).
*Zeti II v. (b) ‘reap, mow’
CS OCS Zeti, isg. Zonjo, sg. Zong (Sav.)
E Ru. Zat’, 1sg. Znu, 38g. Znét
W Cz. Ziti, sg. Znu; Slk. Zat, isg. Znem; P|. Zé, 1sg. zne
S SCr. Zéti, sg. Zanjém; Cak. Zéti (Vrg.), 28g. Zénes; Zét (Hvar), sg. Zanem; Zét
(Orb.), 18g. Zanjen; SIn. Zéti, sg. Zinjem; Bulg. Zana
BSI. *gen?-/*gint-
B Lith. genéti ‘prune, hem’; Latv. dzenét ‘id?
LIV (215) suggests that *Zeti goes back to a nasal present of the root ‘live, which is
reconstructed as *g”ieh3. I consider this unlikely. I prefer a connection with the
above-mentioned Baltic forms, even though these words are usually assigned to the
root *g”"en- ‘strike, which would be in conflict with the tone of the Slavic root.
See also: *Zetva
*zetva f. 4 (a) ‘harvest’
OCS Zetva
Ru. Zdtva
Cz. Zatva; Slk. Zatva
SCr. Zétva; Cak. Zétva (Vrg., Hvar, Orb.); Sln. zétva; zétav f.(i), Gsg. Zétve;
Bulg. Zdatva
Oem OD
See > *Zeti II.
*zica f. ja (a) ‘thread, wire’
E Ru. Zica (dial.) ‘coloured woollen yarn’
S SCr. Zica ‘wire, rope, thread’; Cak. Zica (Vrg., Novi, Orb.) ‘wire, rope, thread’;
SIn. Zica ‘thread, wire’; Bulg. Zica ‘thread, wire’
562 *zidpkb
B Lith. gija 4 ‘thread (in warp)’; Latv. dzija ‘thread’
See > *Zila.
*zidbks adj. o ‘liquid, watery’
CS CS Zidoko ‘watery’
E Ru. Zidkij ‘liquid, watery’; Zidok ‘liquid, watery, f. Zidkd, n. Zidko
WwW Cz. Zidky ‘liquid, watery’
S SCr. Zidak ‘liquid, watery’; Sln. Zidak ‘liquid, fluid, flexible, weak; f. Zidka
The etymological connection with Gk. deioa f. ‘slime, filth’ does not seem very likely.
A better candidate is perhaps Arm. géj ‘moist’ < *ghoid"-.
*zila f. 4 (a) ‘vein, sinew, tendo’
CS OCS Zila ‘vein, sinew, tendon’
E Ru. Zila ‘vein, sinew, tendon’
Ww Cz. Zila ‘vein’; Slk. Zila ‘vein’; Pl. zyla ‘vein’
S SCr. Zila ‘tendon, vein, root’; Cak. Zila (Vrg., Hvar) ‘tendon, vein, root’; Zila
(Orb.) ‘vein, root; Sn. Zila ‘vein, sinew’; Bulg. Zila ‘vein, sinew’
BSI. *git(s lar
B Lith. gysla ‘vein’; Latv. dzi(k)sla ‘vei
OPr. pettegislo “Riickenader’
If *Zila is cognate with Lat. filum n. ‘thread, Arm. jit ‘sinew, we may reconstruct
*gwhiH-I-(eh2). There is an alternative etymology, according to which *Zila is cognate
with Skt. jiyd, jya f. ‘bow-string, Av. jiia f. ‘bow-string, Gk. Bid¢ m. ‘tendon, bow-
string, MW gieu Npl. ‘sinews, tendons, which have a root *g”iH-. The presence of *-I-
makes the former option more attractive.
See also: *Zica
*7iti v. (c) ‘live’
CS OCS Ziti, 18g. Zivg
E Ru. Zit’, sg. Zivu, 38g. Zivet
WwW Cz. Ziti; Slk. Zits Pl. zy¢
S SCr. Zivjeti, sg. Zivim; Cak. Ziviti (Vrg.), 28g. Zives; Zivét (Orb.), 1sg. Zivén;
SIn. Zivéti, sg. Zivim
BSI. *g?i(w)-
B Lith. gyvénti; Latv. dzivuét
OPr. giwit
PIE *gwhsi(-u)-
Cogn. Skt. jivati; Lat. vivo
See also: *gojiti; *gdjb; *Zito; *Zivica; *Zivotb; *Zivb
The position of the laryngeal is based on end-stressed forms such as Ru. Zild f. ‘lived’.
*Zivotb 563
*Zito n. o (a) ‘grain, corm’
OCS Zito ‘corn, fruits’
Ru. Zito ‘corn’; Ukr. Zyto ‘rye’
OCz. Zito ‘corn’; Pl. Zyto ‘rye’
SCr. Zito ‘corn, wheat’; Cak. Zito (Vrg.) ‘barley’; Zito (Orb.) ‘grain’; Zito (Cres)
‘wheat’; Sln. Zito ‘corn’; Bulg. Zito ‘corn’
BSI. *geit-
OPr. geytye (EV), geits (Ench.) ‘bread’
PIE *g"eHi-to-
Cogn. W bwyd ‘food, meat’
nemo
In view of the Old Prussian and Welsh forms (note that in this case the vocalism of
Old Prussian forms cannot reflect *7 because <ei> is also found in the vocabularies),
we must reconstruct *e-grade. Since in an o-stem neuter fixed root stress must result
from Hirt’s law, we are confronted with the problem that *g”eHi-to- is impossible
because of the o-colouring laryngeal of the root for ‘live’ (see also Derksen 1996: 117).
If we wish to maintain e-grade, there are several options. First, we may reconstruct a
full grade *g”eih3-to- based on a metathesized variant of the root (cf. > *gojiti).
Second, we may assume that the full grade was created after the Balto-Slavic the
merger of the laryngeals, thus abandoning the direct connection with Welsh. Third,
the root may be considered to be a variant with *h,, for which there is evidence in
Greek (cf. Beekes 1969: 248-249).
See also: *g6jp; *Ziti; *Zivica; *Zivoth; *Zivp
*zivica f. ja
E Ru. Zivica ‘soft resin’; Ukr. Zyvycja ‘soft resin’
WwW Cz. Zivice ‘bitumen’; Slk. Zivica ‘resin’; Pl. Zywica ‘resi
Cogn. Olr. bi ‘pitch’; Arm. kiw ‘tree pitch, mastic, chewing gun’
A derivative of *g”hsi-u- ‘live. See also EIEC: 500a.
See also: *gojiti; *gdjb; *Ziti; *Zito; *Zivotb; *Ziv
*Zivot m. o (b) ‘life’
CS OCS Zivot ‘life, living creature’
E Ru. Zivot ‘belly, stomach, (arch.) life, (obs., dial.) animal’
Ww Cz. Zivot ‘life’; Slk. Zivot ‘life’; Pl. zywot ‘life’
S SCr. Zivot ‘life, scrotum’, Gsg. Zivota; Cak. Zivot (Vrg.) ‘body; Gsg. Zivota;
Zivot (Orb.) ‘lower part of the back, life, Gsg. Zivéta, Gsg. Zivotd; Sln. Zivot
‘life, body’, Gsg. Zivota; Bulg. Zivot ‘life’
BSI. *griwot-
B Lith. gyvata f. 2 ‘life’
OPr. giwato (EV) ‘life’
A derivative of *g”hsi-u- ‘live.
564 Zivb
See also: *gojiti; *gdjp; *Ziti; *Zito; *Zivica; *zivb
*Zivb adj. 0 (c) ‘alive’
OCS Zivo
Ru. Zivoj
Cz. Zivy; Slk. Zivy; Pl. zywy
SCr. Ziv, f. Ziva; Cak. Ziv (Vrg,), f. Zivd, n. Zivo; SIn. Ziv, f. Ziva; Bulg. Ziv
BSI. *griwos
B Lith. gyvas; Latv. dzivs
OPr. gijwans Apl.
PIE *g"hsi-u-0-
Cogn. — Skt. jivd-; Lat. vivus
emo
See also: *gojiti; *gdjp; *Ziti; *Zito; *Zivica; *zivotb
*zuna f. a (a)
S Bulg. Ztina lip’
BSI. *Zjournat
B Lith. Ziduna 1 ‘jaw, jaw-bone, gill’; Latv. Zaiinas Npl.1 ‘jaw’
See > *Zovati.
*zuriti v. ‘rage’
E Ru. Zurit’ (coll.) ‘reprove, scold} 18g. Zurju, 3g. Zurit; Zurit’sja (dial.) ‘grieve,
quarrel, 1sg. Zurjus’, 38g. Zuritsja
WwW Cz. zuriti ‘rage, be furious’ {1}; Slk. zurif ‘rage, be furious’ {1}; Pl. zurzyé sie
(obs.) ‘be angry, rage’; LSrb. zuris ‘make sour, embitter’
S SCr. zuriti se ‘hurry, (dial.) complain, 1sg. Ziirim se; SIn. Zuriti se ‘hurry, 1sg.
Zurim se
PIE *gheuro-
Cogn. Skt. ghord- (RV+) ‘terrible, terrifying’; Go. gaurs ‘sad’ (both with o-grade)
According to Young (2002: 111-114), the West Slavic forms continue a denominative
verb based on an unattested adjective corresponding to Lith. Ziaurus ‘cruel, savage’,
which he assumes to have the same root as Lith. Zvéris ‘wild animal’ (*g"euh;r-?). Like
Vasmer and others, he connects the East and South Slavic forms with Skt. ghora-
‘terrible, terrifying’ and Go. gaurs ‘sad: Since the meaning of the West Slavic forms
may have been influenced by German sauer ‘sour, angry (perhaps through
association with West Slavic *Zure ‘sour mass used for soup or bread which is
regarded as a borrowing), I wonder if it is necessary to assume a different origin for
the West Slavic forms on the one hand and the East and South Slavic forms on the
other.
{1} With dissimilation of *Zu#- to zuf- in Czech (Machek 1971: s.v.). The Slovak form may be a
borrowing from Czech.
*Zpltb 565
*Zpdati v. (c) ‘wait, await’
nemo
PIE
Cogn.
OCS Zodati, 1sg. Zido, 18g. Zodo
Ru. Zdat’, isg. Zdu, 38g. Zdét
OCz. Zdati, 1sg. Zdu
Sn. 2déti, isg. Zdim
*g(e)id-
Lith. geisti ‘long for, desire’, 38g. geidZia; Latv. gaidit ‘wait
OPr. g(i)éide 3pl. ‘wait’
*ghidh-
OHG git m. ‘greed, desire’
>
*7pldéti v. ‘desire’
CS RuCS Zlodéti ‘desire’
S SCr. Zudjeti (Vuk: SW) ‘desire’ 1sg. Zudim
See > *géldo.
*zplna f. a ‘woodpecker’
E
W
BSI.
B
Ru. Zelnd (dial.) ‘black woodpecker’
Cz. Zluna ‘(Z. zelend) green woodpecker’; Slk. Zina ‘(Z. zelend) green
woodpecker’; USrb. Zolma ‘(corna Z.) black woodpecker, (zelena Z.) green
woodpecker’
SCr. Ztina ‘(crna Z.) black woodpecker, (zelena Z.) green woodpecker’ Zunja
‘(crna Z.) black woodpecker, (zelena 2.) green woodpecker’; Zijja ‘(Srijem)
oriole, (Backa) woodpecker; Kajk. Z6iind (Bednja) ‘woodpecker’; Sln. Z6tna
‘(érna 2.) black woodpecker, (zelena 2.) green woodpecker’
*gil?na?
Lith. gilnd (BZ) ‘black woodpecker, blackbird’; Latv. dzilna ‘(melna dz.)
black woodpecker, (zala dz.) green woodpecker’
The root is *g”elH- ‘torment, sting, cf. > *Zedlo and Lith. gélti ‘sting, hurt.
See also: *Zalp; *Zeléti I; *Zela
*Zeltb adj. 0 ‘yellow
Ru. Zéltyj; Zélt, f. Zeltd, n. Zélto, n. Zelto {1}
Cz. Zluty; Slk. Zlty; Pl. zotty
SCr. Zit, f. Zita; Cak. Zit (Vrg., Hvar, Orb.), f. Zita, n. Zito; Sln. Zélt, f. Z6tta;
Bulg. Zalt
*gil?-
Lith. geltas 4; Latv. dzelts (dial)
*ohihs-
566 *zprny
Cogn. Skt. hdri- ‘fallow, yellowish, greenish; Gk. yAwpdc ‘pale green, greenish
yellow’; Lat. helvus ‘yellowish’; OHG gelo ‘yellow’
While > *zeleno ‘green’ has *z- < *g-, *Zvlto has *Z < *g- as a result of the first
palatalization. The depalatalized velar must originate from the zero grade, where it
was followed by a syllabic resonant. This suggests that the e-vocalism of the East
Baltic forms is secondary (Kortlandt 1978b: 240).
{1} AP (b) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 136).
See also: *zelpje; *zdlto; *zplép
*Zprny f. a ‘millstone’
OCS Zrony f.(a) ‘millstone’; Zronove m.(o) ‘millstone’
Ru. Zérnov m.(0) ‘millstone’ Npl. Zernova
Pl. zarna f.(a) ‘handmill’
SCr. Zrvanj m.(jo) ‘handmill’; SIn. Zfnav f. ‘handmill; Gsg. Zfnve
BSI. *gir?nur
B Lith. girna f.(a) 1 ‘millstone’; Latv. dzi7nas Npl. f.(a) ‘millstone’; dzi7nus Npl.
f.(u) ‘millstone’; dzirnavas Npl. f.(a) ‘millstone’
OPr. girnoywis (EV) ‘handmill’
PIE *gvrho-n-uH-
Cogn. Skt. gravan- (RV+) m. ‘pressing-stone’; Go. asilu-qairnus ‘donkey-mill’
nemo
*tprti; *Zerti v. ‘sacrifice
CS OCS Zroti, 1sg. Zorg; Zréti, sg. Zoro
E ORu. Zereti, 1sg. Zoru; Zreti, 18g. Zoru; Zroti, 1sg. Zoru
BSI. *girt-
B Lith. girt ‘praise’; Latv. dzi7t ‘praise, (-iés) swank, boast, intend long for’
(usually reflexive)
OPr. girtwei ‘praise’
PIE *ovrH-
Cogn. Skt. grnati ‘greet, praise’
See also: *gornp; *Zprcb; *zprtva
*zprtva f. a ‘sacrifice’
CS OCS Zrotva ‘sacrifice’
E Ru. Zértva ‘sacrifice, victim’
S SIn. Zftva ‘sacrifice’; Zftav f.(i) ‘sacrifice, Gsg. Zftve
Noun in *-tva derived from > *Zorti.
See also: *gorn; *Zprcp; *Zprti
*7pvati 567
aN * < *. >
Zbrbcb mM. Jo priest
CS OCS Zroco ‘priest’
E Ru. Zrec ‘priest (of a pagan religion), Gsg. Zrecd
Ss Bulg. Zrec ‘priest’
Agent noun in *-oco derived from > *Zorti.
See also: *gorns; *Zprti; *Zprtva
*Zpvati v. (c) ‘chew’
CS SerbCS Zovati, isg. Zuju; RuCS Zovati, sg. Zuju, 18g. Zovo
E Ru. Zevdt’, sg. Zujul, 38g. Zuet
WwW Cz. Zvati (dial.), isg. Zvu; OCz. Zvati, 1sg. Zuju; Slk. Zut, 1sg. Zujem; Pl. zuc,
18g. Zuje
PIE —*gieuH-
Cogn. Toch. B suwam ‘eat’; OHG kiuwan ‘chew
See also: *Zuna
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582 REFERENCES
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Pruthenicum secundum, 201-216. Krakow.
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ZINKEVICIUS, Z. (1966). Lietuviy dialektologija. Vilnius: Mintis.
ZUBATY, J. (1894). Slavische Etymologien. Archiv fiir slavische Philologie 16, 385-425.
Slavic
Church Slavic
Old Church Slavic
Church Slavic (unspecified)
Middle Bulgarian
Russian Church Slavic
Serbian Church Slavic
Croatian Church Slavic
East Slavic
Russian
Old Russian
Ukrainian
Old Ukrainian
Belorussian
Old Belorussian
West Slavic
Czech
Old Czech
Slovak
Old Slovak
Upper Sorbian
Lower Sorbian
Polish
Old Polish
Slovincian
Kashubian
Polabian
South Slavic
Serbo-Croatian
Cakavian
Kajkavian
Slovene
Bulgarian
Macedonian
Baltic
Lithuanian
Old Lithuanian
Latvian
Old Prussian
Greek
(Old) Greek
Modern Greek
Indo-Iranian
INDICES
585
585
585
593
595
595
597
597
597
597
610
613
616
616
617
617
628
628
630
639
639
640
641
652
653
655
655
655
655
667
676
676
689
696
697
697
704
704
709
7
7
713
713
Sanskrit
Avestan
Late Avestan
Ossetic
Italic
Latin
Old Latin
Medieval Latin
French
Spanish
Romanian
Lombardian
Piemontese
Celtic
Old Irish
Middle Irish
Modern Irish
Old Welsh
Middle Welsh
Welsh
Old Cornish
Breton
Gaulish
Germanic
Gothic
Old Icelandic
Norwegian
Swedish
Old Swedish
Danish
Old English
Middle English
Modern English
Old High German
Middle High German
Modern High German
Middle Low German
Old Saxon
Middle Dutch
Modern Dutch
Hittite
Tocharian B
Armenian
713
716
716
716
716
716
719
719
719
719
719
719
719
719
719
720
720
720
720
720
720
720
720
720
720
721
722
723
723
723
723
723
723
723
725
725
725
725
725
725
726
726
726
584
11.
12.
13.
13.1
13.2
Albanian
Ancient Macedonian
non-Indo-European
Finnish
Estonian
INDICES
726
726
726
726
726
13.3
13.4
13.4
13.5
Livonian
Hungarian
Mongolian
Arabic
726
726
726
726
1. SLAVIC
1.1 Church Slavic
1.1.1 Old Church Slavic
GY scersantizerdedesaiverntcorrdisere 25
ADIOKO veseesseessesseesseeeneees 26
ANE. ssesesesesesescesseesseeeeeees 26
bali(i)
Dalovaniije..c..ceesese 33
DALOSEVO weeceesessesssesseeeees 33
DIISCALL SE veeeeesseesseeseenee
DIisKAti SC... eeseeseeeseenee
blisko
bljusti
DIOGIEL ssssvss eveseceindistsnens
INDICES
DOGG is scscceccstscesssnvecsesseien 50
DOjAEI SC. seesteesteesteesees 50
DOJAZND.. sessions 50, 258
DOlesieris cine scatbcce stots 52
DrAti (SC) veseessesseesseesseseee 57
DL ALIA Loe eeseeesesesteesseesees 60
DAE IO. eset teesseesees 60
DL AED: seccsescscctscsicevesestiee 60
brato..... ..60
DF AZM A ssecaccccicnereectieces 59
Dre Po iain MN leas 37
DIEING ecseseeseeseessecsentenee 37
585
COB tiiesscvcescsbstessentcees 75
CONG vesccesssscsters Netitaviccees 75
CONT Saeanehcanas. 75
COSTA Ne iaeticnscavnsanscavestenesees 76
céstiti... 76
COVONNICE vessesesscsseecsersenes 77
ClO iets caareticd ates
COLVOT Ds icccneissctcserseodss
cetvroto..
dobo.....
INDICES
DOME recscsesovehecscseaeastornese 112,
DOWNES ti decsisct da did nese 112,
doma 112
AOMD vessesesssesesessssssssseees 113
AOVDIEL i. .esesesesesessssseeees 114
AV ASO vessessssssseseeseesnees 113
AV CV JC. ssesssessseseessessees 116
AreVIOND weseeseesesseeeneeees 116
APEV Ores evccivet oskictecctiviens 99
drobenb.. we 119
AT OVE! wesesesssssssssesessseeees 118
121
121
121, 122
122
123
122
123
ATO ZA cess ihscniteee hee 136
ArOZNOL I. eeeeseeneeseenees 137
drozo
donvsb
ADI Ab i .eeseesesesesssssseseseees
ODA GARR tN, Melis:
LOKoNivo.
gréjati.
QUOSEL 36s issiassseetsctindestives
gromu (savekove)......194
QPONIO si. cccrvessscsseosienne 199
QT OST .cesecsesesserereeeseens 199
DUD IIb esssvessesees essstavs 195
QUIMON.osessssesssesssseessees 195
QVOZAIE .ereesessssssssseessee 196
QVOZAL corseesssssssessseessee 196
HL ODEEL csvcsrcccivrsrsessisseces 202
INDICES 587
JOA B)VA vesssesssecsseessen
jedonako
jedono....
iseknoti...
iskati
KASAI SO veeseeseeseesseeeees
KAZALL eccheiiveiocciesvsdoce 222
588 INDICES
lizaase .... cs
VU EEE veces teccsasvesnessts soe
Labo secisiessieetcntsccivisies
ROLE sceccsisncececcouncesesbeches 237 KUPO Nie seston 257 ube seccrscctitscccesweseetss
sescraedaiteantetes tes KUTitO SO veesseeseeseereeseene JUDY sasrsinterets Neseuvsitects
KASO}Q sessesssesseessesseesees U Ssiotadotinessarintsdetoestt
KaStaisiccckvicawaivns 235 lemeso
KrOPiticeseesseseesseseecneees
KOEI i eo eccescccscssscsseees
krotoko...
KRY ER sctecsss elses cs etches
INDICES 589
MNOZAU vsecsereessrsseerereees Sti NCAQQD vaesseeseesseerseeseens 348
MOU fileB Leieion: g NEGOAOVAEI .....sseesseeeens 348
meéniti. nejesyti...
ménito NEKOLO voecssssseresssrersseeses
MOTE sisscniacccenieheiscdiis NCTAGIE ..esecseseseseesereeees
METI ccccsicsceccseccesicotiees NECTOGIE I .ecessesessseeseeeees
MESECD.issssesessesessssesesnees MOSEL scccavsstesscesecuségaitasine
MESIND wesecsesscrersseesereeee 313 INTVAZD waeesessseeceseeeetseene 326 neuvedajostiimp......... 5
MP ELL cesscscesatsceitieccnees 308 NOVESEA .sescsssseseseseeeeeeees
mreZa ..... 308 nevodo...
ML BZELL oe reesececeseeeneees 342 EZ Os cacrecverdssceseasaeciesdes
MIDKNOEI ..eeseereeseereennee 341 ML: deletion ceecuieieleos
mrotvo ML ZO ai adresse scueest
muditi
MINDE ccc Sea iseectecaieches 318 NY occckiAenaseee 330° MOR Atagdvdancae:
MINOVALL...escsseescereereeeee cs a 77 A) by A 7101-7
WNIT Oot asceeceioe naeess 318 MY veeceeseencesseeeeeneeneeeee 337 MOST cee eeeseeeeesseeeeeseenees
MILE ..reseeceee 318 nosto....
MIAAENDCD wesseresessererees 322 NOLO cvs scsceicatekecives hese
MIAAENDCD vseseseseseceoeee 322
NAMAIAAXO wevvesvseseees299 OD DSED vassssesesssssssssssseeees
narodo.
OT OIC. eseesseesseesseesseeene
orolo....
otvoriti
otvrésti
OLOTIQALL...sesseesserereeres 441
OLOVESEALL...cesccccsseseeeee 383
otro...
OZOKD asesseesseesstesseesneene 388
PAUICO weessecsserecnseseetees 390
pasti (se).
PAUCING Lv eeeesesesssresesceees
PAZNCQOE I ..esesesrereseevers 393
INDICES
POQTEZNOLL....sesesrerereeees 188
POQTOZIEL...ceeeeresrereeeeees 193
poilo....
POGASB sesveresssrerereerereees
POKOL crescsecseseesseceecneess
POMPOZNOTL...eseseeeeeers 342
POSELIED ees 414
POSTIQNOTI...cseseseevererees 467
POCING veceseecesesssseseeceees
PIAVATE eects 403 PHAN ee sess cacesisressesedsion 413
PIAVO vereecsesssesseceesseeeenee 412 PIO ccsvesetvsernessecotonetoces 395
POD Os racscctsied tists 396
PTCA. rereersecsecsereenees 419
Pi bea diisesecises Welassesedusse 419
PHijatelo esses 419
PTIUALL eeecseseeseeserensens 420
PILEPIt i oe eeeesseeeeeeeeees 273
prilonoti. se 297
PTISEQNOLL...eseesesesreseees 449
PIDVAEL veeeseecsecseeseentenee 402 PTISESTI SE esessesesesseeeees 449
PLOSKO eceessessecsseseeseenee 406 PTISVENOLI...seeseeceecneeee 476
PlOtO crocccscinectesererssociees
DIP sr hihe ee elles:
PlOKOeceessecsessseseestenee
plono....
plozati
POe sec desvetsceseiiceedtees oe
POCIEL vscecccrveacesceossrsever’
pocreti
podoba... proroko..
POATAQD vesseessesseesseseees PTOSEALL eseeseeesecseseenees 421
OMG ereersecsecsecneeseeneenee PTOSIEG eseeseessecseeneeseenes 421
INDICES 591
PTOSETELL ..eseeeecceeseetees 421 SIMTOAEE I. eeseesseseereerneeee
PVOSED esessessesesesseseesees 421 STE QO \scsssasssccssnregsssvseosse
prostoreti... 421 sokomo...
PTOEIVO wessesssesessseseseees 422 SOLD :sscssvsnsorivonsesceedersendee
PTOELVO scsrieccccseiecesevesere 422 SOVAALD weesessssessesersereees
PTOLIVO vocsescscscssscssssesees 422 SOP rsecacstevvesnsssetscaseecetes
PTOVIESE verecsseseecsereeees 422 SOL sasssrsintescventsisrsastests
PLOZEDNOLL .eeseereeereens 543 ese HeS Nahi
pocolo aaeesssesansveabaecevsvten 426 SOSTI As wsscsesnvesnsconsscicens 445 STAN Dsccvvsrscscoosisescrsnedice
POKOLO .eceesseesecsesseneens 426 SOME leek ha levdicss 445 SEATS seiteleci Mathes
stegno..
SEONATLL ceessesesseeseseererees
STTONG ..esssesscesscesssesesees
SEAL cvccacecscsesvsccsdvnseees
TOMO: 2csa ha eaes 375 SUA isiavcreid Nolin aiid 451 SERESEI ke heca ness
SETUJO seessesesvsrereeserereees
SETUP D vecsecscrsesersererserees
studeno..
StODII fC Lc ceesseseeseessteeee
SEOAZO vevsesesssssesssrsrseseees
VERO. wihesecdasedetesihectvehats 434 SIYSALL.svscssessnsossessuseseenss 455 SUSI i cecceseecscsesesescseseeees
dostcccdtecleeesc cesses SIONOCE veresessssesssserereeees FeeeieiiNelehecess
592 INDICES
VAIL i setocedexiaictiactoons 512
variti
veléti
VELIRB ssnlScsiidsiacla tes
VELDING wecsescsssseseseseseeeeees
vepro ...
VOLORG sevcionsvsaeroeeinccsenns
sopati.. ses : védéti...
sorésti VOATO ji decwdocesveceatevspteses
HAVESTUTING vos esescesesesees
ECL tens Seeccsevn eat ieee 497
INDICES 593
vonotro
VONOZISE ..essecsesesereeseees 531 ZVONELL .essssscseseesesesesees 550 D1OSKO veecceseseessseseseeseseeees 48
VYKNOi ss eesseesseesseesneens 534 ZEN AEL sc e3sies ceteceteaesecasice 555 CE Sonsdeinbedes eatasotenecsesteee 88
VYSOKD vsesssesssesseesseesseeese 535 ZELEEL sete Acetavdsteseeatasdes 555 CHING aca hikes ete 88
VOCOTOssssssssssssssesssssesees 536 ZELEZO sesosbseccsieieoieeds 555 CLEAIEL s.ccedoscestecsscrleoeves: 82
VOT ESTO es essiscatssesisevsestss
VOSD vesessssesereeseseees
ZA] O ssrerserseresseesereeneeseens
zaustra
LAULVG: ciccisnicsccvesessavevece
LAVOE scissvessescorsincdeeriater
zelend..
594 INDICES
grobv
KrOZ(O)NO veeseessesseesseene 263 MUALIEE co eeeccccseseseseseeeee 323
ADIL ioascsscetaaviedessetsves 201 KUKONOSB.oeessssevsveveveees 256 MING sisscccescelvicateiseccoas 319
mroznoti
MUZQA ....
JUSLOOD secssessirestrdeecsoss 215 Ud Orn tstewsveieton a 282 SCL ths Mecscstusitdes
KATO eseeseecsseseestesseeseee 220 Tjutiti SE ese 282, NAVD secsrsrcrscctsosssorsersesene
KASbIjAti wees 221 LObe Bscsstscesessedsecsees bette 283 Ud ceixediys dvcstnessstet es
KL oeeecscscenetbetooe ages 265 LOK GET tesscohccccscsetetoseness 283 IK AL bscacisteiecccnteietoes
KIAKOIO .oeecscsssscssssssscees 229 LONT aeseseiiaeetatervins BOQ NOTA vesesesesesesvsvsvsvsssseseees
Kegotatiw..wseeeseeee 223 LOZib ti cescSastoosccoueescness 287 NOSG sccisvacciscesssvessoenscese>
KleK Ott ...cecsceessseessee 223 LOCIpC Leessesesseessseesseeesses 288 NOVAK vessssessesessesssseens
paznogoto.. ie
PAZNOXBLD w.esessesecsereeees 393
PAZNOKOED..eeeeceeeveeees 393
INDICES 595
PClOSO veesecsecseesseneeneeseene 394 1.1.3 Middle Bulgarian CYOVIEL cescecscsssssesssssesseeeees 93
POP Oisevitcaiseitene 396 DIAN voeeccccsssssssssssseeeeee 25 CUED i tvsea eaten ia: 91
POSEID cersecsecseeseecserneesees DIANA icevswiesccheoctonciesssvess 52 AIRY b secsccccessrrsoeservessvesse 107
poxati..
SCE)TOSCND..sesssssssesseseens 485 I sdshassessesevendehdevesdees
SEY OZOND veeesssesecesserereeee A71 DE Z(A) Aeeeeeseecessseeteeeees
SUNOE ssscssssecsceseseessessees 474 1D aeeeeeteeteesceneeeecsseeeees O62 OLY acecccccsscsteseeeneeeees
SVOKTO .esesssessssssssssssssees 7 ly 4; a 61g 0) 7, 7) |,
SVEPILL SE visdccszscsesssevsis APS OF ORG a idsisiiancnncO4 SO ZB derevreesesiasecdeectesend
SVIAKG secsssntecssvensesseseses 7.) y a 21 01/1 ee Ls sivcoutnccssiesssvsccenits
SEONG sectscss Se cksaseoesesteaends 486 DT ONY h ceeecsssesetesereeeeer O04 ICN eae seceeseseeteeseseeeees
SUD sivcssicaseccscsssceesssiasee 488 — DTOSNUE Levee eeceeteeeeeeees
LISK ALL ssccShdetlehiinivés 494. DONC Leecesesesesesssssssseees
LOD veressssssssesseesessenenenes AQS = PUVEND cessssccewssisceees OO = MAES Bis ceassiciccsssnssavnsnsserves
cermnovat’sja..
COPVIEL sasccsiieatecisdnsedicniese
zlova
ZOVOTE vosessssssssesseessseeees
QTOGALT .oesesesessesesreseeseens
grakati ...
greméZdv
596 INDICES
RVOSU resect ces ata heets 188 KLIK NUt iss eessessssessseeees 225
QV OLA feiss teeta denceptieets 188 UCI vests oteseets ss 226
greziti.. w+. 188 klocati.... es 227.
QV OTIS tesvassrstecssedesdeess 188 KIDCAtL ves eesseesess testes 227
STOMAMG .oseeeseesrsesseens 190 KOE essesseeeseeneeseenteneens 237
SPOMEZAD reeesseesseeseene 194 KOP END. eccssssssssessssssseees 237
melbziti..
MILUSB cccsccndsccconteccsteats
MIUESEL .svccwscslecccssecctsceeds
MOADIYi esseesseessesseesees
modolonyi. iss
NEPOLYTD veccsssserersserresers
JOZONO vesressessereeressereeeeees 31 NOTCLL cascssesecesseteseeinse!
(JJCECLO vreessecesserreereers 147 NESECTO .eresresversersersrners
(jjezo NELOPYTD vassessereereeserserns
kii .... nicati
klegota
Kegotatiw..wessesee 223 niknuti
POATAQB oe eesseessesseeee 408
POMAVALL occccescseeees 299
SETDZOND wecccssssesssseeeseees 471
SVFOCALL .eeeeeseseseeeeeneees 477
vranyi
VOIZOKD weseessesssessesseens 536
VOSIEPALL ..oeeseesssesseeeeee 460
ZOVAL a eivesa eats 542
Zlodeéti.
LOVALL es iecessesces lew cece
1.1.5 Serbian CS
1.2 East Slavic
1.2.1 Russian
[ae eR 25
AQNEC” sccccaiesecctnsetatsessuceds 26
GLAS) veseesseessesssesseeeees 366
GICNY) cesssesssesesseessseessee 366
Ox ahah: 371
GOS cntsathonaodk 371
AIK GE icocicikeshsteciisiccs 367
INDICES
beréza
Ta 24) e 36
Der EZOfO..esssesssesssesesseeens 36
bes
597
DUZK Ap ieccsocssssscnsntsnstoocves 45
DIIZNG veceecessssesessseesseeees 45
DO QALY) ceeseesssesseessteesteene 50
DOF sisissisiscosastindssstrietsesits 51
DOjAE'S]O stesso 50
DOJAZI ceesssecssescsssesseeeees 50
DOL inch nda leaks 54
DOLCE eackstivasesestieiieieut 52
DOLE ihe Mesdiekeccees 51
DODO GO vsseessesseesstessteesteeee 51
DOIO QO... eessesseesseesstessteene 51
bol6n} BDOLON’.....ceceececeee 53
DOLONG ceeecsssssscsssssssssseees 52
bolonit; bol6nit’ ........... 35
DOLCE veeeeccccsscssssscsseseees 53
bolozno . 55
boPSij.. 152
bor...... 58
DOOM .oeseeccccsscsssssssssseees 55
DOTOdGtY) .eeeeseeseeseeene 55
DOTON veececcscssssscsssessseeees 57
DOTONG .eeecscsssesssssssssseees 56
DOTOSNO cececssscsssssssssssceees 57
DOTOB saciisce esieieicee: 57
DOTORS A vessesseesseeseessteene 57
DOT Viscisisivicct decedent nies 58
DOTOZG .eeeseeseessseseseeees 59
BODE itasievisioitcs 69
b0rZ6j, DOTZY] esseesssessees 70
DOSO) sccissesssssrieesscnriescesees 59
DOSE innkeoniiee: 59
0X) tree 59
INDICES
DLEVG Basse scrsscsnssteses sont
brjdknut’. :
DIJAZEAP ceesseesssesesseesseen
DYSEL Yh nivsseteecrnnssvccts sonies 71
Lh RR ea 71
DYE Cheadoscstssstuwnsctocoessstsc 71
OVAL aeht GON ate Gate, 72
ceremndj, cerémnyj......91
COTEMNSG .oessssssesssssesseseens 82
cerév ja
COTEVIENY) oo eeseesseessesseesees 93
COTEVO, CELEVO .cssseseesersees 85
derévnja.
AE OVO.ecescsssssssessssssscseees 99
INDICES 599
AEPNUl vecceccccsssseseeessseee 136
GET2OE sab ticeeeeh ees 137
dérzkij.
ACrZNUE veececssssssssssseseees
ATUZING veseeseesssessseseens
drygat; drygat’........... 122
dub...
dorogdj ... ;
AOVOZIE eeseessssessseseesees
drébezg
MODEL ET cscs sarbecstivstevses
Ar CKD. eesseesssesseseessees
ACK OVC. esseesseessesseessees
AVCMAL .eeseesssesssesseesees
AEVIE ssrecissacissastesvets
AT JADE’. seeseeessseseesees
600
CIO cseic eaesncne 147
CVIGA, EVIGA vsessecsesserseeres 7
EVIYA vesessererssrerssssnenesees 147
EZ, a deecthgesesseristevtardeetstees 155
CZ. Beene 149
74s (/ See 154
CZEVIKA cessseresssrsseerereeees 149
GOD sees ccissedecdiagrvatteisviies 160
BODE essarsipsccrsesncecttuns 160
BOGIES cu sciienleh cise 160
QOJAE Ts certs cedssa Bi ssedsnvcse 161
BASIE’ csvccrvesincsresoresovssnses 161
gasnut
gat’
DUC scasdesbevsies 259
gibat? gibal eee. 200
gibnut’...
QIUKO) scsasrsccrsurvesivosrvesss 167
UM acest cubes Saicteecus! 167
SUMS A. eereeeceeseeene 167
QUAD ngs seessnareesedersestin tee 167
QU) oreesseeseeseesseesseeene 167
NAPs desc cscisesersseseesseasee 197
QNESEL wicccnsa dccensnetesondens 168
QTCV sesesesesesereterenesescnene 168
NCL. ceressssssssecssseesees 169
NIA. essere 169
INDICES
QNIOf eeseesreccssesseesseesee 169
SONIC ticks duets has 169
QNOF carvacccosreresdsrsesesessese 170
QTNUS acer tactsservetseien dea 170
QNUSHE ives asttisceccsvieccaanss 170
QNUSNY] ciciscsscescsteccecnees 171
QNUE rssccccressdebesdintcsevsde 197
DOM risen in eete ewes 172
QOMEN eseesseesseesseeseeesees 173
ZOOMING oeesseesseesseseesnees 172
DOME cath cestahst scars seein 172
ZOMIRS A esseesseessesseesees 172
QOit’...... 173
goit’sja. 173
QOL we. 176
golen’...
DOT seccervocrvesincorsosticrsees 199
OTM .eesseesseesseseesnees 199
GOTO ocebcsvn svosctnnvccsestn 199
ZOOM ce rreerseesseesseseesnees 178
BOTOK iciesseicacesesienscacs ses 179
LOMO ZA eeseeresrerseereeseerees 178
BOPSE: cess cscceeds gstesascervse 199
DOPLAE secc cit toct tints 199, 200
SOSPOD sreessesssesssseesseen 180
ZOSPOMIN ..reesseesseessessees 180
DOSE sesccsisiestansvessscess beast 180
QUGAZNUP voesssesesssessseens 188
VOD seassesccecssiectiwecsesed 190
QTOM veesessssesssecsees 190, 194
QTOMAMA woeeessessssessseeens 190
QVOZLG cresseeseesesesseerseneens 191
QVOLA svvssctcsnssvcssstsnaacsces 191
QTOZD is ssscscsscsispesissisetess 191
QTOZEN wesvesessessererervens 192
QV OZIE sec scvccsesiesk tees esketes’ 191
groznyj
gribyj
QIU scscieeeseresersccsstbeveee
grida
grust’
gruzit
gryzt’
gubd, guiba
gubit’
guglia
gugnavyj
gugniti
QUQNIVY) vesserecresseersereens 183
QUSIJAVY) sesecsesseereereers 183
DUMINO -orbavcsvsssisteesttcn 195
QUIGAVY) vessesseeresseerservens 183
DUS. sch igs ta chasse Sielsapece taste 184
QUSE veresererercresecesseeeseeeeees 183
QUSE isicticeecticees 183
QUSEL cesrsciesccodsnsresseesis dons 183
xvorost, xvorost
INDICES 601
TV OP' covsscossverhoacesevecosstenede 213
ISKAE vil sssisccsnssivtvadevente 214
iskra 214
ISKTONMNIE ...seeseeessesseesees 217
ISS[AKNUP .essesseesseeeees 450 JUDY] ccvisteicsirctsccssasivecse 208
KO) sedaisvieices asssetsereoccies 259
KAA .eeseeesssesssesseesees 218
KAMER veeeseeesssesteeseesees 218
KARO .eesseesssesseesees 219
kak6j....
GOCLMEW vareessessssecssescsees 156 KAZAE cs cceccsssteediccsscesees 222
JOJO vs iesosves seccintsredocrsesces 27
JONG sccrsivivisssceteectsssusies 28
YAL:. Esscernctecsedenssievoesegs sone 151
JAVOVO), FATOVY) .esseesses 152 KOK OAL soe eeseessssessseesees 223
OLY | isscees th dovsstias teddies 152 KL OKtAt es eeseeeseeestesseens 223
JASCEP:. sosscctessecnscesteccerien
jascerica
WASCN sescrssceas taccssactsccsetcy
jastreb
JOE sisssde ines dtsieinenns
602 INDICES
KOS sk occd sceneries: 240
KOSATO veesessesesssseseereseees 239
kotéc .... we 241
KOtit SO. eesseessessseseees 240
kot6ra, kOtord.eeeeecee240 KU aceceecececeecececeeeeeeee
krotkij
krotok
KOTOD FO. eects 234 KO a eceeseeseesstesseeeneens
KOTOSEA ..seessesseessessseesees 235 krovnyj
KOTO thi; co eeseesseessesseeeees krucina
korova. kruglyj.
INDICES 603
GUING..eeseeesseesseesseeee 282 LPR ssecsinicdsieetsudscctelonscse 295
TjUtit SO ceesseesssesssesesseen 282 LS scscassecccasetetsccsttesess 296
mateérny)....
materoj, matéryj........ 303
medoéd
LbG snBieescoticceneteenss 290 INE elesraxsersccdhccecteewieteces
METLEN GG voeeeseeesreerseeriens
meélkij ..
604
mérknut’.
METEVY) cesseseersreeserereenes
MEPZEL vecccssesessseseseseeeee
MELZIE vevciciccsscthedccicesete
mérznut’
MES] vessssesesssevesseseeseees
mesok..
INDICES
MOINGO.eeseeesseessesseesees
molodnja...
MOIOAG) oesessseesseesseesee
MOOK G.ssesssssseeesseesseen
morkvd, morkva......... 335 NOL cccspesessserrsntescrnsntced 345
MOPMULIP oesesesesesssveres 335 NOY] cessesseeseeeseseessees 345
nékto ...
NEVOSE eicicccscsSecsdstedeseies
NCTE .reesessscssecscereencenes
netopyr; nétopyr’.......350
nevésta
niseij...
Nib chine eee
INDICES 605
OLVET ANUP? ...eesseesseesees
OLVEPZE sheath iieieins
otvorit’ ...
norost..
NOTOSE vccecscssessseseeseseee 356
OSKOTE vescesesesesesssesssceees
OSNOVG vecsessseseeseseteceeeees 379
obvecat’
obvicat’...
odindkij péred(o).
odndako perepolox
OAOLER oeeeseecsssssesessssees 363 OLVECAL vesesessssessseesereeees 383 POLED cecreecescnecseeneeneenees
PES siecceh Woche: 431
PESETY) ceesccsereresrereesesens 430
pésij.. 1398
Pel seccrevnisssincrveastensaveces 398
PRALS R i eceterecte overs 426
PIKAL seicdsisecerttecdnestens 426
PISAE aki eerse ek atK 430
Piskaleciesssasscswssonseternds 400
INDICES
Pi hiiessesteiie cada ieiice 419
proséjat’
PrOSTE isto biec esate
PTOSEETED ..ereecsecseeseenees 421
PHOSLOFs. vests eet tases ciate 421
POlOSG iwicissesanccotsseavzeiees 411 PLOl Sinanaesacns 422
PUUSK scsopessceserrsissesevssne 405
PYJUSNG Leese 405
ploskij .
PlObivcccereiieten
Ply teas teitael secs titans
POLOK isa erent leet 413 Ub era bee ai ok 417
POSJAQAD essere, 449 PSCNO vesesessssceesecneeseenees 431
POSEHC ssscccristecevssscietess 467 COD schescssideuneswnns 373
POSTIQNUE? verses 467 VACHE) PACIC coeccccsescsceeee 431
POE veeseeee
potka
POZANE verses 416 OJ AE itessestectssevesseethcvse 432
INDICES 607
TAZINUE vececscssssesesesesees SMAZAL esesesesessssssscseees
razlucit’... smejat’sja... ‘
8 es
VAZOTIC veececcscssssssesessrees SMECTAE? eececesessscssscecees
SOLO AK If. seesseesssesseesees
Ye) (6) 771
SOLOVE] voeeseesssesseesessees
SOIOVO) soessessseseessessesees
608 INDICES
stavit’ ..
stébel’
SLEDIG vicicasdecsdeieteieciendess
stendt’. :
SLETEE pr issisrecd isciiives
INDICES 609
volost’..
verstd volozit’
VELLEE sc ccsecdsccciestestesnstse 539 VOLOZNIC AL .oececescseseseee 527
vorondoj
VOTOLGA, VOTOLA........s000 529
VOTOLI verssessesersssseeseenes 529
VOS ING) ssesseesseesseesseeneens 378
610 INDICES
DA OV OV ssesrcccssarviesoswseases jac’ Zuravel’
zdorovyj LUT AVL sas cisers sass nctnoe
LEV CS cieccsssoteesanticssease’ LUTLE sSetssncosies Wisestancceess
zelényj. is Zurit’sja..
ZELEZO: sSeeivectsivesnsoecseeese
D soscce bass sceeivsiatbesnsscies j 1.2.2 Old Russian
JE Ssusasessnesiesbsysiels ADIAND vesesesessssssssssssssssees 25
seed eatlheRees ZA AIC OND. .osesesesesessseeereeee.3 66
Disscsevaisnsceayiveetareien¥s AIO) COND veeseesesssesseseees 366
AE si sstvcdiececieesesdek Zard AU(O) KATE eects 367
badati
LAA DIULS scars cbevsesdivceoves 543 ZAAL is sctdssestesticstsendeseks 565 balitceesisbvaseseintias
ZANE ZO vers sessseresseessecsees 555 LE. ssccesscbstevitisstssleostoss 554 DALEGG sissrccovsssscstserescivosnes
LIL: sacs ssstsbevevossbendeettise 543 1] ae ne ee 554 DODD voccecccsccssscscseseseseeees
ZLOF sassctoscressascoteiphesessories 551 ZEAE ietosnsceccstewesoreds 555 DEAE scxidoccstccccntietoscse:
ZINC finde esseriersevcsontsties onus 545 ZOE thine bocstahicd seit 552 BOZO rnd ieeindedeewak
ZINC] A scserrconscivenscvesensese 545 ZEN CZE -svcosscocsccccsnescsestaes 557 OLED ecsncoccoessscorsccteuscosstee
LIN scccesscetenscasverdtetssent 545 ZELEZO wa sess cicheisiecdeestecs 555 DilO Bisse hese eit?
ZNAIGA wssssresseerseseesseess 546 ZELCZO vecessssssesssseseseesenees 557 blésko
ZAR seco svccdstececescssees 546 ZELEZY sincieieiecisveoeansivs 557 blizna
LINEAL coovssnessrvstncseeetene 546 ZEING vivscisevessnscsesiasinrnié 565 DLEZO desseivscsceseeseccsesstives
Znet .... 8s Zélt ... 5 bljadb.. 7
DUjASti cette tes eeeneees
DIDVAEL ees eeseeseeseesneene
zolovica, Z6lovica ....... 551 LOVE Aestssviateiesatesieiad
ZOLOVKGA vesesesseresseressseenes 551
zolozd, zoléza... 557
ZOTH cccrccsriiinece ees 548
INDICES 611
xapati..... wes 2002
XOTODIY) sesseesseesseeseens 204
16 sriciiviestiahataliws 209
SIUM weeeesseessesseeseesnees 167
glotati..... 111168
GIOXNUE I eects 168
QINESD ssrvsscvvsesessnvesanetenee
COLSONY] seseesssesseesseesee 80 ON DS ci MelivsasSties lestiies
CCTEMOXA verseesseesseesseesees 82 gobino
gobvzyi...
gobvzp
COLE V ECs. sccasssestecoetisnnse 86 POEs cassccess ascceteets esse aet GODIOKG os eeseeseeesteesseeseees 26
COREL beseevsecesctesnedieghiesets 85 ROUT crssseccrvsasescavetdeceteen GADIOND oo eeseesseesseesseesees 25
DeSH D sssccccesotunsietoscunses 100 govore JOTING vereeresssesreeseeeereeees 151
ALG ectledcckeviccetpeicaks 103 QTAKALT. cxcsteseshcosechessesiey 186 JON Buss ths sesressed cs etite 153
IK Yi ccovsssssstevrvecrsersestne 107 STAMAMA..oreesssessseessseess 186 JOVOVY T sesccsccssccoveonscostes 152
GLOVE da. iat seccsccatesdstan ies
BEV fe sccrescictervestoscenteses
ALODG esse ribs cl N tte
drozati
dugo....
dupina
Ke GOtA.eeseesssesssesseseens
Kegotati.. sees 223
612 INDICES
kobeco NICATL oo eecccccscsesssesesesseees
kolokolo ee
koloto niknuti...
kolpe NISCH cesseseeseeceesnceseeneenes
komono NUT A siiteiciea hcstiateis
KOM steccensisccesseiee dees ove MUD iisscccescesseiasiesidceies
kopa PY EL rosassss cease ia desensigine
kopoto ODECAL I. eesesseeseeeeeneenee
kormo ODESCALL .oeeeccccssscscseseseee
korobo..... is a oboloko .. sak
koroboja ODOOKD wsseeseessssesseeeens
KOLO sexi ccccssteieecetteths Za scawsedocarscsesswieacounees ODOTE siacedosdiccestoiatorns
KrUcind veces 250 MULUSD eects 319 OVOSD vessesseestesstesstesseeene
KLUPNY) sseessesssseessseseseee j i OLE scssessccseecsesssersitsvicnse 208
[scsvwrtsgceestesesaecBOZ! © NUL GB pcosedisecesaveshicsioes POGASB sesseresssrerereerereees
LADA fessssisteressteee aces MONO ict diidais 333 POJASBNICA .o.eseresrereees 409
INDICES
PTOKD.essecsecssessecsesneesees 421 SOVSCND.cesssssssseseseeeceeees 485
PHORIO Sea tabetssscuilenisss 422 SOVOCD vesssssssessesesseseesens 488
POISED eeeeeeseseeeeeenees 427 EULA cece cet clean: 499
SNOXG vesesvsressssessreesereess 458 VOIOCL escohscccsceotstosncte 514
VOLO GE sevecstescibessssotssetass 524
VONJOssseresvererersereseesenes 527
VOTQNUEL rssecsereeseeserneres
VOTSTO. wscsissrsesccesaieeiesvaess
ZADOTOIO weecsesecssressseeees
ZADIALO weesecsesesssressseeees
SUTOV® vsesssssssssessseeseneees 474 BAUD sceossce occctewssiosvese
svekry.. 475 zdorovo .. :
SVEKTO vessessssssssessssceessess 475 ZJADNUE Lv esseeseeseeseeene
SOL B estes eeresewwee cose 480 ZLODALL ccesscscsczcisseceesavese 547
SOP O-sessesess insets 3 482 ZOAALL .eesessesesssreseesereeees 551
ZETAVID .resessssssssssssseseees
ZEVAVD.crsvrssscscsseseescreeees
Zerelo... :
ZOVELL ceescsssssescsssseeseescnes
1.2.3 Ukrainian
astrjab....
Der nesses
DEP ESE sessssscseorsscessnesscsersss
DIEKNUY oo eeseeseeseeesseeeee
DIEK Ob eessseeesssseesssseessseees
DOLONG weseeseesseesseesseess teens
DOLONjA es eesseesseeseesteene
bolonje
borih....
DOTOG..eeseesseeseesteesteene
DOTOGLY) esses 55
614
cerépaty
cereslé
cérevo
cerin ...
INDICES
dolja....
AT]APALY weseeseeesseesseesees 115
drjuk....
HT JASEY veessesseesesseessteene
YGAZO eesssesssesesseesseeeees 188
ALOZNO vesessesessssessssesenees 191
huhndavyj ...
huhnjavyj
AURNYtY veessecseessesseeeeee
xapaty. a
NAA -sseiAiancetcschtteasiet
XVOTOSE .cedeccrncsccscaccstest 206
JID ish tavvcetecnsnbuck sense thed 155
INDICES 615
perdity
pezdity
pid .......
mity
MNIZAT GA a essessssessseseseeens 316
MNUZAIO vreresveresssversrsseenes 316
MU lec Stl ee Ss 319
NOX srsssesessseresesseseeneneees 333
WOT vevesecssecessesectesustse 324
morkva... 335
MOTOKVG vesesesesesvsrsrsseees 325
GUAYNG vaseeseeseessseseens 282
SLifiaesescsussstesepiageservesstee
STUXALY vossesssesseesseesseeene
smorid....
616 INDICES
DGATOZA sessvessssessvesesseeee 38 NOX sesseeesssecsneessseesneenses
1 1 rr 42
VETTE: ie ectsccceccntccseeastt
VETESIO ..eesessessessecsereeseees
vtory; .. ¥ habdé.. 1159
(a) en AIA AE ..eeseeseesseesseeeeeene 162
ZOULZO ivcssssvcsscuiesdesssctets
Zuravel’
1.2.4 Old Ukrainian
VNU ros cistecececticctestee 213
ZADIAIO..ecececsesesseressesees 540
11d ee E 555
LAO ZA eereresssvsresversrsseenes 557
ZOLEZO vessesesssseresveresessenes 555
ZOTAU .eeececssesescesceseeecees 558
ZUTAVEL veeececsesessereeeesere 558
1.3 West Slavic
1.3.1 Czech
baba...
béZeti..
bic...
bida....
DIAIE SE Sea, Sessa disvesiescctess
INDICES
DICH veeceecesesesesesssssssees 48
Ble aiidesacctsanitoccn 42
DIEKOF wersceteiccceteieaces 42
DEK Ot. eeesesesesssssssssees 42
DICNOVALL ...esesesesesssssseees 35
DI eSK sccccticscesanisenesees 43
DIE isisscoceiadedaetipee aces 43
DIN eRe 35
Din siwienciteeiies: 35
Disk 3 oknceak Reese 45
bliti..... 46
DUIZHA: caroce.sccscistehoctiskes 45
DUIZKY tscislevsak eves ees cess 45
DUZY sicccrensnastaccrapsntcrsneees 45
bloud .. 47
blouditi... BAZ.
DW iccvcdecuelsciadasestessetses 47
DUE sivesihsccressseservrsesdetens 46
bl yskati (SC) esses 44
DIYSHEEE oo eeseesstesssseesseeees 48
DOo siistncccrnleceianicdesetse 49
BODE ccesepscivesssecasvtepcssiesse 34
DODAEL sicccis i heiececnsiet 49
Doh aby esi vsctcsevsivied esses 50
DOF assssertectnagtacotupecseesoenss 51
DOL sssstivssscusisisetetessestatites 54
DOME. ster ecobcccccntetetoeneees 51
DOR Sr teeinnnieeane 58
DOSY sassecceecvnasnascrapensertogess 59
DOUTE es ccsisnSeckscsacececeesces 68
DT ddA sisccietccacihecictees 55
DrAdAtY eseeeseesseesseeseeeeee 55
bradlo
brana......
brany
brat...
brati
bratr
bratfi..
bratrie
DAV ssisiceds centrestickendesCieas
brazda
DP heisecennscisieeee
DFO siesssssieiesesestadeccteaes
broditi
broditi se
DONS wecccrtsclite cots
DIE cscasteerdasdseareniciestilies
617
DIUSNICE vesceeccscscscsessssees 64
OFVO aici sea niikeeks 66
OF ZAG ssseiectecescetucctoessaees 66
OLZO -vicsscccchdesdeseeesteckehdveie 70
DIZ cvrssstosanbeceossteteeciees 70
DI CCN sa iecscvniiccoea 37
DF edit SC veeececseesssseseeeees 61
DFCANOUE I ..cesesesseseseseess 66
DIN wasteceatinioadionk 37
bfest..... 437
bfevno..... ..67
bfezi.... 1.36
bfich.... 163
bficho.. 1.63
brimé 137
b7iti ..... 163
DTK iii skl cece Seats, 62
A ee 63
DFIZG sath Seas 38
DUDEN vereeseccesesesreseseesens 60
DUDE NIL ee eecesesseseseeeene 60
ee 67
TT 1h ean 67
Dithisdicniativaseeueiee ts 50
DUI sivcscdoninnttisetervtecctes 68
DUST ahead bh iiteddace deze
DY ALO ssssccdocsossscrintstetnseiee
DY ioe tteseasaties diet
DYSEPY wisvccovsesssctestesctvesies
Dy Bie ahassses Riis Mealsigtseceesee’
DY EE isctisteacainsaicccrienieies
DYVATL slices ceseeslesvedese se
bzditi...
capat ...
capat ...
capati..
cediti ...
celiti.....
celovati
COMP oscortenccoesvassstantesitectes
COND sésccessdsaiereventecsesvere
CONE ciaeieiucies badedstcteaieees
COSTAL cciecvececssectcaniesetsetne
COVE sescasushreislaene:
cevnice
COD asics
carodéj
COTY spessidssstesisnipestistaseeses
618 INDICES
cermny
COTMUCH Ac. eecsscsssseveeeeee 82 HEL aicptdoseuistetdcdere ees 134 AOUT A aideotteccnes 114, 127
COPVENY csisccsscsvestecoetsbesss 93 ACSEE Se cccesasssccesestustesesss 100 AT DATL oecccccccscssscsceseeees 135
COTV IL bec ceccsssssessseseeseseeeee 93 OSE siccsipsccrersseccrrigserssets 131 ANAT ceeeeccseseseveees 122, 136
DVL scivecestdscvassctecese eects
AZOLE ies is csscesteteatetees
AP OUIE secsccovsresvccneteosiseiee
drevny.
INDICES 619
ALOUZIEL oeseesessssesesseeees 193
AL OZON vesesvesssssssseressseenes 191
dychati
AYN sihessecrSudsssecinteseesnests
AZODAE el dsscvccdeenetieds
dzura...
NADA hissed ccccsieielosraich holot, holot.....ccc000 175
AGG swecsettscedstectians 11) (0) (re 174
IAAKY) eeseeeseesseesseesseseee HONE Ba. cendscccselesise 177 PPE D cikiccciiceiitinteiss 558
He ZeM Sacred kestesssescardeoss
hlezno.
huhnati..
AURMAVY .eeseessesseesseesees
PUIMNO vecsesesesesssrsrsseees
620 INDICES
JOSECTICE cs, accscsdecessessevins
jestérka...
chabny wes 201
CHADY, coccsriccvivrvestvosinssns 201
CHA DAET scstscesscevestncsrsesde 202 JOSIY ircdeintscccdacesete cect 153 JUD nis TAMER diay
CHOAEL sc iccvassecsccasncderedess 485 JOLIA ctrsccorssiscssieinesiog 3s 158 TEL) assscsesssescepsasessnesvecenss 211
COTY cccrssrsesdsorescnvessnesss 206 JOCMEN siccee cecteteccatts 156 JiStL isctele ae et Seeheay 154
CALAN isisebstessetestases 205 JOR ctesesi tsstetarasseseaeheerts 150 ULE atedasecens test aneasten ts 216
INDICES
kouriti .... 1257
KOUSAti eo. ceseecesseseseseseees 243
KOUb ecetosvcsnscsccteietoosees
KOUEL .eceseesesesssseseeseseeees
kouzen
koza....
KOVIE scccsccscacsesserstenssere 253
KLOVNYnsseessesssesssesseeeneens 253
621
Kydnouti .. cee 265
Hef sstediiacsdecccen biel tees sacesds 265
622 INDICES
LAZIT sssoce dessa
|] eee
lebavy..
lebeda
lebhaiciie sickness:
LECOEL sede wires deiiceks 276 Lib sieveeceu aeeeweedss es 283 MUS civcccccssestcce 315
MGLALL voescesesecscrserseseeeee 302
TMALTETSEVO..ssssesscessceseees 303
MALECTSEVO....esesessseceeeees 303
mavati.
MAZAL i eeseesccssecscesseeseeee
mdzdra
mizga
INDICES
MOLAEL .reescesecssessereceseees 327
MOLYKA .esseesseesseseessees 327
moucha..
NCLOPYP ssnsosersczectsteccasses 350
NOVESEA ..sesessssesesees 351, 458
niceti
niknouti.
624 INDICES
obotiti PAbA. vsccosersecccseisrsesernes 399
obouti POLY cox tdiclen bites g 399
pavouk.... 1391
od(e) PAZNENE vereeesescsessereecnee 393
PAZUCHA LA. eesseessesseeseees
Deeuceseaueteeese es PTOSIEL .sesssssssrsrsessseees 421
Y ssvenasresadesecosadbaseesd PLOSEPAEL es eeeesesesseeseeees
INDICES 625
PISA ssseaisie cites 429
396, 428
396, 428
SLUICE sccccecscsescicccascecsee®
SIUSCEI .oececesesesesessssssseees
slyseti...
snovati
socha...
626 INDICES
SEY ZCMN .ececcccsscsenssseeesesees 471
SEUG ba he Bee ake 471
studeny... 471
SCUGIEL oo eececccccssscssssssseees 471
STL cacivinistis ecettchevsciveds 468
SYANOUEL ....eesseesseesees 473
SUCHP s seteccessssestenseseazers 473
SUK vance iN dinneuett 464
SUL Botha intciathacietes 461
sunouti... 474
surovy
SUSUEL cccdecersesccscincebecsten
SUVG.fasttisnsenenkevnte
SVALY vecssecseeseeseeseseesnes
svekr
SV EL cirscstoccvnsdehivestectics
SUVICO ied asceeseeedee ect:
SV INE: s aesccccvsssecesscescachas
SUPAD Wiliciekidciettediie
svrbéti
SEAVILD seressessersereesereeseens 466 SYN vressssereesereeseeeeneseeens
stéblo...
SLENNO's tii dscecssctais
SEENALL ...ecseseccesesscsseseees
SCE Sn Gain is
SEOZKA cocecscscssssssssssssssees
SLEZK GL sscath seceiivietoeetsss
stihnouti
SLIM 2 ecccacavecctisvesccesscveeses
SHO sendin dite
SEO’ carctsncsvaansiecwsanssovasisse
SLOM a sierenslscssdiavlecetica vse
SEOM ssisscnsvsnsscsversnccvve tis
straka
strana
SELOUG csc. caccosseteswssts ies
sttemcha
CJD eeevstecsveestoceetcnes 84 CAZALI SC ereeseesesececeeeees 493
SEPEVE cc scndeiieranaes 86 ECHNOUE i. esecsseeseseeereees 129
SEFEVO ccccsnscecccrencccscoecssves 85
stfici.... .467
SEPEItL oecccccccscscsssssseseeees 82
{GVIEL A cornices
trhati...
INDICES 627
vrstva ..
VIELE. Laccvcndscdetseseaecceacss 539
UVINIET fo cc sccaskesseins cess 387 VISKAEL -iecousiscccsceteedeenente 214
uzda.
UZEl sc esscehein chalets
UL ated sicvccrtetecie dessins
UZAS scccescecdsisstenstsssteetng 511 VAR Sacicissseacctscsewieteeee 526 VYSOKYS vsreessesseesseesseeeneens 535
UZOVKA weecseresssressesereeees 388 VIGKG sekscecsscsiavessscsiadsiest 526 VECE.)=srsesersecsssanessosvandes 533
VY. . sveshetosccsdecstetebeceeen 530 VIGKNO esssesssresssssresseseees 526 ZC) iciccroradeseesonesroestsiors 217
VN) = serssssssstcsvensteesvensty 530 VIS 2h sentisivinrisdecetievete 526 ZO. ten crelh serach cates 540
VAD IE cicscescerscctnsscossvoesite 51 VAS Bsc astsenctsctoesiocsvee 526 ZADNOUTL vreresessererseeeees 543
VA ihivecccntidecenaeiecies 512 VISE ac eccesie alscrcoeccatee 526 ZADIAAL eeecessssesesserees 541
VAANOUTL .sesessereseesereeees 520 VIAZIEE oereesssescseeseseseeees 527 ZADSE ice sesessessssssererssseeees 543
zivati...
zjevny
628 INDICES
drobéz
drzati
drév(e)...
APOVNL eecscscscsssssesessssseees
LEVIN coeccccscscssssscssssseees
driev(e).. :
AFKOING woeseesesteseeveeseeees
CHEO cikcrtsatskccsh tosses tastes 264
JAZ sivsecestescec aster Gstsvrecténs
yyy
JOCEEL os cscs dasssssssenccsstbeses
jestiab.
1
JUCZV As sresserssrseeeerseseenees
JUNGLE sect osc eececeies
jiskati.. ss
JISC A cissessteceseisiedssasstcee
jmieti..
JUN rasechecetevccseasties
kvisti.
ldkati
INDICES 629
easdbesransSteareucsbeesens 259 MAL ee resccscssesecscrecseeseeees 303
ethos at iieeeese 268, 367 MATOTNY vssesesseseeseseeeee3O4
INCICLT seviciecscseccecovnetessies 331
MElicistrsiisveicdiassens 310
MEN sovececcccsrercscsarerserse 341
MUNG ssisenesicstideoes cocks 338
MMICSEL woeesscscesesssessereeeees 315
NUCL cc oeccescneeenivetces 316
MICZNA veresesserervseerereeees 314
miezka ...
naviti
NCAUAG veseecscscsssessssseseee 348
630 INDICES
SEYZICSS vesecesssssssssssseees 470 1.3.3 Slovak
stzé... ako... ..28
suditi babe el eki nda ees: 32.
suvati bAdAE ds tsivaseetueintia 32.
SVAANUEE .oeseesesesseseseeees 476 GARNO weicsscd idee ctioosees 33
SVEKT OV. .secsssesesesssreesesess 475 DAL SATA A tritthieatn 50
INDICES 631
Dab ilk i OR REAS RA 60 COS isis ile leake 88 (A EAPO 104
632 INDICES
ALAZIE Sih ieee 115
drbat...
AVODIZG iessstcsrescccssinnstes 18 AUCH NUE. ceesessseessseseees 168 VIVO cesseessessssestseseesens 189
drozd...
CAIAANY weseessseseeseeeees
chlieb
INDICES 633
JON ccivsccccnsisessassbecbesbeces 153 KIASE eececccccssecesesesesesseees 223 Kr ePky vessseesseessesseesees 246
634 INDICES
KUCH reccchccccssissetocteseed 252
Ktth caieeccttateadieds 251
krupy... 41252
KUT co eececccscsescscsesseees 251
miazga
mienit..
INDICES 635
MIUVIE veccccssscssssesssssseees 334 MIO Ferssssccrrssdescerssaseerdse 338 OA(O) cacirssssenssnteccnsntece 382
osmy....
MOTKVG vesesssssssssvsresereees 335 NCLOPICT .oereereereererseenee 350 OS OL ecco Sescaa dosescueatcese'
MOSNG vacescssscsererseseneseee 327 NEVESEA weeeeesseeseeeeee 351, 458 OSE neseeindicstestiienatieean’
636 INDICES
PONG: seseirseSirresnsso snouts 397 POSTAL .ereessesseceeseeseenee 479 120) 0) (ee 373
PCTAICE. wecrersecsecceereesees 428 POP ei E ROG Oe ess 415 NOG 22) sitet BONE Sec dees 437
PIC. de ccerssuccutaseancceessrs 393 PLL snestotin toot 419 TOS ciccncscatessscsisdcetessocets 438
PICSOK ..rressessecsecseeneeneene 398 PTIASE cdescessscusd sais sotesense 419 TOV. Rarcsvrideeriied eae: 439
»
PUCSEE cdot tes ncoceeree 397 PTIAEED ce ecseceesseeeeenee 419 TOZ- secccrcanccesseovdacernetenss 377
INDICES 637
SAE SQssdtoccdcsccscsetevivn 465 LONKY svsssososvvsnscopuverstises 505
SEAVIE SQ vecsseeseseseceeees 466 LEDAE vices ierecsessvsbissscbiooss 492
steblo
stehno
SCUAENY os eessesssessesssesees 471 EAE: scccastcserssszecinerintece 502
STUGIE vecccchtdaets 471 LEE chica lel Riiteailesks 499
SEYANUE .seeseeesssesseesees 473 UTIASE Kacteccieidasstavtocsions 497
Sasa et er esenisenet 462 triet.
suchy tei
SU Soivscr see tihesaeciecareee
STOVAE vecessessssesceserseseees 457 SYM swecsessitecepsitnscerstcsesoess
socha...
638 INDICES
VILLE ccctoccdcecrscietetctecses Zaludek
VISEVAsessssecessereeseerersenss ZETAVY vessessecreersesnessensees
vrtet.... Zeriav ..
Aoi asseucusececrteaenies ZIGAAL euctiviceitacecstctesstel
1.3.4 Old Slovak
1.3.5 Upper Sorbian
DAE scossscdecosetescessadsceviatvess 33
btudzié
bluwaé
btuzna. =
DEY SCO. eseesseesssessesseessees
blyskaé
brodaty...
DrOdZIC Los eeseeesssesssessessee
R04 BE
buceé...
INDICES
érjoda
CP]OULIE sossssssssssssssse 82
érjosto
PTY ZAC seesssssssessseessssesees
hwézda
chiéd ... .
CHOSE vescccssscscssssscsceees
640 INDICES
MOK iesccs cbscesvstevsvovsns 307 SOL® esvesiecoscentecovstoncneasttes 461 WIOEG cececssscssscssscscsseseees 529
INDICES 641
brouzda
brozda
brozi§s
642 INDICES
Diy ciciass cepsivtvccdecaveeeses 40 OF AE sicsidorotcxcetstebonn tenes 73 COI ueeseesesseesseeseeseenee 202
DiCZicdacirncdcdetiedioed 41 DI ACID sessed hed hevcies 60 CHIOARY ciplecvsaseehasis 204
DiGiiSccsscealcovteclecsvatovond 41 DIA Sireeiioicsdetsotoncieecteiss 60 CIO: sceesccects rcoerasaeiooes 203
bier(Z)Wi0NKO .........000 67 DOL veeceesesssssesssseessseess 56 CATODIY seessesssesseesseseees 204
Die WIONO w.oeesseesseessessees
bierzwienko..
brzemie...
DYZOSE sosescssiecssseninsoscaizses CLEMICTZY COs sressersereeserns 81
DIZOZE ccsssiesteteccresscessinaten CHEMIN vsessssesssssesseesseeens 505
DIZOSt st theta cedhecstetiveceas i
DIZUECH sisccsvessacsvscotecctonsee
DIZUCHON ste btAditece
DI ZAKI sesseesssesesseessseess
brzytwa..
DUCZEE vesseessessseesssesseessees
OZAD c Siechesteniccnoeeest
czakaé
CZOL was
czarny
CZAVOAZIE) .sssesssesssesssseen 78
CLAS i cecescasidecatetessitecsed 79
CZCWAC « ccevsdeissesitescerdecses 89
CLOZY wieeise ektiscee et thed 502
(ZEKE i Beseihlanniecss 79
czeladz..... ..80
CZOMIET siccscdisecksesestetiotd 81
CZETIMNY veeesseesseesseessessees 91
CLOT PAC .civvisscssanstnessessnnte 92
CZCTSEWY wereseresereseseseseseee
CZWATEY .esesesesesereseseseeee 87
CZ WOT. sesesessssereneneseesesens 86
czysty ..
CZYSCIC sssessesseereeseerseseesnes
CZYLAC vessessesseereeseeressennes
INDICES
dtuto
drag
AOD Cea Slisccotetelonned 118
AV OQ vesseesessseseeseessees 113
AT WG vesssesssesesesessssssseeses
AT ZOWIC) cessssesssesssseesseen
drzewo....
AZIALAE veeceeesssssssssssseees
AZIALO veeeeesscssssssscssesseee
AZIATSK cee clecsivss
ALIGN seicssscersndsccrnienssce
AZICCIE v.esseessessssessesvens
dziegiec ..
AZieliCncléccndieccecs
AICO iitivesweiesrinin
AZICTYAC .sssesssesesseeseeees
AZICTZCE veseesessssesssesees
AZICTZQAC seessessssessseeess 136
AZiCSIGLY .sreesssssesssesseeers 100
AZICSIO€..esseeseesseesseessees 100
AZICWIGLY voeesssssseessseeees 101
AZICWICO.ceesseresvsrsreseeees 105
AZIOWICE .seesseeseesseeseens 101
dzieZa.....
dzieciot.
dziegiel
AZAKL ssacecussteeishiessccbetbies
dziupla
dziupto...
GLUT sssnsesisicaszetacsesses
QNIAZAO voreesssesssessseeesees
QNIAZAO voreesssesssesssescsees 169
OIC is waseccecotnececswiaett 169
NIA. essere 169
QINICSE vesvessessesressesreereens 168
QIMMCWieresserssreerersersenees 168
ONY ade sitiecctetctessesesd 169
ONO] cssaiveisnsvensenssetesistes 170
INDICES
JOO rivserriceensnsssravsvasrins tes 150
GOALO sisisseiscecssuscesstescses 150
JOSIE vesssssvesesresessereeseens 26
GOON veseeseesssecseeseeiens 27
JOJCE soesesssrererserereseseeneneens 27
JO Craoksessienscapnisessecinsnseseas 27
YOJRO scccsecacsusticccosvavecansats 27
PON acceded sedated 151
JORZOG: ssssvssasrsnsi scdicseesrers 153
JOTZODING voesssesssssesseen 142
jarzmo....
jarzyna
POSION ce casisveeiesvevcecasesesets
PAWN tesvessed tic ukedscsiheus 31
JOD: csssctinirs cccdssensneosensestt 155
JOZA .esseesessrsesnseseesees 154
INDICES 645
JOMUCS Zo seeresseresresrersersens
jemiota...
JOSUOTY vesesseresserererserereees
jesiotka...
JOSIOET soi, sasvssssrenscnnedeens
ULL Os ce scrcevssiastives svtessseds 510 KLOSZCZE vessesessssesessseesene 224
PUL Heccrsraescsoctssces ccscees 207 KeSZCZYCorsesssessseessseesees 224
KOAZIE soeesssesssssesssessseeees 218 Klip sssctsha tee eects eS sass bcease 224
KOCIE SiG sseeesesseesseeteenee 240
KOjATZYC vossessessssssssessees 228
kokosz ....
646 INDICES
krzepki
krzesto
krzyczee..
krzydlo
kurzyca...
kuznia
INDICES 647
MATQAC ..essesessssvesseseeseens 335
MATEWY uressssererererenrssees 342
MATZNGE voesessscssseveseeees 343
TNCKA vereesecrsersersecneesees 329
MIATUWY .sessssssessesseeseess 342 MOCZ ics isccsceeeseesens 319
miasto
miazga
MICO enue hes.
miech
INIOCZE save cesisecsesecseedeetse
miedza
MNICAZ: sessissacishsstsscsinsies
miedzZwiedz
Miely no
mienié
MiCPZCNNGE .seeereerserees 341 MOLE waceccssesecscsseeereeees 327
MICT ZI. eresesesecssserereeee 342
MCT ZICE .eseeecesssserereneee 342
MICTZNGE weessersssscerereeees 343
MNCL ZC ssressecresseereeresrees 312
miesige ... vee 312
MICSIC NN cccnhacecie: 313,
MICS ss oxi devsccesteseisesdesses 308
MG are tersaies oacerenettoreves 314
MICKK is eerseesecseeereenees 314
MICKNGE. verseevecrsereereerees 314
INICSO wessesssesesssversssssncees 315
MICZATA vesessrserseersessee 316
MAC. cc cessss i chccnte decaeite 317
MilCZeCs isn cate. 340
LL ON ee 317
TIM wseecsseresrsesseesceneens 317
NUCLOPCTZ.sesesssssesereseeees 350
NIC WIASEO wo .eeeesereseeseeeeee 351
niewod
nikngé.
NO QTC css cor ceconccncscnsctte
NOKICC..esssesseesssesseesseeens
NUAZIE .csccecsssssvsseseresees
nukaێ..
INDICES
OTCAZIC .sesseeseereeserseenee 375
OPZECN csccsicecstisevsdesnsass 374
OSUOTY .ssssesesreressesereseenes 144
OSIOEK A .oesesesesesssssssssseees 145
OSKATA escsesesesesessssssseses 378
osnowéa ... +379
OSELY esseseseeseseseseseseseees 379
OSZEZO Ws cvecsseevscevscarccivors 146
OS's sede aceiteee nc aeeocss 380
OSC? biteveccooveende Raventessees 380
OSCICN ..sescsscssssssecaeeseees 380
OLWOTZYC rsssesssssssreresenes 383
OWCA ....
INDICES 649
PISKOLZ weseecsecsecseesserees 400 POSEY .sesssessessesseesesseenes 422 FYE sassccisseiesenesestceastnsets 442
rzygac..
SAAZIC seseprecrseossesvvennsees
SICQAC: tsa vsssssssseesscetnse
siegngc
siemieé..
stonice..
HOW I Receccccccccsscsssssseees
SEYZYCcerererseseseseeeseseteens
StUAZIC. .reecseessecssesseeeeee
stygnge...
INDICES
Sciegna
Sciegno
Sciezka
Scigng¢é
Smiac sie.
SWIECO weesessssesesesessesesees 476
SWIEKE vececsssssssesssseeseess 475
SWICTZDICE..ceseressereseeees 478
Swiety ..
SZCZONIE veseeseresserereeeenes 486
SZCZYE verereesseeseeeseteteteees 486
SZEPSZON cccvsesvscerseetsiyess
SZCSC
EV ZOCE. sstesvscsvovsinesctaesciets 497
EPZEMCHA cesescsevsveveveseeees 82
EPZEMUCHA vesseseseseseeeeeee 82
EZOWO sioksicsas haere
trzoda..
LU editlasecideiccae
INDICES 651
usta WI0SHO vesssesssresessereccseeees
wiosna
uzda wi0r ....
we) WIT vsessecsesesseeseseeseseeneeses
wabié WiWIiEI GA ..ssessessseresreerees 216 LAG ssctitiseet edie 544
wadzi¢é. WIAAAE scsi scccscsvescesnstce 524 ZIAT IO sdecvnsnsriectscereeseses 553
ZIEL Ee ccscrssaccecessedecsinsessses 542
ZICIONY ..esseesseesseeseessees 541
ZUCMIIG wreseesesscnseseeeceenees 542
ziewae ....
ZL ENICG. veussssssivctcsesvseneos 542
LOW vcsrncseieewerssvtenncties 559
WICNED vcccsssssesessseseseeees
WIAZIEE ssicsiecesvsecesstevscee 521
WIECZODM wesessesesscresseseceen
wiedzieé..
wiersza
wierzch ...
652 INDICES
YC Seeseccsssoietitectes sates 562 AV OZAEA vessssssssesssssesseen 121
1c bd re 39 QOL sessevselsccrnsstesctiabeccrvsen 162
DiclON .eseeseeesseesseeseesee 36 DOLAE. coicsnedineccenie 161
DBE R ccossvsccttecrnssiecses gots 60 GOLDY woeresseeessreseesseesees 175
POAZINAK veeseesssessssesseen 138
JOAZINY .eseesssesssessssseseen 138
JOM ia cc gcass sons casvsntnssoe 211
GOMIOL sr eeseeeseeceeseesee
jemiota...
GOMIONO Leerssen
JOSIOED veecesesessseseseeeseens
JUSELZEPSZY soesssressecsereeres 511
JUSETZENKA..esssesssesesseen 511
krotki
KO th tccechecestetecscsziners 250
kto ....
lemiesz
INDICES 653
niesciora.... 3
NICLOPYIZ vesesseresrecrerserns
NICWIASEA. .sesssesscrseeseees
NICWO .sesesesesssrsrsrsreres
NICWOU .rrssesesesssvsvsrsreees
NOZAYZA wessesesesvsvsvsvsseres
NOZALZE vresesesvsvsvsvsrsseres
POSTZESE eereecrsecreerseesee 482 DIGECEC ceecessessesseeseesseeseess 48
PY TZ ssassiessossisevesaesvendestss 425 DIGSK veeeecccsccssescsssssssesees 43
SAND s.tsietosirtsxessttessseeds 443 DIGSKAC voseecesssssssesseseesees 44
SOOO is wisiedcstseteeas 472 DNASE siesersnsssserhssseentsneets 47
SCAZDisvevccscsscersecteussoesess 472 DULCSCEC ve eeececseesssseseeeenes 48
SCIODTO vc ecccssssssesessseeees 472 DUR eSKestasss ccd ek sce teessveks 43
SCHOQNO.ceseesssessseseessees 472 DIGUN vecececesessesessesseeseenes 53
SLOT CE sitscescesetcdersceses
strowy
SEYANGE verescssssserseeeeees 473 DI OdGTE cocceeescsssssescsseees 55
654 INDICES
LOD tiscatieoristecinssteeatents
LeSCiisiticbes ve, Gates
liezéc
Indyc
luone
drueba ldesos
druebjind WMO ZOO ss. ccisctis seeders 287
ATAPAC ceseeeseesseeseteesnees
dréuzd
droyg...
dfastac
SZICFNOYC resseccserseeerseenee 136 KIGKG srecciccs cece ieseiens 226 INGOT K is iecessessassscenionsese 341
SUCSINC verseseseceseeeeeeeeesees 100 KECEC sssccs seca sees: 226 NAPLOV ZOO sizes cee csvverceesd 342
PAD AC we deccaissces sti 202 TS oe ae 274 rak alee aati d 374
MUTI: ssssreessesdssssetsieedece 204 DED AVE voecesessssssssesssssseeees 277 PERE secsestsesccstsgeses 434; 435
INDICES 655
VIIQO: sesescrssssnssersiecdsrviecd 209 JONSEA ce resesseresseseeseereseees 215 DIOS sci csssesepesngesenssintsses 4o
1.3.10 Kashubian JOUWG seesesecvesnscrsvsegeediveede 158 DPOZATT sescocssrsscrsnrssetveores 41
id oe ee 45 KIGL OL. eeececsesesseeseseeees 229 DIAS ese taehsat ice Meats 52
ZDIEKNOC.eesesseeseeceesseseene 48 MATING -sccoccsscccinw eerste 204 DIEM Ee sicccwdsccthccectaveetocees 35
i eee 140 KOPN Crh eee eva 205 DIGSEt eeitaveadedtaicGn 44
CNG sicsetissceeciewiesiee 555 DUO siesccousssscstenrescivesese 43
blijesak....... 43
1.4 South Slavic Dlijestati (Se) sss 49
1.3.11 Polabian bliskati (se)
CAE vss ect iaanseveetecteees es 216 1.4.1 Serbo-Croatian blistati (se)
DUEZ seeker ees:
blizak ..
DRAG scccccsedeckeienicciieee
DIRZNG veecescsscssscsssssssssseees
656 INDICES
DYUSEE scscatsacscctussteceetinesse 46 Oil izahesccitadsdeiveavtesiees 63 COKGUE fteicccakialune: 78
DYUVATI oo eects 46 DIVE secsocsciscneeccen 63 COPA ieie ewes 78
DIKNUEL .eseeeseeceesseeseeeeee 65 CATOMjE) essesseesseeseesseenne 78
bojati se
bojdzan...
DOL seescooscctessecanestosessees?
DON fe rsrcessctvceetevedess et sbiae
DODjeti esses sesssessees
DOU fischer eseewiee
DOP seieesdecidececaieieteieenéestie
DOP OVI Ruveeseesessessseeteeeees
borovina....
DOTOVK A. eetesessesssesseseeees
DOS sscittesscesstetbeadecrtess:
DOSE scistecetescsentcvees kek
DACA eeceessesessssseseesteseeees
OVA socvescsneiatedehesedseetects
BHAA ériiad ce tiivdcints:
DGGE seccssscscssesccessssetsees
OPA Niet cider hatte 57 CUel wecccesNtseesenctseres
DIANA veccecscssssveseceeee 56,57 CULL i sexs icccssseccessdecceentess
OLASNOZ svctcvcccisslecccaviseveds 57 CHENG .essesssesssesesseessesees
cijeniti
cijev....
CHEN iriateseci ince cxictatteessuns
creépati
CTUJCMUSA vressesseereeseesneess 82 ChELOVAEI .oseessesessesseeeees 75
CLUE Pies coocienszcciusvseteveesses 84 CHOVANICA ..ssessessesesseeseees 77
CV UPOVO cvsivscsivesesessvstesssses 86
DEKNUE i .eeeeeecesescseseseeeee 62
bréme..
CVESTI enti Rk 259
CVI EL ccsaseciusssnstscsssdenies 259
INDICES 657
MAN. csitssaciesesecsiiscivses 111
AijetO eeeseesseesseeseesees 98
ANG sities 130
do . 109
dO. cticceneciteeltehe bbe 112,
AOD a tdcilccceheet 109
AODAP’. sesicscssusssstivcsesssete 110
GOP CA veeseeesseesseessessee 110
dojiti...
AV IOLL. cccccrsasivesrnasnesstvees 99
ATIjOVO veseessessstesnsesseesnens 99
Ar tSK Ati oseesesesesesssssseees 117
wy.
APOC i adiet cS eth Divs 19 DIDALE Baska nett
BINUELscrcietd ces stesete notes
glabati.
658 INDICES
grajati, grajati
grakati
QUAD acissccs osectesscostannss 167 gramdda, gramada....186 QUZ Rie ace Cec cass 184
guizva... 185
QVOZA, QVEZA veessessssseees 196
NAD GEE ih cos es diloes 201
NADI... eeseeesseeeeeseeeeees 201
QTOM orsscssesesrersesssereseens 190
gromdda....
STOMA... eeseesseesvessees 190
INDICES
ME esectovseasscninsraptoorriesies 212 GAStTIPED veces 29
| a ee 213 JASECTICO..essesessesssvessesees 30
my
JACMEN weeeesessererererenenees 156
1153
JOM icivcessnebactcesdersens 151, 152
fd ee een 151, 152
JATAC ses iopisssvespinssiconicnte 153
JOTQIN sesorscccctivcsctoncnsceces 28
JOTE socccscscvssessaseesesteveite 151
JATOD s cccccsesosanvinncstivendes 142
jarebica...... wee 142
JATING, JATING ..eseeseseeee 151
fark, jG7KA eee 153
jarost
jasan
jasen
jasika
JOLIN cated tecbenspsscesegsbectes 159
JEZOVICA voesesrsssesssrssseees 149
kahnuti, kahnuti ...... 260
kdjati...
RAK iicceek eects
kdzanj....
KAZAb i estessiirincsicntewucs
KAZE hisick Sea tvccccuseetecet
kliknuti, kliknuti
koliko, koliko, koliko .229
INDICES
kosar
KOSATO cocccccsssssseseseseeees
koteri
kotiti (se)
KOVAL L schoscd docsostntehoecse
krosno..
krotak
KY OtIEE ceeceeccecssseseseseseees
INDICES 661
VOAVIjO .esseeseesseesessseeene 276 [jutiti
lermes sional 271 lobO das. eck keine 366 MAO sisevcdo id ehbhstec cess 300
Lift sccesses Matsenvee hetssceee 207 loviti
MEV cesssssscssscsessssseees 306
lab ...
RO AC sein feecitoceed
662
mijéena.
MU ONIEL ...sesesssreseeeersreees 312
MAU ONIEL -roscicendetacvonness 311
MACSItD ...eeesescssseseseseeees 313
MIKE beste Gisvcecsscos eine 337
MIZATL vececccccscresseeeseteeee 319
MIZAATI .ecereseereres 339, 344
MCUs seisdiescsstecdivent 309
NOU stove orceconccntscereoses 312
NOVELL coca seek cosvee cesses sstes 312
MNOSCC. sccirsercccopiennccorionss 312
INGESEO vessssesssssssessssseseees 313
MUG eecccccsssssssssssesesssees 323
MIAMENAC.....seeesveerveene 322
MIUAL Socks 8 soos stevenson 32.4
MNNb.cecccccscssssessseseseseseee 32.4
INDICES
wy,
mosnja
MOLAL IL oessessecresseereesessees
mozdan
MOZAANT vresesressseevereeees 328 NEDO bee EN telees 348
MOZGN wresesressseerereeees 328 NECAK ocecccccssssscssscssssesees 351
MOZAENGA wiesseresssserereeees 328
MOZGIEL oeeseseeressssereseeees 336 NEKO ies isaticccsesaducsisiviessics 349
NOVO evcccsssssssesssssessssees 351
MEK SAidecolceccteeetenes Me detested ctcecsiwiplocns 352
mikva
MIMMfitiw eee 335 WEES ccisdisicesceevslieiecsee 353
MAPMNAALL weeeccsscrersseesesees 335 WIZ sss drstvevestecresacnasrevsetietes 54
mrziti
MUEZI CLL. sosivs etsotvnasvtssies 342 NOQAL vassesesseveresvereseesenens 355
MAPZNUEL .oeeecccseesessesesees 343 NOKAE sAcctenisieariiaien 355
wy
muciti
NUGIEE ooo eeccccccscscsssesseees
NUKE iol sceccc ces
nuriti...
INDICES 663
plasiti
platno..
OO jth... cesses Ib scsnssecvesnssnvesnsessviies EVA ciservesssrorrecesvencovsse
oganj...
OFT SE. sata listens
OFUZAE sce Scsesesnsvevsvenevs?
OTT ZO vessessesseersesverseeseess
PISAtL ee eeseesseresesceseseens
piskor...
prédati ...
PLENULEL oeeseecesesseeseeees
plakati
y
plamén...
PVOSETICti neces
protiv
INDICES
SOSET GD setecstecsiensesssteerioee’
SOZQEL. titi ad cela
sijati....
TOVALL Benssc chided’: 436 SUPA sccvsassccessccctnsectsees
ridati SU. lscaneak cece
SAIt ie. cecccccssssscssscssees
sahnuti...
SItth, sltthicececsscsceseeee
SHAS AEL scsscceccesassecotsecescs 455
smijati se ...
INDICES 665
STHCUA .reessessseerssereeree y EP GAEL sccssccsosiennscenvenssteed 502
srijemusa... tr 303
SPSTJENf eeseecseesseessesseeeeee
SEADIO eeeecessessersesesseseens
470
SEU sreseiieidecccsteinnd 342, 471 LOSING essteiiiitdn edcstededictss 491
SUG ais Nad csa tes
sudija.. unutar.
SUIT csseveleicdeis eves unttra
666 INDICES
USEG cedocscsccieguvsesdecetonsss
US! ce iehaese: idee
utoliti.. is
DLTODG occccesscssssessssseeees
ZOE cansscatebesed fede we teases
CID esdcesenetsvdesaavieeies
4 (c(t
LYALL sccisesceestasvetcovsnectade
zijevati
zima ....
ZINUEL...ssesesccscsssseescnsees
LVAJED seasnecteces ettectensteess
ZVIUfCZLAD sseessvsssssesseceens 196
VIUOIME siccsnssccosaveschonsnse 516
VE UOSivssvcccrrssncassnsnteys sen 516
vrijeslo.
VUE. sce Cece.
vijecati....
VIFCATO. se essesseesssesseesneeene
VUJENO i eeccsectecwtascesscosete
viknuti
Zéljezo
Zéljud...
INDICES 667
ZijOZAA veeesssssssessssssssee AG isis tecrtctect55", « MCAS UE east ces tecttaettes
Zrvanj..
yw
biziti...
DIG ZO weesesseeseeseeseesseesnees 51 GUCAEE sorcsicsccsoweioteceis 67
668 INDICES
Diva (Marija)... 105
IVE as cdhscstucvsebethecdlbese 105
Divica.. .106
AiVU tcc cateccsscoctesssstate 108
GAZA ciissetscevidedadsivteaients 106
AIZVA Sosccouisscssanscedeecs 106
GH: iecsspscatesssecasiitectauess 111
AGN ascii 111
LET | SRC RSE a vO
dlieto ... és
ALiStis.cecececesesesescssscscseees
AAVOLE ee ION oe 96 OMe tO ER 113
QIOVIEL eee eee ees 166
glih...
yw
Gel ie aS cc lasiiikes 103 AZAH euk eed ewe 138
INDICES
(hyrand
hranit ..
JOTING vescesssesesreresseseesees
jarina..
JOSETOD voecsssesesrereseseereseens
jascerica.
kdjati se
ROD iescecsectt tetenipetetsendes
670 INDICES
KOLICE setoccd ccecncesteviiuss 235 KUCA ie. osecehcetivinees 244
KOT ILO vescccscssssecssssssssesees 237 KUditteccdvccsisccstceaiisent 255
KASAI oe eetesseseeteeseeeeees 221 KOSATG wecccccsssssssseveseeees 240 KHON] -sscssansscvsvadedevsantsses 232
KASYAt eects 221 KOtitI eects eeseeeeneees
KAZAE ictetithiniess kovati
kazati.. kovati ..
kidati
KASEL scsscccsvacscccnvsscscereacts krdsta
KAS. Ss hes Kratak scwinrnitsncdc 236 DAQATE eee eeseeseeseesnees 294
KLEES CA vescescesesssssesseseene 224 KG Scssosccegcanicietorattes 247
KUSCA. Bvascticcedstractes 224 Kripa veceesessssseesesseenee 246
KLCCGLL oe eeeeseeeetesteeeene 225 KING osccoccesicscsrenccevienss 262
KTICALL ee eesteseeseeteseeeene 225 KM dvs cccatedvcccsis 262
KSC discitetccsithcnsess 224 KLM lip esses 194
WU ets esac nas 226 KP MOEA; sesssesssesssseceees 194
KLGE s ssseccovssseseresduserssests 226 Kr Of ib sestscccsasessscavseptinnss 248
KOK OS isccasdvcsdsivioscsyedenss 228 KrOpitin.ecsecseeceeseeseenes 249
KOK OS sressestoteornctocccts ens 228 Kr OSNGsescssessssessesseseeees 249
yw
Zati
INDICES 671
LUti i ceca Secdusiicaice MEAVED ..resreseeseereeserers
loboda. medvid ...
LO fhe aS EEE MN CPO vs sessesssessnserssesseesees
LORE A Meacezeveln Mii MER ied becsatneindents
LOK OE sc Ge csncces sess MEK AR osdasecorvnncecnte
TOKVG cescccssssssssssssesesesees IED vesesesesesesesessssssseeees
LOMB ce hesccsstboonids: METI ti sesesesesesessssssssseees
LOWMITER eiscrcadcivicctedseicies MOS visvrdevecsviiascataviervess
DOPAEA se eseeseeeseessecneesees MESEC vessesesscrsssessenesresees 312 MOTAEL w.esessesecsecscrseseees 327
LOSS ecdegccts ikea hates MES Oistecvassdsckesaecrenctasee 315 MOTTKA co escscscscseseseeseeeee 327
MYZUE sec cccis i hiciseics
mucat..
mucati
1771) ht re
672 INDICES
nevéesta....
nevista
INDICES 673
PlUcd creer es 405 PUPNUEL os eecseseeeeeeees 423 TOUNO.c iiaiatiniiiess 440
3 yw sy
PITAL veesecsersrsersescrseteeeeees 428 TACILUSC Societe aoa 432 SEAAM vececrerssssrsssssesereens 443
PIUfGtel siete vcseescustie tne 420
PHTjate] eee 420
proh..
PYOSEIIE eeesesesesseseseesese 421 VIR e eee 434 SU ALL csssseccecies sek cageoc tess 448
674
SEPALL socsascccosoveestsseseseee 483
SE ch tre edie eee! 483
Sir... wee 483,
SUTOF ceissseesseeverdeeess 474, 484
SUT OWscveciecideasdiclens 474, 484
SEE else hin eeezsts hives astes 484
SIE occu eth Neeser tes 487
SHO caciaiascbepuarensiationtes 451
S[ALL SC .oeecessesssssesesseseens 450
slab... 452
SLUSAt Sicacestsutiatsvaisc 455
SINE]JAL SC .eresssesreresrereees 456
SME vesecscrsssssssscsssseescees 480
STE CMB sscatl ceccsstteseorieets 456
SUN aS esses Rates iene 456
SMNTJAE SC..scessesessssseseeees 456
STALL SC vesessscsesesseseees
INDICES
trovat ..
trovati
EPP i ilesiscvestictssedtevsteies
INDICES 675
LAVT It ssioeasscesesetceses 541
zdraf....
UliGae eles he 508 VIGAAEL .oesesesssseseseeseseees 524 4/4 (| ee eee
| ccssietornbcecseeteeeeee VIG coeceseeceescessesseesee 1 7
(V)OSAK veces 529 INU i eesesesssesssessseeeees
VOZEEL veavcceceascccestensessseees 530 TE cosctenecdeces cetosssenecesés
vrag.. is
VIAN Bistesecividestdcodesctegeies 527
676 INDICES
DICNCALL .eeecceescscssseeees
bléscati...
bliskati (S€) vests 44
DISK ATI SO .eeececccscssssseees 44
DOE sie scasdeieieenibehe ds 54
brazda
OF CAE scsi Sadadeistebeceyitasted 65
DPIdGIG sis. hccdvsvcescessotod 62
bridok..
britva
brkati
INDICES 677
céliti
CelOV ALL ccccsccescsscedcnnves 75 CMEP iesscccescevstatiocben 81
678 INDICES
DCG O ss isccserssdassersisscieriese 106 OMG veseeesseesssesseseessees 112 DUS scsssysscaiersacesensiseeste 127
dlasna dfzati
dlésna dfzati
dléto. _ dfzniti .
globok
QIUMITI Serene
LOD toch icccsicedit Be ctsveee 167
BLO .ccdeicnccccncstnsobecovenctes 163
50047) [CL ee 182
5047) [ee 183
80j
ZOMOIA .eeesseessesseeseesees 177
ZOMOU A. eesseessesseesseesees 177
GONE sae case secesetactesnestense 177
INDICES
grebén
grébsti....
gréda...
IED sssccsrcecvansnegonessnesevicn 187
QT CEL tes esis Meese esas ien 187
QIEZ sesverssssrseesereeneesesseees 189
QTELO veseesessnesresseereeseenees 188
greziti..... .188
grézniti... ..188
gristi.... 194
VOLE sersschs da tsscsctssesecetss 191
ROL eis cusicducasbsesees:
grozan ...
hlddon...
hleb....
hidd...
hrastje....
AXY?
AV ASCC eeseeessecsseesessee 206
680 INDICES
AXY
JOSCATICO .oeseeceresesreseeeeees
JOSCOTICA veseesessssesreseevens
jabotka...
jabotko
7 eae ee ees
JOQNIC cr eresvereseseerereeereens
JOQN J Oras csvsinescssasragrssieetes
JAQIG IC. oesesveresssserereeeneees
jagoda.
jahati
Kal eetetaccovtidlstocdieiea in 261
INDICES 681
kropiti....
KOSIG weresssesescsesseeseenee
KDS sssrtsretessrsoseccotenssocetes KOS. .sesseeseesseseeseenee
koriti
LAE i sicssccseccssccoccrcancooes
lddja.
682
TEACGO ..esseessesseesssessteese 276
Led aVje vessesssescsseessseseses 276
LEIA scccsstccccsssistesersesine 276
DOO saosstevides sits isecieess 276
Led OVjE...sssessescsseessseeeees 276
TEAV Ife vesseessesssesseessteene 276
INDICES
LOE Sh betel tetenteseids 283
UU ibtccastscescasevsszesees dessse 282
ODO. cessesseeseereesneesecnee 365
1) J): (a 366
11) ey: (re 366
LO Cit i isc eeesstechson theese 288
LOZESNA vesesessesesssessereeees 287
LO ZI cccbscisc sch ba ccbenese 287
lab...
MAN fs Bteccisc ivcsiinle beck 299
MNGIGE vesesessevererverersesenes 341
MAN]hvssssecssorssresessssseese 341
MANGSI csnsocersszccsineintsons 341
MASI Ov esccccsscsssessseseseseee 302
PHASE. wcsevcionessnctetesnndesiees 302
MATLCTSEVO....eseseseesesesees 303
medojéd
médved.
INDICES 683
mrzéti..
MAP ZIEL .eecccesesecsesssseseeeees
mrzniti
meniti .
meéniti
meétati
meéti..
migati
MUKAI .csesesesesesssssssseseees 317 MOTEL. ceesesserescseeesesees 330 NAL srcccesvecsccevessesevoensoers 346
684 INDICES
NI posccoechesienccsnoeens 352
NICAL ised seboaiieak 353
nikati.. 352
NEKNIE i .oeeececcsessssseseseeees 353
OPEN sdecustecsevicsescsssaasetock 374 PAZ asSevssesises 392
OVD cess soecleiekshale oaks 376 PAZNON AL ..ereecsecseereeeees 393
OUTPOST scaaiissccietedaese
obuti....
INDICES 685
plakati
plamén
plamen....
PVEStLeeeesesesssseseseeeseeees LOTO «ccsvssscscvsesescepsericcrs
prh...
PHONG. eseeessesseessessees 420
progla ..
686 INDICES
POK vasisteeudeicsinsniste: 438 Ay | age R PPE PERT 452 SOV Giisscvcci lakes se ieeisteves 462
SOQ U Lastest tert so
SOQNIEL Ss sisssudoassersdssssies 449 slové
SONU seca cccedivietowwse ese 479 slih
SOJIAC At sssabers hearse 84 slugati
SCJALL. ccccservecorsornsonvonrese 448 sluti
SOV vevcsdeceds Meleseierdistes ties 480 SMOEJALL SC vereseessererserees 456 SEAEL cess ccecssteiece 465, 468
SIO sca ititeee He 444 SMEJALL SC veressesseversesees 456 SLAVIEL . ccidecicdeedisviecete 466
stéblo
stablo...
INDICES 687
studén.
studiti
SUT icine ccceceunstesces ees
Surv...
SUV APL cS inscaneoeis 462 1D, ae Pee nae 503 US itis eile. 532
VAIL cacetosessnsincoteaetesees 512
VOGEL ss cotssccstaiccecsires 512
VAT cevtecsnctssesastssuasecstts 512
VAT acces asin ee 512
VAS sesh assests 539
VOETO vessessssesesesesceeseenes 536
VCP OP sevisvsescnvsesescrussessey 536
vd6va...
VOCE sisrvivsccsrsdantcctviessas
VEDA éccrsnccorsorssstecrnesnveste
véedeti
védro
VEUGE) wasviscesteddcceveckeseee 515
VOLE cose hens 514
109. tein Neda heste 493 EPSh vain See seectacasict 499 VERS eRe shoelaces 514
EDINA asa sncissaceeavesendesceees 504 LP ZALL sievea és ceiver saeceeceates 506 VONILL ccc couisosesseetbeness 521
688 INDICES
vtorak
vtori....
INDICES 689
ZEIGAIC vrsseessesseessecssesees
Zel6dak...
brdsna....
brasn6
DOGG si. sisicccsesieccsisiesee BAG csulesvsnsrsvévicstecdeivasives
Zléza. 557
BOD se. heck diene ids 555
LOC wi Ss devsrsesebesherdesestns 552
LOAN venccssivcicersonsisseeases 565
ZOME Socks fos ab deostackesdesdaied 565 DIESE Ohssth ca cassvessesseadostest
ZVED .nskosestceccntetescoretess 559 DLIZAK irasciccscscestetecettskee
ZIElO Me ceisedveestitieds 559 DUZMAS iiss seictis cock hese
ZLOUL «. cccccssarciesoeessescvessec 559 DLEZO vsicnsasss cdescesnetuccevees
LPN DV sccsass scree Bat ne 566 DY AN elicccntiseeiacseve
ZL Wesses ie scescs hice 566 DUJASAK voeessessssesessessseeeses
PAV O sick eee, 566 DYfASKAM esses
ZUTUED SE. csecccvesecceste ts 564 DYUf ssidiscrssesescrvssnsicenien
bljuvam..
balnivam.. mn
DAIVOM veeseeseessesssssesseesees
690 INDICES
COLT Le crecccsscccessecececerscceeet
CCLVAVER a Sheet 87 Vr cca thsssicksdsted 108 CINES inode: sev ccsrsesebes schesses 141
INDICES 691
jabalka
jablo....
692 INDICES
VASKAjO..esseeseesssesseesees 269
ldzja.
KASUGA Siccosicescscsstensseesinse
KH Gta ooeecccccccsssssssseseees 236
KAY Scscsetotescecreteteatovete 254
KAVA cocseicistedeccoceteot 236
KLAVEN cocescessesssessseesseens 253
Kr épaikeesesssssseseeseenee 246
Kresl6 ieaiiasasctiseicnt 247
KPA seseesriectivicbisseodtsteose 254
Kit) Ojeocsssescctaassieviipncsgeis 247
kroja.... 248
KOS eecccsssssssssvsveseeees 249
KOSNO vessescssscsseveseseseees 249
KOtAK eececcccscsssseseseseees 250
ldboda. a
LOfrsricih tli cee
INDICES 693
MALO vecsesesesesssssssssesseees 302 MOVE weripsccrerssessrvdignieseit 325 6) 0) (cee 362
694 INDICES
prostra
protiv
provra
otrok ...
otvorja
rdabota
radja....
INDICES 695
SOA veressecssssssresssreecseess 444 STFA veeseeesssesssesseesees 444 CESAN veecsssssssssssesessseeees 492
696 INDICES
VOLK. Avssscadesceatieodh: 514 LAVA seresssversrsessressseeses 478 LIC] Dates sesteevie cvesebesen 552
VINE os ercetettiendesestene 535 ZIGLO ses ssestestetsiseadetiece 547 ORAL E ssscstecessestetvescsssts 60
VAP: csceesesceosssissteiscecte sees 522 LMF sacncctecrerrccsntrascrecvese 545 OPAZEG veiccsecesteracereiscesvese 59
VISOK versie sdssevseteavch odode: 535 ZINTA: ssirsisessiarerssisondesdss 545 DIEKNG veseccscssesesssssssseeees 62
INDICES 697
2. BALTIC
2.1 Lithuanian
ASTUS cecccccsssesssssees 144, 379 DATK bi. eececcccccsssssssceees
ASETUS ...4..04..144, 220, 379 baiisti..
ASTUOND weccescscssssssssssssees 379 DAINAS erecseesseesseessessseeene
GSUELAS veecesscsecsccssseseeeees 380
OE aii httrtuta chores 382
GEIAIKAS ..eeceeecssssssesesesees 382.
akstis...
dtsaile.. w 450
akéCios ALSANKE vocccescsscssesescsees 464
GIQUVGS scccsiscisisviencescsisved EVE TL. ceesssesesssssseseseeees 383
AIAIA..eseesseesseseesseesees UZUIUS ..eeeecsssssssesseseeees 551
AZUIUS ..eessescsssessessseseees
DijOti(S) svssessssssssssevee
DIP GINEE eects
DIE ZO ibs ctasssssseh ss eeeettooees
DIGIVAS .oeeeccccccsescsssessecseee
DIGIZY ti esseesssesessesseeees
DIANA .oeeecececcessscsssssseees
blafidas ..
DULCE rotate Te So oscsest,
GPEVATOS ..eeseessessecsesssenes DIISKEti ee eeseeeeeeees
apusé, apuseé. < blyskéti...
APVALUS voeessssssssessseessee DIZ GAS voeesssesssssesseessesesees
APVATG vesescssesesssseseseens
ATAYEL eeseeseeessessee
ATELIS sic chances
arklas.. bdltas... 40, 53
AP OLAL ss Seekck Rsk DalZiCNd..recececeveee 54,55
GILL. Rhscineleaeiiee DaIZICNAS vreeeceeeseees 54,55 Diss cedhseeisvevssaecsiaeeess
698 INDICES
bradas
Dra(i) AY ti oes 63 AOQUEAS ..essesseessssesnsessees 98 DUPE sasseieseieersrdsccrvivneiee
DANK Y ti esseeesseseeeeeee 62 del edie hasecteniiede ts) 103 AUP YS scsscccssstscceccsvecnts
DIATKEAS voeeeeeceseseseseceeeee 64 c(1) | en 102 AUTH diascsccunnauuhe
disuoti...
CTA | re
DIUVIS .ececcssesssscscssseesseees 66 ENG ss isccciiietcetie 134 LPS tile keeiatles
DruZduklis wececccccrereee 66 Gi€VETIS esesessssessseesereeees 105 CISKUS siciessisis iacsisinlessice
DFUZAUS ccccccicceccneeeec FO” — ———- MLEVET IS cesescicdcsizccsecsinss Ps cscisbiseteisisecessecceses
budéti..
DUATUS. vesseeseeesseesseesseesee
DURES! cts sastitvesentesetseses
DUPIG scovstcsccctencseesesconees 69 AYTELL ..cccccrsscsncerarsrsestves 108 EIKSNG vessesseeseesssesseessees
DUPZAUS ...cececeseseeees 70, 287 ANT GILL ssc scascetsseseende soe 136 CLKSNIS ocecseessessseesseeseeee
DUES ieosistcesvestatoneconteesect 72 Air gti .eeseesssesssesseseessees
DUVINEIS...eecececeseseseseeseee 34 AirtiNeleesiiatanhidents
DUVO Ei. eccesesesssseseeteseeees 72 ANE tisivcschevscsecsocteovincstves
DZAEEE: ccs ciccieccndeektstes 431 iV cccesserikecgesescntes
dobilas
drabanas
drabna
drabuzis .
dragés
drakas
dranga
AT AN ZS..eessessssesseesseesees 121 CTSKELAS veseesesssesseessees
ATAPANAS .ereesseessseesseeees 115 CTSKELIS ceesseessesesneeeneeees
US sctesinasgtoeteesnessteser CTSKELT AS... eeseeesssesssessees
INDICES 699
UPDENIS voececcccscsssssssssseees
irklas ...
WIMNEE .oeecscscscssssscsssseees
ZANE L oe reesesseesseseesnessesnes 12, Sustisccveneccesesdesesesonesees
gaidas. jéulnus....
ZV ILUS .eeceseeseecsesneeseenee
GEVIINAS ceesseesssssresssssrees
gyvata
QVVENEL sist ecoszcssn tects ss 562 VTS seccses estas svessesees oes 210 KMEAS ces eesseesecseesseneesnenes 231
700 INDICES
KSC aide oa asteeadalvics TGVINEG .eeecececcscscsceeee 286
KOSUIPS ceessesseesseseesteese 221
KYQALAS woeeteseeseetessesteeee
ASC thin scnsiienitiannes lémezis
kaftas.. kraiijas ... ; lémti....
KATUUS ..eeseecseseesseceeseenes KLQUPUS vossesseeseesseeseene CNAS ssssrsunicovsosessireiiees
KGPVE vesccsicccasivietoo tices KAU stich ccoststorets BBE 0. cccatecestitssrisieeed
hese seeks eays fic Ma eines TiQUPSE ..ecssecssesecsseeeesees
KAtr dS eccccceccce24O KOK Obi ceeceesseerceeee TIGUE ie eeecceccsescscsseeeees
katipas, kdupas.......... BAS ii ceeds
kéuti.... a oe
Kalb dS 22500 i liézti
KGS recseeiteciec teenies 7 lieztvis
KLIS osheci ee titeetevee
kémeras
KODE i ceeeeseeesesceessentecneeee
Kerattieacekvaitasiees
KOLAS .viccisssvceseniievive
kermusé
KePSIAS coeccccccssscscsssssseeees
Ket Utd ieicekghs esse ceiens
11 a re
ketvertas....
ketvi?tas KVEPti.eeseesseceeeeeeseeneene
KilbaSviecie cccccuiesesiescos LQIGGS scivswivsietscssecctscen tes
KAU EDS sonst cesnssadosnenssesverioasen 80 DGiPi Olio. eeeeseseeeeteenees A dibishcrtveciennssbeckense
KiMSEAS veececcesceseseseeecceee 88 laiskas, Ildiskas ........... DDO eisicetosntceese eee
Kir MIS ..ssseessesesssesseen LdiZ tics. fst heicte.
KUNG Sisciacidecdesetcccds ee Late oete ecto
kifpti... ldmeZis ...
kifsnas LANKA wrescsidcsdeivtecviesis
Kit SUAS wessssccsscusieenetivie LARK AS. iecsiscccsaniedeanes
KAPSEL Assess eseccssteciessasete lankyti
KIGUSti ee eeeeees TAPAS veeecsesseessecseseeseenee
klausyti... ; lasisa.... lunkas ....
KIENK Ei. eesssessssessseessees laukani WIZQANG wesssesssesesseesseeens
KLELIS sass stescedsasesss doodstes TQUKGS sie testas ced necies duets MAGEE L ..eessesseesseesseeeneens
MAQUONE ..sesesesererererees 299
WMGINGS sii earioesScchtetes 311
MEAZIAS..sesessersssevereeees 305
MEISE ceecceesseeseesseeseeene
MELE sc 2. ascetic sscecaccstass
MOTKE Bs cvesUcseceunstensseveled
MEPKti .ecsceceseceveees
mésti ...
MIE GAS ..sesveresessevers
MIC QO tL. .esesesssssesseseeseees 316
TMUCLAS..eessesseeseeessessseeees
mieras.
INDICES
MUTPM(D) ENE... eee, 335
MUPMEL Lo eeeccscreressesesees 335
sSiseseutcieresteatececias 333
330, 332
w+ 330, 332
be lara ed 333
Dea gdhduvictuabesvenderegy 354
caccdecuauiecutentincass 354
LA diedabaraeteainsdasies 355
sgplosslsecreuteteoseaads 355
sphcavevlastebsesckereeeede 113
dvcuvcdestonvccnceonstessvont 356
eter retin ates 356
Scsieguaseaccseseveacress 356
Wen tem svacinetatise 358
Sidsscoasgessoensesiceoss 358
nasinti.... 356
NAUAG Ei cesesesesssssssseseees 358
NAW OS ..esseresverersecerereees 357
NE arcsietaleiedcuecais 347
NOQU senscsercsvcrscaaveptenienss 352
NEL 2th heck need ess 352
MOPLO re vccénscssosesvonosessssens 350
neptis wee 351
NEPUOTIS. ..seseeeeeeeee 350, 351
NOFSEAS viccecscssesesscnseseees 349
NOVY ti, NOVY EE ..s.sesserees 347
NUDIEKT oe eceecscscscseeees 48
obelis
obelé....
ODUOIAS..oesccccsscscssssssseeees 25
obuolys
6vaidas
OVYTAS .oesesesseesseeseesereseenes
ozend...
OZINIS fa cia leennaes
PANELS vreeesecceseeesceseseeees
panusti
PAPATTIS....eeeesesesseeseeees 396
PATSELIS eerste 414
PATSIUKAS veseessecseeveerees 414
PAVAIGA wees 525
POZVIMEL .eceesseeeeceesneeeees 551
Pecidlanda....rcsees 454
Pecialinda ..ereees 454
pécius .. we 454
PCleNA verre 395, 411
INDICES
PUISYS criccepsisescoessetieetees 429
PUTS wera redirereunteds 430
TIQUQELL cosivsecsosenssvtssves
riesutas...
TICSUEYS ccccsvececdusnssovsveen
TICES Sc secccnsesccgsenvence snes 436
TING escsesssssssesvsvssseseees 436
TUPUKEE .eceesesesesssessseseees 440
PIAGKATUAS oe eeeeseeeseeseene
PYASIEL scosisescosvsvnsesevcsess 421
PTAUSEL seivsccecsvecstocceesees 423
sausas
SQUSINE 1... tesesececeseteeeee 474
SCAEEL c.ccdscescelncctensseastee 445
S€gti...... +449
SEMENYS vesesvessesseversesees 446
SCPEITILAS .eseessssssssseeees 443
SCPEY NL .sesessessesseeesesees 443
STUVIKAS vesesesesesesvssscseees
SUUVIKAS .oesesesesesessssseseees
skaistus ..
(s)kersai.
(s)kersas
SKICSTL stdin tan ela Nescs
SKIGLOS weesseseeseesssesteens
SKYSEAS veeseessessssesssesessees
SKIANG wesssesseesess sees
SKC, ves eesseeseesseeeee
sklésti ..
SMEQCNYS veressersesereerners 328
smiltis..
smirdéti
SITE GAS ..ssesessereresverereees
sédas.... ig
SOINE i eccssscsseseseseseseee
INDICES 703
SPGINE resssseccscsseseseseeees 397 SUPDIS iaecoscstasiasascesheeos 485 IVETE cccccsssoscssecccatsnctenss 501
SPATIAS vesecscssssssssssseeees 396 SUS Crestide siden ae eh es 485 EVITEGS oes ctesvesceioeeeseses 501
spésti...
SPCKAS.veessecssessesssesssesees ive UNQUIS vesseesseesseerseessees 386
SPEbi ss eecseesesteecstessteesnees unikas
STAUJQ ccacs sock cisveedycagoend UO QS sivscosesssssentaprseesagss
stdgaras tiolektis
stdlas... 2 s tosis .... :
SECIQED . scarssenestsadesisoses wlini UOSEAL swusvscssnusssessresiscies
SEONELL ..eescccccsesesseseeeees A UOSEAS woeescssesecscrssresseeees
stibyna
SELCDAS voesesesssssssssssssreees
stirna ..
SCOVELL .cccssssssccscsscresseees
SEPAZAAS coececsscssssssssssees
SETUJUS cnc secvcsteccecs covets
stumbras.
VAPS(V)Qsessesseeseereeseerses
VAT QOS v.rersssessserererersenes
VATSEAS v..ssecssecesecssecsseees
VATE ois lesea dawns
VATEYEG cesecsesseeressesneenes
varus ...
WAT ZAS Hteccsse secscstetesccas
VASATO veessecssscssscessecsseees
VASKAS esccscsssssssssscsssseees
VAZIONL 3 sesecesececdersecdoces
védaras
VOAAAS iihceiseneiois
veizdéti...
704
VELUSAS weeccscssseresssseeneeee 517
VEZ eae heen: 518
vienas.. 213
VECSULA.ccecsesessssessseeseeeee 522
VECSUIAS voccecscssssesesesesese 522
VIESPAES .esesessecssseseseenes 539
VIIQSIAS vessesssesesseeseseees 536
VILKOS.ccsscssvetinervocsosteceene 537
INDICES
EVAI(Q)EAE...eeeesseeeee 196
ZVENGEL .sessessesseresessesees 550
ZVETIS ceecececsssereneeee 550, 564
2.2. Old Lithuanian
OSKELTAS .sesesesesessessssseees 146
JOVIAL vsseessssereseereseeeenes 30
OVIJE ssesseresreresseseressenenes 30
DADA cen eck Nien hikes 32.
DAUGIt.eeeeseessessecneeneene
batiru6t..
bijat(iés)
birze, birze, bitze wo... 59
blaizgums ..
blaizit
DIANAIIES oo eeceeccccscseeeee 47
DIGUQZINAS..eeseesseeseeseeene 45
blefist, DIenSt......ecceee 44
De Ziedct ewes
bliznis?...
INDICES 795
dzi(k)sla.
AZONE vives keaecesitvis
AZICU AE. 3 sessassesstivadedincs
AZIPNAVAS vesseresesesvereess IAG Sooo Se, toroeonckecnn
AZIPNUS veresesssressssereceens 566 QV ITAL cesses tesneesnees 189
CEB ictocereceseintsoekcs 104, 111
OVINE esessessessssesseseeeees 101
AeVit(Ai)S..sseeseessesseeeees 101
GID ENS scvcssetecssrecveeanscves 133
elkuone...
CIKUONIS .oeeseeseeseeeereene
CIKUONS weresseseesesseesereene
dracit... iétala ...
At ad Zt sta eetoked VCLET EC. .cescssesessssessseesesens
Ar AK AICS... cececeseseseseceeee 119 CL-CIS: ssscsvacastssscseteesisbortes 375 LOVE ecdaccvcsieiisiveiaens
706 INDICES
KGITINGL...eeeccesesesssseeeees 235 TA Q)ZdA weseeseesseesseesees 287 MAUAAGL uoesesseressseerereeees 338
KAKIS Secsisscictsncecenecs 229 laizit, 1AiZit... eee 280 WMIAUIS hice inne 331
INDICES
TAUQALIES ..o.seesessssseseeees 441
FAUKLIS soessieeocnsexensssves 441
PASCUA. eseccereresrerseeerens
pavalgs
pavalga...
SADNIS seeseccseecacecseiestees
SAPS ....
SOPELNL cs desseccscessctesseeese’
SEPELUES < crsrecccusssescrerieiees
SOTSIG viesecssssscrsessseseeeees
SOSEAIS .oesesecccscessessesesees
sét
SKAISES ..ceccsesesesesessssssssees
skardit....
SKIAAAG weccesesesesesesesvees
skriet
smaidit... ‘
SNAPS .reseseseresvsvsvsrsrees
SMES voesesesssssssssssssseeees
708 INDICES
smidindt, smidindt.... 456 BILE? sossecoseccsbacsciiuagheae 504 VAPEA scvcisiversec eouients 539
VASATG oresesessesessssssesereens 517
vasks....
viésulis
VIESUIS. .oescscscscscssscseseseee
VITS1S a tadsdwekehtiais
VUTSUS Aoevebecovsiaccavesvetics
SEYQUJO voesessereresrereeseers 470 UOC EC eeeseresssresesverereens 300 VIE siete See MOR
SEVPAZAS verecesesseresssressssens 120 UOAZE vesesserssssressseerereenes 388 VIP ZIS Go esssiet Secs destacsits
SEUMDI(L)S sesseessesseeeeee DO ses sti ascites dtoeses [SSvecisnec eects
siibrs.
seks tee delhi teose ZVAIGAIA voseessessssessseesees
VONKA? scccestsishiaes 525, 526 ZVAIQZNE vsssessesesssessersees 196
valsts....... 11524, 526
VALUGAZE rsecesesserereseeees 217
VAPSCNC.essescsssssssseveesee 377
VATQS, VATS? srssecseeeee 527
INDICES 709
ACKIS ickscchpecisivatotasee 365 AAIPtan..ereecsecseeree 112, 231
AAAIE Beiscccctidusdgevrih asks 139 AANiMAX wesc 107, 327
QUNEWEL oo esessesesessereseenes 197
iaukint
AeSSCMPES .essecseessesrees 100 IIS isiscetNecsuinsaesstesceesss
dessimpts... ... 100 yecroy..
ACSSIMNEON vessesesesserereess 100 TIDE sscssesccvesdoadsvscsetvebsncek
ANQUIQIS ..cssssesesseresseens 386 AeSSTNES ss eessesseessessees 100 instran
ANSONIS .ccccscssscssssssscssees 388 AIANES .oeecesesesesssessseeees 102 insuwis
GIT SOS eicscins ccsevancstacsvies INNOZE vavasciecvsssvcesovessénses
dyrsos .. i
dragios
CNKOPES .rersecsecceersereerees 233
CLISEION ..eccsssescesessseseenees 151
GS: - asciadstecariseccsiteteienveaevs 31
CSKELLES vesesesesesssvsssssseees 145
OSE. Hex incoccse deccessesntesstoen 146
CSEUTCILO w.esceccceresseeseerees 30
QUMUSNAN wo ssescceseseeeee 506 OLS” cisevieussamesinscaseienecares® 382
GUSINS cccssscccistsscosstesueds CLDAUGINES .....esessesesssrees 68
GUSTIN ee eeeeeesseeeneeeeeeees CLWETTECIS .....scesesecreseesees 383
austo ... gabawo...
Seokiceutoeee3h! > BONS Bessscctcenseatedvcents CTQUYO viesessssssseereeeseens
SAvbahscnieee 8! “pelSOriiecadSiieieliek KLAWIAN wessesesssssssssseees
CLOSIAN Scscccd ciesesteives:
crixti ldiskas.
laygnan..
girmis TAIASSO wesseesessesssessesseenes
QITNOYWIS vassereseseerereers 566 LANGA .eseesesessesesseeereseees
710 INDICES
LAN OMS... 288 NOALIS..seseccsseescereeseeseees 346 SON ~ cccscivassevsneocessutsvcesses
TAUXNOS woseesseeseeseeseens 291 NOVIS dic Nibitladby, & 347 septmas
Sijwan.....
sindants
SUSITIS .oessesssesesseesseseees
SKASEAN .seeseesssesssesseesee
SCUTAIS Leseessesseesees
STANK .essesssesseestesseeens
snaygis
pettegislo... soalis ... te
PICNCTS . nsccessesveossevsedonvs SOUNS sncscssszecisrsteecssnsess
PINES sv sdosctcsdceretocenees spoayno
PITIMS vereessesseceeseeseenes SEQLIS:ciossschncsneosteredeteees
PITSEEN voeeecsecsecseeeeneenee stallan
plasmeno...
PleyYNis verses SEAS Sexscvssoreccssossegvvsstetes
PODAINE..eceessecseeeeeene SLAVIA illsn cevibes ot
PODdAISO vee. strigeno
POMESES....seeeeeseseeeeeeeees SUIIS ceeeessessseseseeesneeeene
POSINNAL weecsessseseseeeees SUNUN dealececsiniacscenieccievs
POSTAL ...recccccesersersreeeees SUTIS .ecssssecsessnsessesceseneens
pouton.... a swestro ... te
PYACATHS weresesseesseseresees SWINTTAN .esesseseseseerereees
PrAlictON... esses SWIILUES sisersesrscustetetictoen
PVASEION .esesesreesserereeees SWITTNS .scssesesseseresseneeees
NAREIN sca cauasticccdisece: 355
Namoyumpelk ........0.+ 54
Namuynballt......sesse.
nautin........
newints warnis
NO ccvencsacsstenivdsecvartiaistes é WATTINE ....ecccssecscereseeenee
wissambs .. es
WISSCNE..essesesssesserssescnes
WOGITIS w.ecccsssesssesesesseees
WOASIS viccccssesssessereesscsees
wobalne
wobilis....
wundan
WUSCHIES vecccsscssssesssesesese
3. GREEK
3.1 Greek
CHYEIPO ss scrsiecsrnecteccenacts 190
APAPIO KD .oesseeseeseesereens 28
APYETOG essesesssssesesseeseens 375
GPKEVOOG ... esses 375
Gpotpov .... «374
POW sin scseecccevserecoseseres 373
INDICES 7
OOD sserrsisecsseestedeevsatveeses 99
AXEPOV vsseseeseeseeeesees 148
BONAVOG wo ssessesssesseeeeee 556
Bapabpov..
YUYVMOKW oe sssessesseeeeees
yAapupoc..
YADYEC. essessessesseesseeeee EKELVOC voesescssssssssseeeesees 144
YVOUO..eeseseseesesseeseees EKD POG sions scoasssrenticneeses 475
YOYY POG wssesseesesseesseeees ENAQOG voesesecseecseesseessees 369
YOYVYPOVI osseesesseesseesees ENAPPOG..oesseesseesseeseees 207
YOYYUAOG weessesssseessseeees ENDOG sessnsccrrsecnscrnsantece 297
YOupos
EVTEPO ..esseseeseeseees 158, 387
ee
EPEVYOMOL ..eeseesseesersees 441
EQKETO sescssecsseseesseeseesees
EomEpoc..
712
EUleciscecvecstecdessoectdvceonees 382
VOM Biss hiditenine 131
evOevis... 8l77
EXLVOG...cveissseorrsenseseesonss 149
KAWOPOG vssesseeseseesseeseess 81
KALAOT/V.... 461
KOL(L) AP OV... sesesesseeseees 81
KOTIVOG...scsccscescrseseesenes 233
KAPBATIVAL eee 263
Kapdia
Kdpvn..
KApTIATLVOV
INDICES
KOTITO .ccscssessescsseseeseees 233
KODE: scrccciscrssecsensesoovnen 528
KOPWVN... 528
KOOOUQ OG. ssesesesseseesees 239
KOWLXOG vssesesseeesesessees 239
LIT] NOLVI seve case censcspsienncoes 321
HAXOS
[t080c....
TIEANOPAPOG .sseesseeeseees
TEWTULOG se vvsccosvsctecostess
TEpINMEKTEW
TIEPLKOAANGS ..
Ttopeiv
MOTE POG seserscsivecvecnctvere
INDICES 713
Oapowol ....
péBopat
OKAUPW veces 30 NEW. ssssesstesseesseeseesseeeee
OKOPISEG...essesssseessseeeees
oxida...
otéh\Aw
OTEP YW vosssecsesseesseseesnes
OTOVOG vesescesessescsseseeeees
OTOPVOUL
OTOPVULL
OTOXOG....
OPOYYOC ..essessesesseseesees
TAVOOG isi sescsbessssessessesese
TODPOG..eecesseseseseseseseees
Tapdaoow
4. INDO-IRANIAN
4.1 Sanskrit
714 INDICES
CALUP AS. csccccccecuescecseveeses 87 QUA a. cS setocinhsacoecagetcteen 178
CALUTENG-vaceesessesseeseeseens 87 QT AINA virescsssessssesseeee 190
catvaras
APAVINO ties eecsseeecseeeees 383 AV ALL sciscctsissctisiseass
apivrnoti.
l sethswere hewn CS LEERY ETO ERO ee 107 AUTANYO~ .eeeeeeesseectiens 547
GE sevsstecorusacescuestncdeestesece DAY? cessesserssssessvesnnionss 108 ArGQUNI- wees esses 185
564 kravis- . 1 254
199 kravyd- 253, 254
559 KINGti wees 248, 254
179, 187,
INDICES 715
prechati..
PITAL ec reeccseecseeeceee
Lip Ati westeseeeseeseeeeeees
ADAYAT osteo 281 NE -cistesilecersspescvests 353> 354 TINGKEH oo eeeccccccsescscsssseees
MAARU-.eescesseeees 306, 307 PICA sett Rests 353. 354 PIMAEL sc sccccls Sees sobes
NIA eeessesesssssssesesssneees 169 THLE ve secssesssseessesseseeee
N1-AVAYAL eecssssesccssseeeee 117 TOCAYALL ..essesesssesesseseens 290
nistya... fe rocis- ...
SOSCOS] vesesecscssseresseseseees
SASENG-o.cecesesesesessssseeees
Sastra-
pinaka-... ie Satam.. :
PINGSTL .oeeeessscesesceeseees SAVY A> ciciatiecssinsciesectsers
PIT QAIA- ores SOLU ac secssesseessesssesseeens
SITICOEL vossns cea vehedavcinsces
SIVYAEE sich as Mets cee cas
smayate..
716
sphira-
srama-
Sravas-
Srosati
SERANA= veccssescsssesseeseeses 465
SVAT- (SUVAP-) verses 479
SVASAT~ veecsesssesecsesereneee 445
Svasrit- 1 475
SVASUTO> vesetesecesssserereeee 475
LAPAY ALL seesessesseseeseeees 496
EAVIEL pisice, Locctccececssveved
LAV > eeci ia stsecn esas cee
tisthati
tASALD .esessscesceseseeeseeees
ELAS si ccrvsesescnsisescystecs
tfna-....
INDICES
VOISA=sescocissogsesvascbisesings
VANG~ viccesesccscscrersssesesees
vanoti..
VOY aisccstscesciscvdstacsia beads
vardhate
VATSMAN-oiesesesvsssssssreees 538 KAY aiccsscresicscscssiseserecstecs
VATLANGR vecsessesecserssseseee 516 maéya-
VATLALE ...ecscssesesseressesees 539 NGM visssessscessseeresescseenes
MONG vessesessseresveressseeses
maoiri-
MNAZAG .oeresesseresvsrsrsseeres
mazga-
VED: oa Latent chice bah 519 MIOBANA~o...sssecrseeervees 319
i MIOBATA eeessrescerreeen
raoxsna-.
SILI 2 eetcccvinsecdivanstece
VEEL sssecscesnisstadewvecee cess 415 SAT OOU=<ccsdisisccsetiiivasesiss
VIANGVGR- vesesesesesssssvssees 536 SNAOOAH vesesesesesessssssseees
bs cncaveacespat seeseasteacetenses SPOINLA- voesessssesssceseseenes
YUL. sis derseseatard cvaicchstsrese 154 4.3 Late Avestan
YU recrrectosces Secceeesteec es 208 baya-...
5. ITALIC
5.1 Latin
AAZAIti .oesesessssessseeseeeees AD: Sacer ecn ieee
drazaite.. accipiter.
ATUUD- vresessereseeees ACE Becivsscinscinsntecsersseste
INDICES
COPVUS serocesioccieanentessees 236
COVOLE. iS cies tase stecekespeede 267
clavis.... 226
angustus
ANIMUS .sesessereresrsreesseens
CADAILUS oeeeccecssesscecseees 232 COUIUM vesssesesesesessssseeees 139
COIAMIEAS vi. eececeseseseceseee 230 CO UNUS cect Diokegecseesiades 139
CAT PCT E sressesssesserserneeseenee 84 OT” siiteectorsstleccianesstocoests 57
CATTELE ia Bacsiccsgsiiass 236 ORLA MAE RES sacs 33
717
SOTUS: sicsssetovcisnscosuressdoues 550
SOSEINGTE Loess 70
PACES seit Nhe vas 121
gracilem
graculus
QTANUM ooereesereresereesseees
gremium....
718 INDICES
mulgére
INUS versvvsssssivnsedsserssserses
MUSCQ.....
musculus
muscus
miuscus PTODUS wereereessecsecneeseenees 418
MULUUS ..sesesecsesesees 318, 319 Puller fesicccs einen, 48
i PULTE arisiceserrecdicsresseess 425
QUGIUM weeeeeseereeeesteees 240
latére...
VAL AT ve eececccesssessssssees 268
SCALE siscccccsvuncoreniney 450
SOPEOM .reescrsssersesersereees 443
SCPELINUS..rsssesesssvssssseees 443
SOTETEiscsusccesccnseteacegertses 448
SOVESCETEC ...sccesccsseceeseeeee 264
S€rUS....
SOCET Sateiatccccsiastccietsntice
SOCTUS ois sorccsescnscennsstecs
La) eae
somnus
POT sessssespescivcenntes esterases 395 SONMUS sc sstesvsscecsesessedierses
PCTPINES .eereeessesseessesseeeee 41 SOPIVC essecssessersecneeseesees
per-magnus... +6395 SOror....
PAllEUs weeereecsecsecseeseenee 427 SPUCTC vereesescsecneesecneeneens
DINGO vse cecsstecesissscvecnsises 397 SPUING westcrssctvecsiniecenssss
PINSCTC .ececcccrsrseseeereees 426 SEATC.sesessrsssseereees
piscis SLELMETO icc is weet ciseendetes
mors... +480 pix ... stringere.
MOTTUUS we sessessesesseseeees 342 plangere SURTE sscstaceensticesiereteets
MOVELE..sisssvecsivssrissusees 338 plectare sidintieweseieuantenne 404 SUQCTC vesssssssseseessseseresees
INDICES 719
BULAUS ccdncdcesnovicereins POSTEO... esecccrseseescreeseeseees 415
SUPATEC vosessesecsersene
tabére.. 5.3 Medieval Latin
LAUT US vicdetecsvsessssardeertods MUG elesvinsissecessccssndesizs 338
LCNUIS ....esscrcssesecececeeeee
tepidus 5.4 French
COV ETE ssc CLUVE wscocredscsescaseieces’d 215
POS OT iacssds ced saseee teoievee 150
PHOS sasviccossvesactcsesseveceenize 46
5.5 Spanish
ASO sS ictsscddeccoststeonnces 371
DeleSA.eecececesesesessssssssesees 36
VOLES coscsesseseceecesnetscesvi 36
DAME weicceoulsccccassietecien set 53
CALE scvcrvccccsvssseaconsiesceoess 28
5.7 Lombardian
Paid ree lcinanees 53
PAUL viesecscrcsserserersereeeenes BS AAP be oiieens tesa ptiseses
6. CELTIC Tatil pies
LCC CA ses ietsechcccrn toes
6.1 Old Irish Lee pekwaisreaisialies:
salach
salann
720
MOGS wo eeessesseeseesceeeceseee 310
MOGISCOQ.sesessesesserereenes 310
6.4 Old Welsh
DEEP clin, doocnsacdoen pie 145
SEYULIU oe eesecssesscrseesenseee 470
INDICES
DAIJAN wes eessseseesteseeene 39
DAITAN oececcceccsesssssescseeees 73
DAIL ZANE! vss 37
bairgan .. -
DAITNES .eecececsesesseseeeeeees
balwawesei
DAWN esssesssesssseesseeeees
barizeins
bilaigon..
DIUNES vee eececsesesssreeeeeeees
DiTNES oo eeecesseseseseeeseenes
blandan sik
DUNS veeeecescssesesssseeeeess
DI OPAL wressesseeeeceesneeeees
AAAGAN vues
dailjan ... 102
dats eee ndieccacs 103
AUG icrrsvistesesecinescleny 128
6.8 Breton distairan .99, 104, 107, 135
KQOUANN vieeessssessssseveees 462 AiUDS.ereessessersseeenees 125, 133
KQOUCNN veecescsssseseseseees 462 AUS 2. scdeastesescs 12.4, 127, 129
ATIUQAN wosseesseesseesseeseens 122
6.9 Gaulish AUIQS serrsrcccssrrasivestnrsnnsse 130
METCASLUS vssesesssserereees 325 SATON eeeeesesseesseesseesee 427
OAOCOSs esecineierscasvisencastie 139 PUN cisceissesccasnssiescet nates 400
rAIAAN uses. 557
7. GERMANIC SUGONAS. ceesseessssesssesssee 420
7.1 Gothic
(gah AiTjAN ees 74 QAVEIGS veeseesseestessteeseens 171
Of Ssetiss sh resectcheedeves 407 GAAAVAN verses 109, 110
APAQUIDS u.oeeseesseeseesseeene 97 GA-AQUISAN .oeseeesseeeeene 137
APMIAP AN... 223 GOMTADAN voesseeseessseesseens 118
AFMAUIPS wo eseessesseeseees 299 GAATAUNES....eesseesseesees 122
aggwus.
INDICES 721
hairda.
hairto
11 558
GiPQN veseeseerserneees 160, 161
siujan
skeinan...
SWISEAD .ossecccssecscesesneenes
CAINS WO. oeseecscsssssesssesees
CAUNUN a eeeececcssscsesesseees 100
taihunda...
WE sissiiisssecn are 533
MAUYQINS wsesesverees 325, 342 WOITPAN .esssesssssrsrsrseeees 515
meki....
722 INDICES
SPTVCELA ..rceccssssesseserseeees
springa...
INDICES
7.6 Danish
DULN-UTE oeeeeccesesesssesesesees 36
Diy lite a tesiasael teases dostsbeiss 36
77 Old English
GIAGHE siceciSodctisiccececd 367
GOfELAN cesssscasecrvvserssns a 392
SICA seessesessessesssessees 167
QNIAN weeseeesseesseessesee 170
QTIINAN wosesresesssrereeees 195
ALM edtashaste diel: 447
HEGOOP Sosces Scseckovccevavons 241
mengan..
MUISCIAN woeeeccssecscereseeenes
teoru....
LLCT SAN. ceseseseressevsnereees
LO sasessseseseeesscseneneneenenenes
7.8 Middle English
DUNT EN woesescsescssscsssssees 47
7.9 Modern English
DUNE eeececsccscscsesssseees 47
724 INDICES
bilesa
bilisa
scrintan ..
seichen
theismo (deismo)....... 493
LUI N-PQUING wosesssssssrsreees 99
LODE. eisBiccuscesssnséeaveesed 118
treffan. u8
EVI ZOAM ccsssedenscsenieusssensvecs 117
wala .
INDICES
ZETQON .srerererererereeereeeens 136
7.13 Middle Low German
spranke ..
SPTINKE veseersersecneeveesees
DEKE ik Sorscechtccctiaretecesigs 33
DILENC.eececceseseesesees 36, 73
DIEKSINO cececcsscscscsessseeees 45
DIUSTION vescecccsesssssssesseees 65
KUSING .oesesesesessssscsceeees 263
MAQOSAMO o.eseresessreeeees 299
maki...
MAKON .oeresesserersseerereees
MECOPIN vesssssssssssssssseees 299
MEIAON vescscscssssssssssseeees 320
QUEL .oeesesssessecneeseesees 554
QUAD PO. esreessereecneereesees 553
WOOT int) Asscsstatcovepteosae 523
WUT... esseesseeeseens 415, 516
7.15 Middle Dutch
DiLSe ateccieireutcecas 36
JONKEN vases 156, 158
KATMAN eseesseessesseesseeeee 92
KATMOZIN .esessssesssesessee 92
kwaad ....
KWAD.essesssessssesssesseessees
726 INDICES
10. ARMENIAN Wie eis see Botecesb ceases 447
8. HITTITE
CATIA once aunties
ed-*'/ad-
hamank..
hara(n)-
12. NON-IE
11. ALBANIAN KAOMUE vesesesesesssssssseees 204
11 EPR RENE NSO 29
DALE oes. cccoctenscecsscivts 53 12.6 Arabic
DE eaiaadiiceicthincs 39 QUTTINIZ as en tes tecatesvinecisten 92
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